The Colbert Factor

18/08/2025

Who Will Lead Cameroon After October 12? Televised Debates Set to Shake Up Presidential Race

Colbert Gwain Muteff Factor (formerly The Colbert Factor)

During its quest for autonomy from mainland Abuh in the 1970s and 1980s, the Muteff community in the Fundong Subdivision of the then Menchum Division in Cameroon's then Northwest Province had as a rallying point the Muteff market square. This platform allowed community members, divided into two factions—Party I, which advocated for separation from Abuh, and Party II, which supported continued allegiance to Abuh—to voice their positions and engage with one another.

It was at this market square that the famous Yindo Tanghe would fiercely engage with pro-independence advocates each time he returned from Abuh to his compound in Upper Muteff, revealing the decisions they had reached regarding Abuh's denial of Muteff's autonomy. His manner was often arrogant, which added fuel to the intense debates that ensued. The debates were so heated that onlookers feared they might escalate into violent confrontations. Yet, despite the anger, the villagers knew how to temper their emotions and navigate his outbursts.

The Muteff market square platform was reminiscent of the campaign caravans of former British Southern Cameroons politicians in the 1950s and 1960s. During this time, leaders of John Ngu Foncha's KNDP party, who favored reunification with East Cameroon, and Dr. E.M.L. Endeley's Cameroon People's National Convention (CPNC), which favored continued allegiance to Nigeria, would travel together to campaign venues in the same vehicles, share the same soapbox, present their differing campaign messages, embrace each other, and depart without causing harm to their opponents.

It is apparently to relive the good old days' experiences of the then Southern Cameroons that a new, independent, and nonprofit think tank, the Cameroon New Initiative (CANVI), founded by ace journalist Eric Chinje and other well-meaning Cameroonians both at home and abroad, has been established to organize presidential debates for all 12 candidates retained by the Constitutional Council for the upcoming October 12 presidential election.

The imminent debates, which are supposed to be broadcast live on all major Cameroonian and foreign TV channels, and which will be the first of their kind in the history of Cameroonian politics, featuring the candidates instead of their representatives, will go a long way in edifying the anxious Cameroonian electorate on the key issues of the day.

The CANVI initiative, which is equivalent to the U.S. Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD) established in 1987, will provide a premier platform for all 12 candidates running for Cameroon's top job to have equal and unfettered access to the electorate under the same conditions. Although few details have emerged about the workings of the new Cameroon initiative, it is hoped that it will collaborate with the candidates' campaign teams to agree on specifics, including debate formats, venues, and the number of debates before the election. Additionally, CANVI is expected to establish a code of conduct for the debates, similar to the one used in the last U.S. presidential election, where candidates agreed to mute their microphones when another candidate is speaking and to have no studio audience.

The organizers of the presidential debates could consider several possibilities, including having moderators pose questions in both English and French, incorporating panelists or a town hall format, and setting a 90-minute duration, similar to some football tournaments. In terms of format, the debates could consist of opening statements from each candidate, followed by rebuttals and a question-and-answer session.

Other flexible options could include allowing candidates who, for various reasons, cannot be physically present in the live studio to participate virtually using technology. Additionally, motion-based debates could engage the audience by enabling them to vote on a motion via an app at the start and end of the debate. To make the program more engaging and informative, post-debate discussion or analysis segments could be introduced, featuring experts who provide further insights, context, and fact-checking of claims made by the candidates.

As the candidates prepare to face off in their first-ever presidential debate matchup in late August or early September, either in Yaounde or Douala, it's worth noting that debates are highly anticipated campaign events. A good performance by a presidential candidate can significantly influence the election outcome, given the extensive nationwide viewership that presidential debates attract. According to a recent poll cited on History.com, "more than half of all voters have been influenced by the Great Debates." This highlights why presidential debates have become a crucial part of the presidential campaign and voter decision-making process.

With CANVI bracing up to sponsor nonpartisan debates for presidential candidates in the October 12 Presidential election at neutral locations, all candidates, including incumbent President Paul Biya, should seize the moment. Their debate performance will impact how favorably they're perceived by voters, affecting the choices of thousands of undecided Cameroonian voters. One key advantage of performing well in debates is commanding significant media attention, as media outlets are heavily invested in covering the debates. According to U.S.-based Nielsen ratings, presidential debates dominate news coverage 48 hours before and after the debate, with content across other media platforms likely skewing more political than usual. For instance, the 2016 Donald Trump-Hillary Clinton debate generated around 17 million debate-related posts on X (formerly Twitter).

Research indicates that persuasive campaign messages on social media, communication channels, and rallies tend to fade quickly, often overwhelmed by live TV debates by candidates themselves. Debates, as the ones about to be organized by the new Cameroon think tank, have the advantage of allowing candidates the opportunity to make the case for their candidacy directly, without relying on the filtered coverage of the campaign through news media.

Like the Muteff market square scenario, the tradition of integrating debates between candidates into a political campaign goes back to the 19th century. According to HowStuffWorks, presidential debates originated during the senatorial campaign between Lincoln and Douglas in 1858, when Democratic Senator, Stephen A. Douglas and the Republican candidate Abraham Lincoln held a series of seven debates. In 1860, the Lincoln-Douglas debates were published as a book and a vital campaign document that finally informed the tradition of interactive political debates between candidates.

While radio debates between candidates started in 1948, featuring Thomas Dewey and Harold Stassen, two Republican primary candidates who debated over outlawing communism in the United States of America with 40-50 million Americans listening to the live debate, the first televised debates were broadcast live in 1952, and sponsored by the League of Women Voters.

In these perilous times, a truth-seeking and informative local news organization like The Muteff Factor (formerly The Colbert Factor) is essential. But, it’s not easy, cheap or profitable. The Muteff Factor is a solution-oriented, independent non-profit content creation medium. It serves as the ‘first draft’ for newspapers, radio and TV stations, online news outlets and blogs. We don’t have ads and we are independent of corporate and government interests.

You can help us continue creating more investigative, balanced, fair, reliable, credible and educative content, by donating your widow’s mighty mite through MTN momo number: 677852476 or Orange Money at 687338370, both numbers bearing Colbert Gwain Fulai

Fascinating stories from the past you can trust, plus hit shows.

16/08/2025

Time to Close the Village Provision Store: Cameroonians Seek Fresh, Energetic Leadership in 2025

Colbert Gwain Muteff Factor (formerly The Colbert Factor)

If one thing sets Muteff village in Fundong Subdivision of the North West's Boyo Division of Cameroon apart on the world stage, it's the fact that events there sometimes have national, regional, and global significance. In its early stages of villagehood, Muteff boasted a generation of vibrant local elites, including my uncle's son, Bobe Jacks Sani, who owned the village's lone provision store. This was because other equally vibrant and capable local elites believed that to achieve the community's stated Balanced Development Goals (BDGs), diversification was necessary rather than concentrating efforts in one direction.

Although Bobe Jacks Sani was aware that he was the sole provider of necessities in the young community, he often failed to appreciate the need for his constant availability as a public service provider. Initially, his store was a hub for the entire community, and he was hailed as a blessing for sparing villagers the burden of traveling long distances to Abuh or Fundong for basic goods. However, over time, his service became erratic. As he frequently traveled for other business ventures, he would often lock up his store, even when customers were approaching, claiming he had other pressing appointments.

Despite pleas from desperate villagers who needed essential items like salt or oil, Bobe Sani wouldn't spare a moment to serve them. Instead, he would arrogantly ask them to return later or travel to other communities to purchase what they needed. He would sometimes close his store for weeks and months without apology, expecting villagers to understand that he had more important engagements elsewhere. When he finally returned from wherever he was and got wind of the fact that villagers had been complaining, he got irritated and expected them to apologize for challenging his prolonged and unexplained absence.

As desperation grew, other vibrant village elites were forced to open their own provision stores and accessory businesses to meet the community's needs in real time. With increased competition in service delivery, Bobe Jacks Sani's influence began to wane, and his business gradually declined until his family eventually closed the once-thriving shop.

Just like Bobe Jacks Sani of Muteff village, 92-year-old President/candidate Paul Biya, who has ruled Cameroon for 43 years, literally runs the country like a village provision store, locking it up for weeks and months to stay away in Europe or his native village, Mvomeka'a. On October 21, 2024, President Paul Biya returned to Cameroon, 50 days after he took off for the Africa-China summit on September 4, 2024, and which ended on September 8. Instead of apologizing to Cameroonians for his prolonged absence without justification, the regime's supporters organized crowds to thank him for finally returning home.

Since his return home, President Paul Biya has made a few notable appearances, including addressing Cameroonians via TV on New Year's Eve, receiving the diplomatic and national constituted corps in January, addressing youths on Youth Day, and presiding over the May 20 National Day activities. Despite these events, he has granted fewer than five audiences to foreign signatories at Unity Palace and has hardly been seen interacting with Cameroonians. Notably, his former cabinet minister, Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who resigned last July, revealed that President Biya granted him an audience only once in 20 years.

When the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) reported that in October 2016, an overloaded train derailed in the small town of Eseka, killing over 75 people, President Paul Biya was away on a "brief private visit to Europe." He returned two days after the disaster to offer condolences briefly on the airport tarmac. A year later, when protests erupted in the two English-speaking regions of Cameroon, Biya was on another "private" visit, this time to Geneva, Switzerland. He didn't return for three weeks, even as security forces violently suppressed demonstrators, sparking a simmering guerrilla war. Regime apologists dismissed these concerns, claiming that Biya continues to work effectively even from abroad.

Following a review of 4,000 front pages of the state-owned newspaper, Cameroon Tribune, the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) found in a 2018 report that Biya had spent at least four and a half years on his "private visits" abroad. This total excludes official trips, which add up to another full year of his time abroad. In some years, like 2006 and 2009, the report revealed, President Biya spent a third of the year out of the country. The calculations, according to the OCCRP, were conservative because some editions of Cameroon Tribune were hard to find, and archives in Cameroon, France, and the United States have gaps in their collections that span several years.

The total hotel bill for President Biya and his collaborators during one stay at the InterContinental hotel amounts to around $40,000 per day. At this rate, the cost of all the President's private trips, totaling 1,645 days, would add up to approximately $65 million since he came to power, excluding additional expenses such as food, entertainment, and private plane rentals, according to the report.

When President Biya is in Cameroon, he is not readily available, accessible, or active. Instead, he works through proxies and issues "High Instructions" that are often shrouded in doubt. Notably, despite being in the country, his candidacy for the upcoming October 12 presidential election was announced via a tweet. Furthermore, his papers were submitted by a delegation led by the party's Secretary General. Meanwhile, Minister of State Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh, Secretary General at the Presidency, has been receiving numerous delegations on the President's behalf, acting as a proxy for the President and candidate in the forthcoming election.

The situation in Cameroon today is aptly captured by Beko Sadey's song "Les Refugies," where attempts to meet the president are thwarted by the secretary, who has become the gatekeeper. The secretary dismisses everyone who wants to see the president with excuses such as "Le patron n'est pas là", "Le patron est en mission", or "Revenez demain ou la semaine prochaine."

President Paul Biya resembles Arthur "Boo" Radley from Harper Lee's classic novel, "To Kill a Mockingbird". In the story, Boo Radley lives in a small Alabama town, where children grow up hearing about him without ever seeing him. The kids even dare each other to approach his house, sometimes throwing stones in hopes of getting a glimpse of him. However, instead of confronting them, Boo shows his kindness by leaving gifts, such as toys and sweets, for the children to find. This mysterious behavior only adds to the speculation about Boo's appearance and nature.

Scout, one of the characters in the book describes Boo's appearance, "His face was as white as his hands, but for a shadow on his jutting chin. His cheeks were thin to hollowness; his mouth was wide; there were shallow, almost delicate indentations at his temples, and his gray eyes were so colorless I thought he was blind. His hair was dead and thin, almost feathery on top of his head."

This is the reclusive character who is said to be seeking another term in the upcoming October 12 presidential election. However, before they seem to retract from their original position, the Bishops of Cameroon had, in a strongly worded pastoral letter, effectively disqualified any candidate who is not readily available, accessible, and proactive as the next President of Cameroon. The Cameroon New Initiative (CANVI), a thought leadership initiative floated by Eric Chinje, a prominent Cameroonian international media consultant, has outlined a robust job description for the CEO of Enterprise Cameroon that would definitely disqualify characters like Boo Radley, not to mention the 92-year-old President Paul Biya, who has ruled for 43 years and counting. And, as the celebrated Beko Sadey would say, it's case closed – case closed.

In these perilous times, a truth-seeking and informative local news organization like The Muteff Factor (formerly The Colbert Factor) is essential. But, it’s not easy, cheap or profitable. The Muteff Factor is a solution-oriented, independent non-profit content creation medium. It serves as the ‘first draft’ for newspapers, radio and TV stations, online news outlets and blogs. We don’t have ads and we are independent of corporate and government interests.

You can help us continue creating more investigative, balanced, fair, reliable, credible and educative content, by donating your widow’s mighty mite through MTN momo number: 677852476 or Orange Money at 687338370, both numbers bearing Colbert Gwain Fulai

13/08/2025

12/08/2025

Healing the Wounds of War: Senator Enwe Francis' Initiative Brings Back Hope to Widikum

Colbert Gwain Muteff Factor (formerly The Colbert Factor)

Many youths in Muteff village, located in the Fundong Subdivision of the Boyo Division in Cameroon's Northwest Region, have fond memories of their journeys to the forest regions, particularly the Manyu Division in the Southwest Region. These memories often stem from their regular stopovers at the Widikum market, where they would typically savor locally prepared bush meat or purchase tins of palm oil.

Upon returning to Muteff, they would use the palm oil to perform traditional wedding rites. Back home, they would enthusiastically narrate to any villager who cared to listen about the lively and fun-filled experiences they had leaving Mamfe and passing through Numbers to spend time at the vibrant Widikum weekly market.

Unfortunately, for these Muteff youths, the outbreak of the existential conflict in Cameroon's two English-speaking regions, with Batibo, Widikum, and Mamfe becoming epicenters, has thwarted their dreams and chances of continuing to enjoy the good things this beautiful enclave offered.

Lured by Anglophone activists who promised quick-fix solutions to —a term I coined in 2024 to describe the systemic exploitation and marginalization of English-speaking communities in Cameroon since independence—the once peace-loving Widikum youths, like others in the two English-speaking regions, took up arms against the central government in Yaoundé. Their objective was to reclaim the former Southern Cameroons' status, which would have remained separate from Francophone Cameroon, given that the latter gained independence in 1960, while the Southern Cameroons joined them later, in 1961.

For nine years running, over 9,000 people, including innocent civilians, have lost their lives in Cameroon's two English-speaking regions, with Widikum paying a heavy price in both human and material losses. The once-vibrant market that attracted visitors from across the regions, along with public infrastructure and livelihoods, has been reduced to a shadow of its former self. Rural exodus, juvenile delinquency, teenage pregnancies, and school dropouts have become defining characteristics of Widikum.

It is this gloomy picture that Senator Enwe Francis, an elite from the area and member of the upper house of Cameroon's National Assembly, has sought to redress, aiming to restore the honor and respect that the peace-loving community of Widikum once enjoyed. He has been working tirelessly to restore peace and dignity to the Widikum community, yielding positive results, particularly in persuading separatist fighters to lay down their arms and reintegrate into society. Some notable achievements from Senator Enwe Francis' efforts include his engagement with the community, promoting unity, peace, and national progress. He has encouraged youths to prioritize these values and participate in national life. Senator Francis has consistently advocated for a peaceful resolution to the Anglophone conflict, condemning public executions and promoting meaningful dialogue.

These efforts have earned him admiration from the community, particularly the youths, who see him as a champion of peace and development. Notably, his work has contributed to the abandonment of violence by an additional eight separatist fighters from Widikum, who have joined the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) center in Bamenda. Additionally, his efforts have strengthened the CPDM's presence in Widikum, with the community showing support for the party in upcoming elections.

With full knowledge of the fact that the security of Widikum depends on what happens elsewhere, Senator Enwe Francis also decided to reach out to and empower vulnerable groups in surrounding communities, such as Numbers in Manyu Division, South West Region, and Bamenda in Mezam Division. In Numbers, he provided bikes to youths, while in Bamenda, he gifted licenses to bike riders, urging them to be peace ambassadors.

Last August 9, 2025, the second phase of the peace, reconciliation, and cohabitation process – similar to the Gacaca peace and reconciliation courts that followed the Rwanda genocide – successfully took place in Widikum. During the event, former separatist fighters reconciled with and embraced families of victims of atrocious acts, culminating in a poignant moment where they asked for forgiveness and promised that such acts would never happen again in Widikum. To cement the peace process, pastors and priests from local Christian churches prayed for and blessed the initiative, handing Senator Enwe Francis a Bible as a symbol of their support and encouragement to continue promoting peace. Additionally, 45 bikes brought from China and assembled in Widikum were handed over to youths who had lost their bikes during the conflict, providing them with a much-needed means of livelihood.

The Gacaca-type event, which is the first of its kind in the North West Region, was a testament to Senator Enwe Francis' vision for peace, reconciliation, and cohabitation in the Widikum community. During the event, the village assembled photos of those who lost their lives in the conflict, much like Rwanda's community-based genocide museums. Senator Enwe Francis, joined by traditional rulers, urged those still harboring ideas of causing unrest to reconsider, emphasizing that Widikum is no longer willing to tolerate disorder. The Widikum mayor, Andoh Stanislaus, saw the gathering as a new dawn for the community and appealed to the defense and security forces to stop harassing bikers who are now contributing to the community's recovery. In a gesture of gratitude, the fons of Widikum bestowed traditional blessings on the senator, encouraging him to continue his efforts in promoting peace and seeking development projects for Widikum and the broader North West Region.

For a man who, along with another elite, Hon. Ujambeng Stephen, was a victim of the atrocious conflict, to readily return home, reconcile, and dine with the very perpetrators of such acts is a remarkable display of forgiveness. As the Presbyterian pastor who officiated at the event aptly put it, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called children of God."

12/08/2025

Introducing , a term coined by me, Colbert Gwain Fulai, (multiple Award Winning Content Creator), to describe the systemic exploitation and marginalization of the Anglophone minority in Cameroon by the Francophone-led body polity. Let's raise awareness and demand change!

11/08/2025

10 Good Reasons Why Francophones Should Support an

Colbert Gwain Muteff Factor (formerly The Colbert Factor)

1) Poetic Justice: A Vote for Anglophone 4 President in 2025 would be an act of poetic justice on the part of francophones who have since independence benefited from unflinching support from Anglophones in all electoral consultations.

2) A balancing Act: A vote for an Anglophone 4 President in 2025 would be a balancing act after the 1961 plebiscite where Anglophones voted to become independent by joining LA Republique, and so, if 57 years after the union, francophones also vote to sustain this union by jointly supporting an Anglophone for Cameroon's President, it will enhance the hitherto heralded bond of brotherliness between the two peoples.

3) Peace, Unity, and Stability: A plurality of francophone support for an Anglophone for President in 2025 would be a vote for a return to peace, unity, and stability in Cameroon, and a dosing off of perceptions of second-class citizenship.

4) Fundamental domestic principles: By supporting an Anglophone for the president in 2025, francophones will be demonstrating in triumphant detail their attachment to a fundamental democratic value, which is that of respect and support for the minority.

5) Politic Na Django: By supporting an Anglophone for President in 2025, francophones would be voting for an exemplary and inclusive Cameroon where both francophones and anglophones enjoy the same rights and responsibilities and where Rt. Hon. Achidi Achu's notion of 'politic Na Njangi' is translated into concrete reality.

6) Commonwealth: A majority support by francophones of an Anglophone candidate for the president in 2025 would be an added advantage for them to enjoy the real Anglo-Saxon values of transparency, accountability, respect of institutions, and the Commonwealth as well as the standardization of procedures in doing government business.

7) Scientific advancements: Supporting an Anglophone for the president in 2025 by the majority of francophones would be a vote for the advancement of Cameroon in scientific discovery which is the hallmark of Anglo-Saxonism.

8) Operationalization of bilingualism: A vote for an Anglophone for the President of 2025 would be a vote for the making of Cameroon a truly bilingual country where its sons and daughters enjoy its fruits in the committee of nations.

9) Dignity and respect: By supporting an anglophone for the president in 2025, francophone Cameroonians would be voting for dignity and respect by the international community given the central role English plays in international politics and international financial institutions.

10) Results_based educational system: A vote for an anglophone for the president of 2025 will be the externalization by the majority francophone Cameroonians of their love for our Anglo-Saxon educational system which forms the building blocks for a decent life and society free of rampant corruption, embezzlement, and sycophancy.

In such perilous times as we live in, communities need access to information that reflects their diverse lives and values and is responsive to their priorities and feedback. As part of our trusting news engagement, we are committed to comforting the afflicted and afflicting the comforted who are holding back social change.

But, this is not an easy, cheap, or profitable job. The Colbert Factor is a solution-oriented, independent non-profit content creation medium. It serves as the 'first draft' for newspapers, radio and TV stations, online news outlets, and blogs. We don't have ads and we are independent of corporate and government interests.

You can help us continue creating more investigative, balanced, fair, reliable, credible, and educative content, by donating your widow's mite through MTN momo number: 677852476 or Orange Money: 687338370
..And you would be contributing to a free press.

07/08/2025

Countdown to October 12 Presidential Election: Biya's Rule Under Siege - Ateki Caxton Challenges Incumbent President Biya in Cameroon's 2025 Presidential Election Amidst a $14.4 Billion Debt Crisis.

By Colbert Gwain Muteff Factor (formerly The Colbert Factor)

It was once a source of pride for every family in Muteff village, in the Fundong Subdivision of the Boyo Division, North West Region of Cameroon, to say that their child or children were attending school and successfully progressing from one level to the next until they graduated from university. Families whose children were unable to enroll in school or progress like others would anxiously await the future prospects of those who were educated. However, the situation began to change when dozens of university graduates returned home after searching for jobs across Cameroon, only to find none. Those who managed to secure teaching positions in the private sector struggled to make ends meet due to low pay.

Unable to withstand the community's resentment and mocking from those who had become successful through hard work despite lacking formal education, many graduates felt forced to migrate to urban areas to escape the shame. While in the cities, they held onto hope that their situation would improve, allowing them to secure jobs and support their families back home. Unfortunately, their hopes were often in vain. Some ventured into business, only to be overwhelmed by taxes and eventually shut down. Despite being known for their intelligence and dedication to competitive examinations, these individuals soon realized that without connections or bribery, admission into professional schools was nearly impossible due to the rampant corruption.

The struggles faced by the people of Muteff village reflect the broader challenges Cameroonians have encountered under President Paul Biya's 43-year rule. Key issues include unemployment, underemployment, and the impact of corruption on the lives of millions of young Cameroonians, while the Biya regime remains affluent and seemingly oblivious to their plight.

It is this dire situation that the youthful presidential aspirant, Ataki Caxton, is promising to redress if voted into office in the upcoming October 12 presidential election. Many graduates struggle to find jobs, leading to frustration and disillusionment. Despite lofty promises of improvement over the past 43 years, the reality remains grim, with limited opportunities for young people. Widespread corruption has hindered economic growth and development, notably being ranked as one of the most corrupt countries by Transparency International in 1998 and 1999. This has resulted in the mismanagement of funds, exacerbating inequality and poverty. When President Biya took office in 1982, Cameroon had a healthy economy; however, it is now classified as a heavily indebted poor country, with 55% of the population living below the poverty line. The economy continues to struggle despite the country's abundant natural resources.

With a debt-to-budget ratio of 1.8, or twice the 2024 state budget, Ataki Caxton believes Cameroon is on the brink of collapse and needs to be repaired, restored, and reborn, especially since the country deserves better. He attributes 43 years of incumbent President Biya's leadership to "unprecedented economic mismanagement, poor governance, systemic and organized looting of state resources, state capture, wastefulness, obscene arrogance, nepotism, cronyism, abuse of power, impunity, human rights violations, and deliberate degradation of state institutions," which have erased the gains made under former President Amadou Ahidjo's government. According to Caxton, this has "imposed unspeakable suffering on Cameroonians." These issues, Caxton holds, "have descended upon us like a plague, leaving a destructive trail of immeasurable anguish that has left our people utterly broken."

The youthful presidential aspirant believes that the reckless mismanagement and prodigal dissipation of 92-year-old President Biya's government have imposed the worst economic conditions and excruciating hardship on Cameroonians, and therefore, no longer deserve anyone's support or caution. "Today, Cameroon is bankrupt, and our economy ranks among the least competitive in the world," Caxton asserts, adding that "nearly all economic indicators show a dire deterioration." Decrying the unbearable cost-of-living crisis, apparently fueled by high inflation and a high debt-to-GDP ratio, he discloses that 40% of Cameroonians unfortunately live below the poverty line.

Caxton justifies his claims with World Food Programme statistics. Quoting a recent report, he reveals that 9.64% of Cameroon's population is expected to face acute food insecurity, with an additional 5 million people under stress. He regrets that despite the significant debt relief program of 2006 through the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative, which reduced Cameroon's debt by XAF 1,440 billion, "Cameroon's debt has surged again, reaching 14,442 FCFA by March 2025." With the country at high risk of over-indebtedness and struggling to meet debt repayment obligations, the situation, according to Caxton, has resulted in the country being downgraded to "junk status" by all sovereign rating agencies.

In its desperation, Caxton discloses that the government of President Paul Biya has resorted to excessive taxation and hostility towards investors, creating a toxic business climate. The situation, Caxton states, has degenerated to a level where the most basic commitments, such as providing adequate textbooks to primary school pupils and ensuring proper sanitation in our cities, have become impossible to fulfill. With record-high underemployment pe***ng at over 70 percent and youth underemployment nearing 90%, and adding to the hundreds of thousands of jobless youths, the economic outlook only creates a profound sense of despair as many families have been destabilized with the nation sitting on the powder keg.

Not only has the teachers and doctors complaints and grievances fallen on deaf ears, but "the cries of anguish from Cameroon's Anglophone populations echo in the void of leadership incapable of addressing urgent issues once and for all." This inability to address urgent issues in a timely manner has led to "bloodshed, devastation and fear of the unknown" in the two English Speaking regions where conflict since erupted in 2016 with government unable to proffer workable solutions.

Ateki Caxton who is joining forces with other opposition political parties to confront President Paul Biya frontally at the upcoming October 12 Presidential election, wonders why in the face of all the deteriorating situation, the one thing that thrives in Cameroon seems to only be "CORRUPTION", despite the proliferation of institutions to fight it. As he cries out aloud, "The country's meager resources, meant to benefit the people, have been diverted by a cabal of families, friends and cronies of the ruling class."

Despite the gloomy picture, Ateki Caxton believes that the collective capacities of Cameroonians can reverse the situation. And the October 12, 2025 Presidential election offers a unique opportunity for his party, PAL, and others to jointly change the situation. And as he concludes, "Together, we will succeed. Cameroon deserves better! The truth cannot wait!"