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Berlin Global Village Feature in The African Courier ... Topping OUT Ceremony -one more year to go untill opening ...
02/03/2020

Berlin Global Village Feature in The African Courier ...
Topping OUT Ceremony -
one more year to go untill opening ...

"After ten years of preparatory work by civil society, there will finally be a place at the end of the year where Berlin will be developed into a globally just city"

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18/02/2020

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Death of of Migrants and People of Africsn Descent in state institutions and through German PoliceNo singular case: The ...
24/08/2019

Death of of Migrants and People of Africsn Descent in state institutions and through German Police
No singular case: The death of Rita Awour Ojunge

Author Lena Spix

comment
According to her son, a black woman is knocked down and dragged away by a roommate in a refugee camp.

The police do not want to file a missing person's report days after the disappearance of the young mother. A search report is not initiated until three weeks later. Almost nobody wants to talk about her death and the racism of the German authorities.
The 32-year-old Kenyan Rita Awour Ojunge has been missing since 7 April 2019.

She lived in the refugee camp Hohenleipisch, district Elbe-Elster in southern Brandenburg, which is run by the company "Human Care". Rita's son told his father, who lives in Berlin, as well as helpers* that one of the camp's roommates had knocked his mother down and dragged her away on the day she disappeared.

The boy's father had informed the local police on 10 April to have a missing person's report filed, but was turned down by them. It was only when he contacted the Berlin authorities, who in turn called the Elbe-Elster police, that a report was filed. The father had pointed out what the son had seen on the day of his mother's disappearance. The roommate was known to the camp management - he had already caused problems before the Kenyan woman disappeared, which Rita told the management. Despite this information, the police did not issue a search report until 25 April. Rita's son was not questioned until 30 April.
Until May 9, the police apparently did not assume a crime, which is why Rita's disappearance was still treated as a missing person's matter. Only further pressure from the association Opferperspektive and a report filed by them on 10 May for a homicide changed that.

The forest around the remote camp was extensively searched by the police, but it still took about a month and needed the additional pressure of the father.

After all the time that Rita was considered missing, her skeleton remains were not found until June 20 in a neighboring forest of the camp. The body had been lying near her place of residence for two and a half months - although the police had allegedly been searching for her here the whole time. The roommate, incriminated by Rita's son, was probably transferred to another camp after protests by other roommates*.

No further consequences are known.
Not only by the authorities, but also in the leading media, the attitude towards Rita's probably violent death is determined by disinterest. Intensive research is lacking in large parts of the press landscape. Only the Junge Welt and the TAZ reported more extensively on her death.

This is not an isolated case. The way German authorities deal with migrant and non-white victims of violence testifies to official or institutional racism. This is shown by the NSU complex as well as by many almost everyday cases of violent crimes against foreigners* and people who are considered foreigners*.

For example, when a policeman shot Adel B. in Essen in mid-June, it was said at first that he had allegedly stormed the officers. Through a mobile video (which had disappeared for a short time after the police had the mobile phone in their hands but reappeared online), we now know that it was exactly the other way around; the policemen pushed forward and murdered nobles.

Or the murder of Hussam Hussein: In 2016, the Iraqi asylum seeker was shot dead by a police officer in front of a refugee shelter in Berlin-Moabit - allegedly holding a knife. It is only now, three years later, that doubts about the public prosecutor's account at the time are publicly expressed.

Amad Ahmad and William Tonou-Mbobda have also died recently in state institutions - in prison and in a hospital. The processing and reporting of their deaths is completely inadequate.
These are just some of the cases that have recently received more attention.

Many more black and/or migrant deaths and murders in state institutions remain anonymous.
However, when a white German becomes a victim, it usually looks quite different.

White life seems to have much more "value" in this society than non-white life.

If this were different, serious consequences would follow, e.g. for policewomen* who are responsible for the deaths of black and/or migrant people. Investigations would run faster (or at all), the media would clearly name murders of migrant women and institutional racism.

But they don't, on the contrary. Commercial reporting plays its part in not dealing with the above-mentioned cases at all or only reluctantly and slowly.

This is also the case with Rita Awour Ojunge.

Police investigations would probably have gone much faster if Rita hadn't been a black woman. The son's statements would have received more attention.

There would have been less pressure from outside, the police would have been quicker to assume a crime. "Human Care" would have turned her name into a program.

In cases like Rita's, institutional racism is quite open. But it is not named.

The causes of her death are questioned and critically examined - which must not be detached from the forced situation in which she was put by the German state: to be in a camp in the middle of nowhere, without having to be in contact with the outside world - only by a few.

If Rita had been a white woman, her disappearance would have made it to the 8 p.m. news at the first.
Institutional and structural racism remain part of everyday life in Germany.

In cases of blacks and/or migrants, police*women investigate only slowly or not at all (or lie, as in the case of Oury Jalloh, to cover up their own crimes), the media report little or no about it. Racism is thus made invisible.

Nevertheless, racism is there. In society, in all organs and institutions of the state and in the media. The attempt to conceal it or to name it only half-voiced does not make it less dangerous.

# Cover picture: Hohenleipisch railway station, https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Datei:Bahnhof_Hohenleipisch_14_Apr_2018_P1120420.jpg









Kommentar Eine Schwarze Frau wird laut Aussage ihres Sohnes von einem Mitbewohner in einem Flüchtlingslager niedergeschlagen und weggeschleppt. Vor Ort …

16/06/2019

There is a deadly massacre currently happening in the African country of Sudan, but mainstream media isn't talking about it. Get details here.

Initiative Oury Jalloh asked AFROTAK TV cyberNomads to assist with some designs for the Public appaerance on the Africa ...
25/05/2019

Initiative Oury Jalloh asked AFROTAK TV cyberNomads to assist with some designs for the Public appaerance on the Africa stage at myFest Berlin organised by AHOI (Mahide Lein).
Initiative TV
Mouctar Bah, Adetoun Küppers-Adebisi, LaToya came from Hamburg, and for the Spoken Word Performance by S_(h)E_Art_Collective George Maclean and Ayo Sanko joined us on Stage

, , LaToya, ( ) S_(h)E_Art_Collective and
We give Praise for another Powerful Moment of Alliances ....

Initiative Oury Jalloh asked AFROTAK TV cyberNomads to assist with some designs for the Public appaerance on the Africa stage at myFest Berlin organised by AHOI (Mahide Lein).
Initiative TV
Mouctar Bah, Adetoun Küppers-Adebisi, LaToya came from Hamburg, and for the Spoken Word Performance by S_(h)E_Art_Collective George Maclean and Ayo Sanko joined us on Stage

, , LaToya, ( ) S_(h)E_Art_Collective and

We give Praise for another Powerful Moment of Alliances ....

Heute war die Mahnwache für  . 300 Menschen versammelten sich vor der Psychiatrie des UKE. In den Redebeiträgen wurde de...
05/05/2019

Heute war die Mahnwache für . 300 Menschen versammelten sich vor der Psychiatrie des UKE. In den Redebeiträgen wurde deutlich, dass die Angehörigen nicht an den Autopsie-Bericht glauben, weil die Untersuchung vom UKE selbst durchgeführt werde.
(Der Senat verweigert uns die Auskunft darüber, wer die gerichtsmedizinische Untersuchung durchführt. Dabei wäre Transparenz in dieser Frage eine wichtige vertrauensbildende Maßnahme).
Die Angehörigen sind auch empört, weil die Ärzte Tonou-Mbobda als aggressiv und gewalttätig darstellen würden und beschreiben ihn als eine ruhige Person. Vertreterinnen der Black Community haben in ihren Reden auf den institutionellen Rassismus hingewiesen. Es sprach auch ein Professor aus der Psychiatrie, der in Namen der Belegschaft ihr Trauer und Mitgefühl ausgesprochen hat. Auch sie fordern eine vollständige Aufklärung und schlagen vor einen Runden Tisch zu bilden. Aber eine Vertreterin der Black Community sprach davon, dass diese Botschaft zu spät käme und nicht als glaubwürdig empfunden werde. Es wurde auch den Patient_innen sehr gedankt, ohne deren Berichte vieles nicht die Öffentlichkeit erreicht haben würde. Die Botschaft der Mahnwache war: "Wir wollen die Wahrheit finden und werden so lange kämpfen bis es Gerechtigkeit gibt".

As many may have read about the violant Death  of a camaronian psychiatric patient   after the deployment of security pe...
04/05/2019

As many may have read about the violant Death of a camaronian psychiatric patient after the deployment of security personnel in - we here repost a very insightful class and race conscious article by on why the case of is symbolic for the structural experience of Non-White People in Germany.

(It´s the 4th time already that the public prosecutor's office is investigating against the security-service of the hospital.)



says: "The tradition of the oppressed teaches us that the 'state of emergency' in which we live is the rule. We must come to a concept of history that corresponds to this. Then our task will be to bring about the real state of emergency; and thereby our position in the struggle against fascism will improve". The story of Oury Jalloh's death and the struggle for his enlightenment are symbolic of this state of emergency.

Oury Jalloh stands for the fight against police violence and racism in the FRG. January 7, 2019 marked the 14th anniversary of his death. The official enlightenment has made no progress at all. Instead, despite the investigation, which revealed the circumstances of his death, the trial was discontinued and not resumed. It is no longer a matter of finding out the truth. It is a matter of acknowledging it. Oury Jalloh was murdered by the German state, which since then has done everything in its power to cover its tracks and protect those responsible.

Recently, a case occurred which shows frightening parallels to the murder of Oury Jalloh: The Syrian asylum seeker , who was wrongly held in police custody for months due to a mix-up, was so badly injured in a fire in his cell in the prison in mid-September that he died shortly afterwards.

The cause of the fire has not yet been clarified, but for the judiciary it already seems to be certain, as with Oury Jalloh: that he must have started the fire himself. As in Oury Jalloh's case, however, the official version of the events is doubted by Expert*inside.

Meanwhile, reports of right-wing networks in the Bundeswehr and the police are accumulating. Rights plan and carry out terrorist attacks with the help of the authorities, with their knowledge and consent, and bourgeois media repeatedly adopt the perspective of the right in their presentation.

The perpetrator of the fascist attacks in Essen and Bottrop, who several times drove a car in groups he perceived as non-German, wanted to "prevent attacks by Syrian or Afghan refugees".
This kind of justification of racist violence has a historical model in the lynchings in the south of the US. Black people were brutally murdered. The justification was that they r***d, harassed or even looked at white women. Even the imputation of an intention was enough for a death sentence. For only through violence could r**e be prevented, argued and argued racists*, for example from the .

The bourgeois media landscape plays its part in the fact that even today in Germany people marked as foreign - mostly men from African countries or the countries of Western Asia - are constructed as a danger to white, German women.

But that's not all: a large part of the bourgeois media adopts the concept of xenophobia as a motive for right-wing acts of violence. This term suggests that violence is a reaction to the presence of allegedly "strangers", blaming them in the end: if they were not here, everything would remain peaceful. Suffering is so played down and trivialized.

But it is about racist violence in an atmosphere where being fled or not being white is enough to be exposed to a general suspicion. With their reports and supposedly investigative reports on alleged Arab mafia clans and African dealers, illegal migration and asylum fraud, based on press releases and police statistics, the media have helped to construct a picture of people whose fate can expect no sympathy.
One comrade comments on class versus class: "Today it's violent drunks who get onto [the] target - young people who hardly anyone wants to defend. Tomorrow there will be larger sections of our class who can be classified as violent and deported as leaders of strikes and protests. While migrant women have never received full representation in German society, the state continues to arm against them. It is the climate in which new fascist perpetrators* are growing up."

, , , are just a few of the many who have fallen victim to the racism of the German police. The culprits have nothing to fear consequences, because their victims are black on the one hand and members of the lowest class of this society on the other. According to a newsletter on the appeal procedure in the Oury Jalloh case at the Regional Court of , "all three named [those responsible for the delay of the trial] were promoted under Interior Minister (SPD).

The former Public Prosecutor to the Chief Public Prosecutor, the former National Director of Criminal Investigation to the Chief of Police and Head of Department 2 Public Order and Security at the Ministry of the Interior and the former Police Commissioner of the Police Directorate East (Dessau-Rosslau) to the Deputy Chief of Police and Head of Department 21 Law of Security (on 1 September 2008)".

The promotion of those responsible is another slap in the face for all those involved in clearing up cases of police violence. The same applies to the case of the policeman convicted in the trial of Jalloh's death, not for murder, but for negligent homicide. He was pleased that the reactionary "police union" (GdP) paid court costs of 430,000 euros and lawyers' fees of 155,000 euros. Meanwhile, of course, all activities to solve the murder of Oury Jalloh had to be paid out of one's own pocket, not to mention all costs incurred by the repression of the initiative.

, the Senator of the Interior in Hamburg responsible for the use of emetic torture, by means of which was murdered in December 2001 at the Hamburg Institute of Forensic Medicine, was also never called to account, as was forensic medicine in Hamburg. Instead, in July 2017, during the protests against the G-20 summit, he was able to once again cover the entire city with police terror.
Trinidad-born socialist theorist and writer wrote that racism was aimed at sending blacks to their place. As wage earners, they are at the mercy of their bosses. Racist violence serves to eliminate resistance to miserable living conditions, so that any condition, however bad, would be accepted.

Against this background, the class character of racist normality becomes clear. Each of these individual cases, which have been accumulating for years and paralyzing us every time, bears the signature of German imperialism. From the systematic subordination of people in post-colonial states to German economic interests, the destruction of their livelihoods, which forces them to flee, to their sorting into camps, to isolated living conditions in which they are exposed to racist attacks.

The new immigration law is intended to make an even greater distinction between "useful" asylum seekers - i.e. those who can be used for the German economy - and the others, who are then to be deported more quickly. It is symptomatic that the police murders and the right-wing violence have not been solved; on the other hand, the state has put what can only be done in the way of those who work for the solution.

The measures range from criminalisation to deportation of those who resist.
Like the relatives of the victims of the NSU, they were targeted by the police because they were committed to enlightenment. And like the asylum seekers who protested at Oranienplatz in Kreuzberg against German migration policy and the dehumanizing camp system, many of them were deported.

What the racist police murders and the complex have in common is not that the state is simply blind in the right eye. No, its officials are often enough with their right arms, marching with them and providing violent rights with information and practical support.

Precisely because the police, through its task of defending property and maintaining the bourgeois order, on the one hand attracts rights and provides the basis for organizing rights, the perspective of achieving justice not only for Oury Jalloh but for all the murdered must focus on the capitalist economy that produces racism and, just as the police makes violence necessary, too.

In view of the police laws planned and passed in the various federal states, it is all the more necessary to build broad resistance. From the use of mobile police stations and surveillance vehicles to the extension of controls in railways and railway stations - the more the armed arm of the state is spread around, the more the freedom of movement of illegalised and criminalised people is restricted.

Often enough, this happens in neighbourhoods that are to be upgraded, where the poor, the homeless, asylum seekers and migrant youth do not fit into the image of a modern, cosmopolitan and liberal city. Experiences with state repression are commonplace, but they are concentrated in migrant districts and neighbourhoods and constructed danger zones such as and .

The answer to this racist normality, which for us represents an everyday state of emergency in which physical violence is only the last resort in an almost infinite arsenal that takes our breath away every day, can only lie in collective resistance. When we regain control over our lives, in schools, factories, universities, streets and public squares, we bring about the state of emergency of capital. But as long as the state of emergency is normal for us, there will be no peace.

Origional Article in German here:
https://lowerclassmag.com/2019/01/11/rassismus-und-toedliche-polizeigewalt-oury-jalloh-war-kein-einzelfall/?fbclid=IwAR3bComNI6ZaupRrSOQEhX3LrkPdmMsgdOAACwk8yDnEVREqS1P64gbkuV4

Translation by AFROTAK TV cyberNomads

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