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LamToro News Plus, Villingen-Schwenningen (2025)

05/12/2025

Human Rights Are Not Optional: The Case of Sanna Manjang
By Alagi Yorro Jallow
Fatoumatta: The denial of immediate access to legal counsel for remand prisoner Sanna Manjang at Mile 2 Prison is more than a bureaucratic delay—it is a constitutional violation. Section 24 of the 1997 Constitution guarantees every accused person the right to a lawyer of their choosing. Yet a lawyer seeking to represent Manjang was told to seek approval from the National Security Advisor, a requirement that has no basis in law. This is not “procedure”; it is obstruction.
Presumption of Innocence:
Fatoumatta: Human rights are not privileges granted at the convenience of the state. The presumption of innocence is the cornerstone of justice. Regardless of the severity of the allegations against Manjang, he is entitled to a fair trial, legal representation, and humane treatment. To deny him these rights is to weaken the very foundation of our justice system.
The Cowardice of Gambian Lawyers:
Fatoumatta: Equally disturbing is the lawyer’s anonymity. Fear of social media backlash should not deter legal professionals from defending unpopular clients. Courage is the essence of advocacy. Charles Taylor, accused of crimes against humanity, was represented by lawyers who did not hide their identities. They understood that defending a client is not endorsing their actions; it is upholding the principle that justice must be fair, even for the vilified.
A lawyer who wishes to represent Manjang but hides behind anonymity reinforces the culture of fear and intimidation. Lawyers must be champions of rights, not cautious spectators. To deny representation out of fear is to betray the profession’s moral duty.
The Director General of Prisons assured that Manjang would have access to his lawyer “by Monday.” Yet justice delayed is justice denied. The prison service must not act as a gatekeeper to constitutional rights. The requirement of NSA approval sets a dangerous precedent, suggesting that political considerations override legal guarantees.
The Moral Lesson
An African proverb teaches: “The truth may walk slowly, but it will never stop.” The truth here is simple: denying Sanna Manjang his rights weakens the justice system itself. Protecting his rights does not absolve him of alleged crimes—it protects the integrity of the law.
Fatoumatta: Lawyers must be courageous. Institutions must respect the Constitution. Citizens must demand that even the most unpopular defendants are treated with dignity. For if rights can be denied to one, they can be denied to all.

05/12/2025

Office of the National Security Adviser Bids Farewell To Col. Omar B. Bojang

The Office of National Security (ONS) today held an official sending-off ceremony for the Deputy National Security Adviser (DNSA), Colonel Omar B. Bojang. The event marked a moment of appreciation and reflection as colleagues, senior officials, and staff gathered to honour his exemplary service, dedication, and leadership.

Colonel Omar B. Bojang has served this office with unwavering professionalism, loyalty, and commitment. Throughout his tenure, he has played a pivotal role in strengthening coordination among security institutions, supporting the implementation of national security policies, and promoting a culture of collaboration and integrity within the ONS. His disciplined military background, strategic insight, and calm approach to complex national security matters have earned him deep respect within the security community.

From guiding high-level meetings to contributing to critical reforms and operational improvements, Colonel Bojang consistently demonstrated exceptional leadership and a sincere passion for improving The Gambia’s security architecture. His contributions have had a profound and lasting impact on the Office’s work, and his dedication continues to inspire those he worked with.

The ONS extends its heartfelt gratitude to Colonel Omar B. Bojang for his distinguished service and wishes him success in his future endeavours.

Source: Culled from the Office of the National Security Adviser

05/12/2025

LAWYER BORRY S. TOURAY CHARGED WITH INCITEMENT TO VIOLENCE

Lawyer Borry S. Touray has been charged with "incitement to violence under Section 58 of the Criminal Offences Act, 2025," the Gambia Police Force disclosed in a statement issued on Thursday.

The police confirmed that Lawyer Borry S. Touray was on Thursday, December 4, 2025, invited to the Police Headquarters in Banjul, where he was confronted with statements he made that constitute incitement to violence.

According to the police, the engagement forms part of an active police inquiry into remarks considered capable of provoking unrest or undermining public safety.

"The GPF emphasizes that incitement to violence is a serious offence under the laws of The Gambia, and such conduct will be addressed with the full force of the law.

Accordingly, he has been charged with “Incitement to Violence” under Section 58 of the Criminal Offences Act, 2025," the police disclosed.

05/12/2025

Prosecutorial Discretion: Selective Justice and the Hypocrisy of Outrage.
"It is not a valid defense to claim, 'I am not the only thief.' The only true defense is, 'I did not steal.'"

By Alagi Yorro Jallow
Fatoumatta: While I may not be a lawyer, it is clear that the principle of prosecutorial discretion is a cornerstone of common law. This principle grants the Director of Public Prosecutions, along with public prosecutors, the critical authority to determine whether to charge an individual and which specific charges to pursue. In continental law countries, a similar concept known as the principle of opportunity serves the same function. Both legal systems recognize that the pursuit of justice demands discernment, grounded in evidence and prioritized considerations, rather than a mechanical, one-size-fits-all approach.
Justice is not a mere machine that indiscriminately arrests every offender. It is a nuanced process that carefully evaluates evidence, prioritizes public safety, and makes informed decisions. To expect otherwise is to misunderstand the law fundamentally and to jeopardize its moral integrity. It is essential that we embrace a justice system that balances rigor with responsibility.
Fatoumatta: What do we hear from politicians and their supporters when cases of corruption or incitement arise? A familiar refrain: "Selective justice! Witch hunt!" They suggest that the law should either arrest every thief or criminal at once or refrain from arresting anyone at all. However, let us be clear: it is neither a morally nor legally valid defense to argue, "Do not arrest me because I am not the only criminal." The only valid defenses are: "I am not a thief," or "I am not a criminal."
I find it amusing when I hear this chorus. What is wrong with hunting witches if a man has already confessed to being one? Are we not obligated to rid society of those who poison its well-being? The metaphor is simple: if you accept the label of corruption or incitement, do not complain when justice comes knocking. No legal system on earth can arrest and try all offenders simultaneously. Investigations take time, evidence must be gathered, and priorities must be established.
Justice is not about a mass arrest; it is a process. To demand that every thief or reckless politician be captured at once is to require the impossible, and it allows the guilty to hide among the crowd. This is the coward's defense: "Why me?" instead of "I am innocent." This principle applies directly to the recent arrest of Borry S. Touray, the legal adviser of the United Democratic Party (UDP), who has been charged with incitement for urging supporters to consider violence to prevent President Adama Barrow from seeking a third term. His words, "It should be worth engaging in violence and sacrificing our lives…" were not mere abstract musings. They were a direct provocation, delivered to a crowd, with the potential to incite imminent lawless action.
Fatoumatta: Some self-proclaimed activists on social media and supporters are now claiming that Mr. Touray's arrest is politically motivated, labeling it as "selective justice." However, we must be straightforward: incitement to violence is a crime under Gambian law.
The fact that other politicians may have made reckless statements without facing consequences does not diminish the seriousness of Touray's words. The issue is not that Bory Touray was charged, but rather that others have not yet faced similar charges. The solution is not to release him unconditionally, but to ensure that the law is applied equally to everyone. If Saihou Mballow or Demba Sabally incites violence, they too must be condemned and investigated. Justice should be impartial, not partisan. However, it is important to note that prosecution is at the discretion of the authorities. We have seen powerful politicians and wealthy elites evade taxes, manipulate contracts, and betray public trust without facing any consequences. Their impunity is glaring. However, when one of them is finally held accountable, the cry of "selective justice" should not serve as a defense—it is simply an admission of guilt. It is akin to a guilty person pointing at their neighbor and asking, "Why me?"
Fatoumatta: Selective enforcement is a grave danger when those in the political class are protected. At the same time, the powerless voices, the goat thieves and w**d smokers, are unfairly targeted and sent to prison. The solution, however, is not to justify incitement, corruption, or committing an offense. We must demand unwavering accountability for all, without exception. What is most distressing is not just the hypocrisy of the powerful, but the unsettling complicity of their victims.
Citizens who have been stripped of their dignity, resources, and opportunities often fall into the trap of labeling valid criticism as a "witch hunt," defending the very individuals who have exploited and harmed them.
This is the heart-wrenching tragedy of selective outrage: the oppressed rallying behind their oppressors, and the robbed siding with their robbers. As African wisdom wisely reminds us, "The one who hides a disease also hides its cure." By making excuses for corrupt leaders, we obscure the solution to our nation's ailments. True justice cannot heal our wounds if they remain cloaked in hypocrisy. It is time to unearth the truth, demand accountability, and break free from this cycle of complicity.
Fatoumatta: Let us speak plainly and boldly. Prosecutorial discretion is not born of bias; it is a vital application of the law. Selective justice offers no refuge; proper defense lies in innocence. Witch hunts are only unjust when the accused are innocent; when guilt is established, the pursuit of justice becomes a moral imperative. Victims must not fall into hypocrisy; silence and complicity are the lifeblood of corruption. The law may not be flawless, but it is our safeguard. To weaken it with excuses invites tyranny; to fortify it with courage is to uphold the very essence of democracy.

05/12/2025

Incitement, hypocrisy, and the duty of justice: "You cannot divorce your husband and claim your virginity." African wisdom reveals that silence under tyranny cannot be redeemed by reckless bravado in democracy.

By Alagi Yorro Jallow
Fatoumatta: Incitement to violence is not protected under Gambian law, nor under universal jurisdiction. The principle is clear: speech crosses the line when it is directed at producing imminent lawless action and is likely to achieve that result. Abstract or philosophical musings about violence may be tolerated, but calls to arms in a charged crowd are not.
In the United States, the First Amendment protects even offensive speech, but it draws the boundary at incitement, threats of imminent violence, or defamation. The Gambian Constitution similarly criminalizes hate speech and incitement. No society can afford selective outrage, whether from the ruling party or the opposition; the standard must be applied evenly. Justice loses its moral force when it is wielded as a partisan weapon.
Prosecutors have the solemn authority to decide whether to file charges, which charges to pursue, and how to allocate resources. This discretion is not a license for bias; it is a duty to uphold public safety, the integrity of the law, and equal protection for all citizens. Selective prosecution corrodes trust; selective silence emboldens impunity.
The lesson is simple: condemnation of violence must be universal, not conditional. When leaders or lawyers incite violence, they must be held accountable. When ministers or advisers fan tribal flames, they too must face scrutiny. The law cannot bend to convenience.
Fatoumatta: George Santayana reminds us: "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it." From 1994 to 2016, Gambians endured a dictatorship marked by repression, dehumanization, and tribal disparagement. Yahya Jammeh's regime mutilated the constitution, incited ethnic hatred, and silenced dissent.
During those years, many who now posture as fearless voices were silent. Politicians pursued careers, lawyers betrayed their oaths, and activists hid behind complicity. They became cyber-warriors of convenience, absent when courage was most needed. Their silence was not neutrality; it was cowardice.
As the proverb teaches: "When the roots of a tree begin to decay, it spreads death to the branches." The cowardice of silence under dictatorship is the rot at the root. Today's reckless speeches are the poisoned branches. Hypocrisy is not new growth; it is decay spreading forward.
Fatoumatta: Today, we witness UDP legal adviser Borry S. Touray charged with incitement of violence after urging supporters to consider extreme measures against President Adama Barrow's third-term ambitions. His words—"It should be worth engaging in violence and sacrificing our lives…"—are not abstract philosophy. They are a direct provocation, a dangerous flirtation with bloodshed.
What is flabbergasting is not only the content of his speech, but the contrast with his silence during Jammeh's 22-year tyranny. When Jammeh insulted the Mandinka people, when he unleashed repression and atrocities, Touray was mute. He refused leadership when the UDP was leaderless, shrinking from responsibility out of fear. However, now, in peacetime, he dons the cloak of bravado, inciting violence against a democratic government.
Fatoumatta: This is not courage. It is hypocrisy. It is opportunism masquerading as patriotism. As the African proverb warns: "You cannot divorce your husband and claim your virginity." Those who were silent during the dictatorship cannot now pretend to be pure defenders of democracy by inciting violence. Their record speaks louder than their rhetoric.
Fatoumatta: Let it be clear: I condemn all incitement of violence and tribalism, regardless of who utters it.
I condemn Borry Touray's reckless remarks.
I condemn Presidential Adviser Saihou Mballow's inflammatory speech.
I condemn Minister Demba Sabally's divisive rhetoric.
No leader, no adviser, no minister, no lawyer should be allowed to poison the civic space with words that endanger peace or exploit tribal divisions. Selective condemnation is itself complicity.
As another proverb reminds us: "A child who is not embraced by the village will burn it down to feel its warmth." Those who were ignored during the dictatorship now seek relevance through reckless incitement. Their fire is not courage; it is desperation born of hypocrisy.
The Gambian people must reject selective justice, selective outrage, and selective bravery. True patriotism is not measured by incendiary speeches in rallies, but by the willingness to defend justice when it is most dangerous to do so.
History teaches us that cowardice in the face of tyranny cannot be redeemed by recklessness in democracy. Those who were silent during the dictatorship cannot claim moral authority by inciting violence today.
Fatoumatta: The civic duty is clear: Condemn incitement of violence wherever it arises. Demand accountability without tribal or partisan bias. Uphold the rule of law as the shield of all citizens. Remember that democracy is not sustained by noise, but by principle.
As the proverb says: "A lie has speed, but truth has endurance." Opportunists may gain attention with fiery rhetoric, but history remembers who stood for truth when it mattered. Silence in tyranny cannot be erased by loudness in democracy. Truth endures; hypocrisy fades.
African wisdom teaches: "The coward dies many times before his death; the brave taste death but once." True bravery is not found in reckless words shouted to a crowd, but in the quiet, dangerous act of standing against tyranny when the cost is highest.
Fatoumatta: Those who failed to speak against Jammeh's atrocities cannot now redeem themselves by inciting violence in a democracy. Their hypocrisy must be named, their opportunism exposed, and their recklessness rejected. The Gambia deserves leaders who embody courage in principle, not bravado in rhetoric. The people deserve justice without favor, condemnation without hypocrisy, and peace without tribal division.
"Cowardice in dictatorship cannot be redeemed by recklessness in democracy. All incitement must be condemned—without favor, without hypocrisy."

04/12/2025

𝐏𝐑𝐄𝐒𝐒 𝐑𝐄𝐋𝐄𝐀𝐒𝐄.

𝐌𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐲 𝐁𝐚𝐧𝐬 𝐌𝐮𝐬𝐢𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐧𝐬 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐕𝐮𝐥𝐠𝐚𝐫 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐏𝐞𝐫𝐟𝐨𝐫𝐦𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐢𝐧 𝐒𝐜𝐡𝐨𝐨𝐥𝐬.

The Ministry of Basic and Secondary Education (MoBSE) wishes to inform the general public, school administrators, and all stakeholders in the education sector that musicians and entertainers whose songs contain vulgar, indecent, or immoral content are strictly prohibited from performing in any school within The Gambia.

Despite prior warnings, reports have reached the Ministry that some schools continue to invite such musicians, to perform during school-organized events.

This conduct directly violates the fundamental principles and core values the education system seeks to promote.

The Ministry wishes to re-iterate that schools are centers of learning and moral development.

As role models and educators, school authorities have a duty to protect students from exposure to language and behavior that conflict with the social, cultural, and moral standards of our society.

Henceforth, no artist shall be invited to perform in any school, whether public or private under the guise of entertainment, cultural promotion, or motivation if there is any potential for vulgar or offensive expression.

Therefore the Ministry calls on all school authorities, parents, and community stakeholders to join efforts in safeguarding the moral integrity of students and ensuring that schools remain safe, respectful spaces for learning and character formation.

End of Release

04/12/2025

*Lack of Quorum in the National Assembly is Betrayal and Disrespect of Electorates*

By Madi Jobarteh.

The failure of the National Assembly to sit on Tuesday December 2 due to lack of quorum is not just disappointing, it is a direct violation of the Constitution and an insult to the Gambian people. When the Speaker lamented the chronic problem of poor attendance and punctuality among NAMs, it only confirmed what citizens have long witnessed: some lawmakers are willfully neglecting their duty.

The Speaker was so frustrated that “he emphasized that Members must renew their sense of discipline and responsibility in the conduct of parliamentary affairs.” He noted that the parliament in fact struggled to have a quorum the day before when the Vice President and Ministers were already present in the chamber. “How many times have I come up here and we never had quorum? We tried that so many times but it could not continue,” he lamented.

This behaviour is utterly unacceptable. NAMs are among the most pampered public officials in this country, second only to the President. They receive high salaries, sitting allowances, constituency allowances, dress allowances, committee allowances, travel allowances, medical benefits, vehicle benefits and more. All these privileges are given on the assumption that they will serve diligently, responsibly, and consistently. Therefore, attending sittings fully and on time is not a favour; it is a legal obligation and a moral imperative.

When NAMs fail to attend sittings, they are not only breaching the Constitution, the Standing Orders, and their Code of Conduct, but they are also disrespecting their electorates and undermining national interest. Every sitting of the National Assembly carries real consequences for citizens.

People's lives, rights, opportunities, and services depend on timely legislative action. A delayed sitting can mean delayed justice, delayed services, prolonged suffering, or even preventable loss of life for some of our most vulnerable citizens.

Gambians in every corner of this country are living through harsh social and economic conditions. They deserve a legislature that shows up physically, morally, and professionally. If NAMs insist on demanding high salaries and benefits, then they must match that with honesty, commitment, and respect for public interest.

I therefore urge the Speaker to fully enforce the Constitution, the Standing Orders and the National Assembly Code of Conduct without fear or favour. Chronic absenteeism and habitual lateness must carry consequences. This is non-negotiable. A National Assembly that cannot meet is a colossal waste of public resources and a setback to national development. There must be accountability.

The National Assembly belongs to the people, not to the comfort or convenience of NAMs. The public must demand better and the leadership of the Assembly must act decisively to restore discipline, integrity, and respect for the institution.

For The Gambia, Our Homeland

04/12/2025

SANNA MANJANG SAGA: THE STATE MOVED TO LEGAL ACTION BEFORE EXPLOITATION WAS COMPLETE

By Kebeli Demba Nyima, Atlanta, USA

The arraignment of ex-Jungler Sanna Manjang before a local magistrate court today signals one thing: the state has prioritised legal optics over operational necessity. From a Spycraft standpoint, this sequence is incorrect. A high-value detainee of his profile should never reach the courtroom dock before the exploitation phase is fully exhausted.
Exploitation is the nerve of all serious intelligence work. It is the phase in which interrogators extract intelligence that maps networks, identifies associates, reveals safe houses, reconstructs command hierarchies and enables the location and capture of fugitives. It is the most critical part of handling a detainee linked to a clandestine lethal unit such as the Junglers. Once legal proceedings begin, access narrows, questioning becomes restricted and the window for intelligence collection closes.
Everything that happened in court today is legally sound but operationally premature. Legal processes adjudicate guilt. Intelligence processes dismantle structures. These two objectives cannot be sequenced casually, especially when dealing with an individual who operated inside an extrajudicial command system.
From an intelligence view, three failures are already visible.
1. No visible signs of structured exploitation before arraignment.
There is no indication that a coordinated exploitation cell involving SIS, Military Intelligence, GPF investigators and TRRC analysts was activated. Intelligence value decays rapidly. Every day lost reduces the chances of extracting high-grade information on the remaining Junglers, support networks, facilitators and cross-border movements.
2. His behaviour in court confirms he has not been adequately processed.
His refusal to speak is not the normal posture of a detainee who has undergone complete exploitation. It suggests he remains psychologically unbroken, unchallenged and unassessed. A subject who still believes he controls the pace is a subject who has not been properly handled.
3. Transfer to Mile 2 at this stage restricts operational access.
Once a detainee enters the High Court stream, all questioning falls under strict legal oversight. Intelligence officers can no longer conduct extended iterative debriefing cycles. The ability to perform sequential exploitation, tactical follow-up questioning and time-sensitive interrogation diminishes sharply.
The central problem is this: the state is treating Manjang as a criminal defendant first and an intelligence asset second. The correct order is the reverse.
A former Jungler carries historical and operational intelligence:
• hierarchy of the kill chain
• command authority behind each operation
• identities of remaining fugitives
• burial sites
• weapons sourcing
• internal communications
• foreign facilitators
• escape routes and safe havens
None of this becomes available through a courtroom process. It becomes available through professionally executed exploitation. This requires layered interrogation, psychological erosion, cross-referencing, timeline-mapping, HUMINT triangulation and continual re-interviewing until saturation is reached.
All efforts should have been focused on extracting information that leads to the remaining Junglers who are still at large. This is standard practice for any intelligence service managing a high-value detainee. The priority is always to break open the network, not simply to place one operative in the dock for public consumption.
How MI6, CIA and the KGB would have handled a detainee like Sanna Manjang
MI6, the CIA and the former KGB handled high-value detainees under a common doctrine: you exploit before you prosecute. Their methodology rested on three principles.
1. Total control of the detainee environment.
They isolate the subject from all external influence. No lawyers, no public hearings, no early exposure to courts. This allows interrogators to shape psychological conditions and prevent the subject from adopting defensive legal strategies.
2. Exhaustive extraction before formal charges.
MI6 used this method with Soviet defectors. The CIA still uses it for captured insurgents. The KGB perfected it with captured dissidents. They collect everything before the state takes public action: names, routes, caches, funding, communications, accomplices and operational doctrine.
3. Preventing the legal system from becoming the subject’s shield.
Once a detainee is in the dock, he gains procedural rights, the right to counsel, the right to silence and the ability to delay or obstruct questioning. A lawyer becomes a barrier between the operative and the intelligence teams.
Had The Gambia applied this doctrine, Sanna Manjang would have been forced to unearth intelligence voluntarily or under pressure long before any magistrate asked what language he spoke. The remaining Junglers could have been traced, surveillance operations launched, and decades-old operational secrets exposed before the legal phase even began.
Instead, the state has allowed him to reach a point where he can simply wait for a lawyer and adopt silence as a strategy. Once he lawyars up, exploitation becomes nearly impossible.
The Magistrates’ Court was never the correct venue
The speed with which authorities placed him before a magistrate raises its own concerns. A magistrates’ court has no jurisdiction over murder, no operational infrastructure for handling high-value detainees and no security framework for conducting even the simplest classified submissions. Bringing a suspect of this scale to a venue so limited only confirms that the state processed him as an ordinary criminal rather than a strategic asset.
It also gave the public the impression of action while offering intelligence officers nothing.
Conclusion
Without full exploitation, The Gambia risks securing a single prosecution but losing the opportunity to dismantle the broader architecture of violence that operated under the former regime.
The legal victory now risks becoming an intelligence loss. The question facing The Gambia is not whether Sanna Manjang has been charged. It is whether the window to extract his intelligence value is closing or has already closed.
If the state does not urgently convene a multi-agency exploitation unit with unrestricted operational access, the remaining Junglers will remain unlocated, unmonitored and potentially unreachable. Arresting one man without dismantling his network is a symbolic gesture, not an intelligence success.
The country has taken him to the dock. The real question is whether it will take everything out of him before the system locks him away for good.

04/12/2025

Justice Denied, Truth Silenced: A Protest Against Corruption in The Gambia—the Trial of Sanna Manjang: A Symbol of Hypocrisy and a Nation Betrayed.

By Alagi Yorro Jallow
Fatoumatta: There comes a moment in the life of a nation when silence becomes complicity. There comes a moment when injustice is so glaring, so corrosive, that to remain quiet is to surrender the soul of the nation itself. That moment is now.
We, the victims of the arson attack on the Independent newspaper, stand as witnesses to the betrayal of justice in The Gambia. Our printing press was reduced to ashes by men sworn to protect the nation, members of the Presidential Guards, the Junglers, including Sanna Manjang and Sheriff Guisseh. We carried our evidence to the police. We recorded statements at Kairaba and Banjul Police Stations. We even handed over the weapon used in the attack. However, no case file was opened. No investigation was conducted. No justice was delivered. Instead, we were met with silence, obstruction, and contempt. The Police, the Justice Department, and the TRRC all turned their backs. They denied us justice while selectively prosecuting crimes that suited their narrative. This is not justice. This is betrayal.
Fatoumatta: During Yahya Jammeh's era, civil society was weak, intimidated, and afraid. Few dared to speak out. They lacked the audacity to show solidarity, to defend victims of human rights violations, or to stand firm for press freedom. Fear reigned, and silence was the shield of survival.
Today, in a democracy, we see a different kind of silence. We see peacetime heroes—self-proclaimed activists who were mute during Jammeh's tyranny, now loud on social media. However, their voices remain absent in the causes that demand courage. They are quick to defend their tribe, their political party, or the godfather they hope to crown as president. However, when it comes to defending justice, press freedom, and truth, they retreat into silence once again.
Fatoumatta: This hypocrisy is dangerous. It reveals that even in democracy, solidarity is selective, activism is tribal, and justice is abandoned when it does not serve personal ambition. How can Sanna Manjang face trial for murders committed in 2005 and 2006, yet his role in the arson attack against our press is ignored? How can the destruction of private property, the violation of press freedom, and the assault on democracy itself be dismissed as insignificant?
Is arson not a crime?
Is the violation of press freedom not a crime?
Is the silencing of independent voices not a crime?
We ask: Which Gambia are we living in? A Gambia where justice is rationed, where truth is inconvenient, and where corruption dictates who is punished and who is protected.
Fatoumatta: When Sanna Manjang stood before Principal Magistrate Sallah Mbye, charged with three counts of murder, the courtroom was filled with prosecutors. However, he stood unrepresented, defiant, refusing even to acknowledge the court.
The charges against him—murdering Dayda Hydara, Ndongo Mboob, and Haruna Jammeh—are grave. However, what of the crimes he committed against us? What of the arson attack that destroyed our livelihood, our voice, our freedom? Why is our case excluded from the justice system?
Fatoumatta: This selective prosecution is hypocrisy. It is corruption dressed as justice. Judicial corruption is not just another form of corruption. It is the mother of all corruption. It sends the innocent to prison. It frees the guilty. It destroys businesses built over decades.
It strangles investment, kills jobs, and suffocates opportunity. Worst of all, it destroys hope.
When citizens believe justice is for sale, when the law becomes a weapon for the rich and powerful, despair takes root. Cynicism spreads. Faith in the courts collapses. Moreover, when faith in the courts collapses, faith in the state itself collapses.
This is the edge of ruin. This is where The Gambia now stands.
Those entrusted with justice are meant to be guardians of fairness, shields of the weak, and voices of truth. Our National Anthem declares: "Let justice guide our action." However, justice has been abandoned, betrayed, and sold. Let us be clear:
Where the criminal justice system is corrupt, there can be no rule of law.
There can be no democracy. There can be no prosperity. However, where justice is clean, nations flourish. Hope thrives. The future becomes possible. We refuse to be silenced. We refuse to accept selective justice. We refuse to accept corruption as the foundation of our nation.
We demand justice for the Independent newspaper. We demand accountability for the arson attack carried out by the Junglers. We require that the names of Sanna Manjang and Sheriff Guisseh be written not only in the charge sheets of murder, but also in the charge sheets of arson, destruction, and the violation of press freedom.
Fatoumatta: This is not merely about us. This is about the soul of The Gambia. If justice can be denied to the press, it can be denied to anyone. If corruption can silence truth, it can silence the nation. So let this be our rallying cry: No more silence. No more selective justice. No more corruption. Justice must guide our action—or The Gambia will crumble under the weight of betrayal.

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