Oromo Global Post

Oromo Global Post A voice for the oppressed people for the east african nationality.

12/12/2023

የአቶ ታዬ ደንደኣ ቤት ሲፈተሽ 4 ታርጋ ተገኘ የሚለው ዜና ላይ የተለጠፈው ፎቶ ደግሞ የ 2 መኪና የፊትና ኋላ ታርጋ ነው 😂
በየቦታው የሚደረጉ እገታዎች ላይ እንደተሳተፉም ደርሼበታለሁ ብሏል መንግስት - መንግስት አይድረስብህ እኮ 😂 ሚኒስትርነትን ጨምሮ በከፍተኛ የመንግስት ስልጣን ላይ የነበሩትን ሰውዬ "ሲያሳግቱ እንደ ነበር" "የደረሰባቸው" ከ 6 አመት በኋላ ነው! 6 አመት 😁

11/10/2022

What was the relationship between Ethiopia and Oromia?

Prof Moh: The relationship between the Ethiopian Empire created by Emperor Menilek and that of Oromia was and still is colonial. It was the relationship of colonizers and the colonized, the rulers and the ruled, the oppressors and the oppressed, the masters and the subjects. As with all forms of colonialism, the driving social force behind Menilek’s colonialism was economic. “. . . the green lush lands of the Oromo and their boundless commodities (gold, civet, ivory, coffee and [their] prosperous markets) were the economic motives” (Hiwet 1975, p. 4). To these may be added ” . . . the search for new sources of food for Menilek’s soldiers, the plunder of Oromo property, free labor, and the expropriation of Oromo land were the primary economic motives (Hassen 1990, p. 198). Some aspects of Menilek’s colonialism in Oromia have similarities with European colonialism in other parts of Africa.

As European colonists dominated the economic resources and controlled the politics of their colonies, Menilek’s armed settlers in Oromia dominated the economic resources and totally controlled the military, judiciary and political power, institutionalizing the monopoly of the settler’s advantages. The armed settlers in Oromia were and still are known as Neftanya (Nafxanyaa). Emperor Menilek alienated Oromo land and gave it, together with the people, to the Neftanya, who owned land, cattle, and slaves ( Hassen 1990, p. 93). In the sacred land of their birth, the Oromo lost their rights to their own lands and became landless Gabars (serfs) who were “ . . . physically victimized, socially and psychologically humiliated and devalued as human beings”( Ibid). The Neftanya, who exploited, brutalized, and dehumanized the Gabars had no interest in recognizing the humanity of the Oromo. “The purpose was to break the Oromo in body, soul and spirit and reduce them to the condition of helplessness and dejection” (Ibid).

As if what has transpired thus far was not enough, systematic efforts were made to destroy Oromo cultural heritage, political and religious institutions. No stone was left unturned to destroy Oromo unity and national identity. All Oromo kingdoms, even the three kingdoms that purportedly had local autonomy, were abolished. Before their conquest the Oromo maintained contact with each other through the famous pilgrimage to the land of their spiritual leader in southern Ethiopia. The pilgrimage served as the focal point of their spiritual and national unity. After the conquest of Oromia, Menilek officially banned the Oromo pilgrimage (Knutsson 1967, pp. 147-155), so as to weaken Oromo unity. He went further and banned Gada elections and the gatherings of the Chafe Assembly.

Once elections to the political offices and the gathering of the Chafe Assembly were banned, the Gada system lost the raison d’ etre for its political existence (Hassen 1990, p. 95). The system had lost all of its political significance. It was only the memory of the system that continued to exist. In short, after the conquest and annexation of Oromia, the Oromo lost their sovereignty, their land, their democratic political institution and their basic human rights. Thus, contrary to the claim that Emperor Menilek “united Ethiopia”, he created an empire “ . . . of which all the members were subjects rather than citizens, but in which almost all the Oromo were colonial subjects” (Baxter 1978, p. 288) .

It is fair to say that the modern Ethiopian state was not brought about by natural growth of united peoples. It was the product of colonial conquest. Since its creation, the Ethiopian state became the state of the ruling Abyssinian (Amhara-Tigray) elites . . . [who] dominated the political, military, economic, cultural, religious and social life of the Ethiopian state.

Deprived of all their rights and human dignity, the Oromo had no choice but to embark on the path of resistance. Thus from the 1880s when Oromia was conquered and colonized to the early 1960s, when the Pan-Oromo movement was created, there was not a single decade which was not characterized by resistance in different parts of Oromia. Many Oromo died resisting with arms in their hands rather than accept intolerable domination (see Cerulli 1922, pp. 46-52). However, owing to the lack of central leadership, the absence of communication, the long distance and the tight control of imperial government, the numerous Oromo resistances were uncoordinated and they were isolated.
Xirroo: The so-called “Habasha Historians” have been saying the Oromo have no history. Some have been saying the Oromo are alien to Ethiopia. And others have been saying the Oromo came out of water. How can this be evaluated from historical point of view?

Prof. Moh: The Oromo have as rich and as complex history as other peoples of Ethiopian including the Abyssinians. However, due to lack of their own writing system, history of the Oromo was not recorded. Because the Abyssinians have had a very unique writing system, they kept records of the history of their great men and women for hundreds of years. Although some Amhara communities and some Oromo groups had contact with each other in the region of Shawa probably by around 1200, it was only during the 16th century that conflict between the two groups intensified. As a result of this conflict the Christian monks and court chroniclers depicted the Oromo as “enemies of the Amhara” and what they wrote about the Oromo mainly expressed the intense prejudice deeply rooted in the Abyssinian society. The monks and court chroniclers presented the Oromo as” new comers to Ethiopia” and as “people without history”.

Even some modern scholars (see Ullendorff 1960, p.76) repeated the silly stuff of court chroniclers as if they are gospel truth. Abyssinian monks and court chroniclers wrote about the Oromo for the purpose of denigrating them as people, and savaging their cultural creativity, their democratic heritage and their way of life. Since what the monks and court chroniclers wrote about the Oromo was the sources for the writing of Oromo history, no other people, in Ethiopia, had their history so distorted or ignored and their cultural achievements and human qualities undervalued as the Oromo have been in the Ethiopian historiography. Abyssinian view of Oromo history mainly reflects their prejudice against the Oromo.

The claim that the Oromo were “new comers to Ethiopia” and that they are people “without history” is historically nonsense. How could the people who have lived in Ethiopia for thousands of years suddenly become “new comers” to the same country?” People whose views are shaped by their own prejudice do not realize that there are no people without history in the whole world. The Oromo have fascinating history, which tells the story of their cultural creativity, political institutions which flowered in patterns of their own making and nourished Oromo political, spiritual and material well-being."
Professor Mohammed Hassen.

03/10/2022

ከ350ዎቹ እስከ 1958 ድረስ ለ1600 ዓመታት ለግብጽ አቡኖች ወርቅ ሲገብሩ የኖሩና የተወሰኑትን ዛሬም በመለኮትነት የሚያመልኩ የኦርሞን ፋጂ "የግብጽ ባንዲራ" ሲሉት መስማት አስቂኝ ነው። የዛሬዎቹን ግብጻዊያን ለነሱ እንተውላቸውና ጥንታዊያኑ ጥቁር (ኩሽ) ግብጻዊያን ይጎናጸፉት የነበረው የራስ ልባስ (ጉፍታ) በሙሉ ነጭና ቀይ ወይም ጥቁር ሰማያዊንም ጨምርሮ ጥቁርና ነጭ እንደነበረ በማይደበዝዙ ቀለማት ካስተላለፏቸው የሥዕል መረጃዎች መገንዘብ ይቻላል። የግብጽ ብቻ ሳይሆን የየመንና የተለያዩ አረብ ሀገራት ባንዲራዎች ጥቁር ቀይና ነጭ የሆኑት ያ ተወርሶ ነው። የሙስሊሞች ሂማማም ነጭና ቀይ ወይም ጥቁርና ነጭ ቀለማት አሉት። እነማፈሪያ መነሻውን መቸ አውቀውት!!!!

30/09/2022

The oldest known Democratic system in the world (historians/researchers assume it existed for thousands of years, for sure well documented for the latest 500 years (1300s through 1800s).

Oromo have a very rich culture, fostered by the size of the population and large land areas with diverse climatic conditions. One highly developed self-sufficient system which has influenced every aspect of Oromo life is the Gadaa system. It is a system that organizes the Oromo society into groups or sets (about 7-11) that assume different responsibilities in the society every eight years. It has guided the religious, social, political and economic life of Oromo for many years, and also their philosophy, art, history and method of time-keeping.
The activities and life of each and every member of the society are guided by Gadaa. It is the law of the society, a system by which Oromo administer, defend their territory and rights, maintain and guard their economy and through which all their aspirations are fulfilled.
The Gadaa system has served as the basis of democratic and egalitarian political system. Under it the power to administer the affairs of the nation and the power to make laws belong to the people. Every male member of the society who is of age and of Gadaa grade has full rights to elect and to be elected. All the people have the right to air their views in any public gathering without fear.
There follows a brief description of how the Gadaa system works: there are two well-defined ways of classifying male members of the society, that is the hiriyya (members of an age-set all born within the period of one Gadaa rule of eight years) and Gadaa grade. The Gadaa grades (stages of development through which a Gadaa class passes) differ in number (7-11) and name in different parts of Oromia although the functions are the same. The following are the Gadaa grades:-
1. Dabballee (0-8 years of age)
2. F***e or Gamme Titiqaa (8-16 years of age)
3. Qondaala or Gamme Gurgudaa (16-24 years of age)
4. Kuusa (24-32 years of age)
5. Raaba Doorii (32-40 years of age)
6. Gadaa (40-48 years of age)
7. Yuba I (48-56 years of age)
8. Yuba II (56-64 years of age)
9. Yuba III (64-72 years of age)
10. Gadamojjii (72-80 years of age)
11. Jaarsa (80 and above years of age)

We will briefly describe the duties of a Gadaa class as it passes through the above grades.
The Dabballee are sons of the Gadaa class who are in power, the Luba. They are boys up to 8 years of age. Thus this is a stage of childhood. Upon reaching their eighth year, they enter the F***e grade. At this age they are allowed to go further away from their villages and to perform light work.
At 16 years old, they enter the Qondaala. They may now go long distances to hunt and perform heavy work. Three years before the Qondaala ends, those of the Gadaa class come together and nominate the future group leaders (hayyu council) who eventually will constitute its presidium and thereby the executive, judicial and ritual authorities. The final election is preceded by an often lengthy campaign of negotiations. After nomination, the candidates tour the region accompanied by their supporters to win the backing of the people before election, The individuals will be elected on the basis of wisdom, bravery, health and physical fitness.
In the Kuusa grade, the previously elected leaders are formally installed in office, although they do not yet assume full authority except in their own group. This is one of the most important events in the life of the individual and the Gadaa system over all. In the next grade, Raaba Doorii, members are allowed to marry. This and the Kuusa grade constitute a period of preparation for the assumption of full authority. At the end of this period the class members enter Luba or Gadaa, the most important class of the whole system, attain full status, and take up their position as the ruling Gadaa class. At this stage the system comes to a stop momentarily and all men move to the proceeding class vacating the last class which is the immediately occupied by a new class of youth who thus begin their ascent of the system's ladder.
The former ruling class, the Luba, now becomes Yuba. The Yubas, after passing through three separate eight-year periods, are transferred to the Gadamojjii class. Then they enter the final grade called Jaarsa and retire completely.
As described briefly above, when the Oromo man passes from one stage to the next, his duties and way of life in society change. For instance, during the grades of Qondaala, Kuusa and Raaba Doorii, the individuals learn war tactics , Oromo history, politics, ritual, law and administration over a period of 24 years. When they enter the Gadaa class or Luba at the age of about 40 years, they have already acquired all the necessary knowledge to handle the responsibility of administering the country and the celebration of rituals. It ends with partial retirement of the whole, group of elders to an advisory and judiciary capacity.
The following are the Gadaa officials and their duties according to the Tuullama Gadaa practice:
1. Abbaa Bokku - President
2. Abbaa Bokku - First Vice-President
3. Abbaa Bokku - Second Vice-President
4. Abbaa Chaffe - Chairman of the Assembly (Chaffe)
5. Abbaa Dubbi - Speaker who presents the decision of the presidium to the Assembly
6. Abbaa Seera - Memoriser of the laws and the results of the Assembly's deliberations.
7. Abbaa Alanga - Judge who executes the decision
8. Abbaa Duula - In charge of the army
9. Abbaa Sa'a - In charge of the economy

Thus, the entire presidium consists of nine members, called "Salgan Yaa'ii Borana" (nine of the Borana assembly). The Abbaa Bokkus are the chief officials. (Bokku is a wooden or metal scepter, a sign of authority kept by the Abbaa Bokku, the president). The Abbaa Bokkus have counselors and assistants called Hayyus who are delegated from the lower assemblies.
There are three level of assembly - inter-clan, clan and local chaffes, chaffe being the Oromo version of parliament. The chaffe assembly was held in the open air in a meadow under the odaa (sycamore) tree. The chaffe made and declared common laws and was source of the accumulated legal knowledge and customs. In the hierarchy of Gadaa chaffes, the assembly of the entire presidium of the ruling - Gadaa Class - is the highest body whose decision is final. It is the assembly at which representatives of the entire population come together, at predetermined times, to evaluate among other things, the work of those in power. If those in power have failed to accomplish what is expected of them, the assembly has the power to replace them by another group elected from among the same Gadaa class or Luba. And this was one of the methods of checking and balancing political power in the Oromo society. The second highest Gadaa assembly is the clan chaffe. It is from these assemblies that special delegates to the higher assembly are elected. The lowest Gadaa chaffe is the local chaffe. This is made up of local members of the Luba from among whom representatives to clan chaffes are elected.
The holders of these responsible posts can remain in office for eight years only, in normal times, and are then replaced by a new group of officers. The power is handed over at a special ceremony at a special place and time. The office-holders conduct government - political, economic, social, ritual and military - affairs of the entire nation for this period. During war time all capable men fight under the leadership of the group in office. During the eight year period the officials live together in a village (yaa'aa village) and when necessary travel together.
There are five Gadaas in a cycle of 40 years. If a man enters office (becomes Luba) now, his sons will become Luba 40 years from now. The five Gadaa (sometimes called Buttaa) in the cycle have names, which vary slightly from region to region. Among some Oromo communities, the sets of five Gadaa names used by the sons are different from those of the fathers. Whereas among other communities, the same set of Gadaa names are used for both fathers and sons. For instance, the Gadaa practiced in the Borana community uses the following different sets of names for the five Gadaa. (Could be likened to five parties who take power in turns).

Fathers generation Sons generation
1. Birmajii Aldada
2. Melba Horota
3. Muudana Bifoole
4. Roobale Sabaqa
5. Duuloo Kiloolee

In this manner, a given name repeats itself every 80 years. This is in fact the complete Gadaa cycle divided into two semi-cycles of 40 years each. The first 40 years is the Gadaa of the fathers and the second is the Gadaa of the sons.
Although it is not known with any degree of certainty where and when the Gadaa system started, it is known and documented that the Oromo have been practicing it for well over 500 years. However, according to oral Oromo historians, the Gadaa system has been in practice for several centuries. "Their (Borana Oromo) noted historian, Arero Rammata, was able to recount, in 1969, an oral history covering four thousand years", (Prouty et al, 1981). Today Gadaa experts easily recall fifty-seven Abbaa Gadaas with important events. Of course, this highly sophisticated system cannot have appeared without having been based on something earlier. Therefore, further study and analysis is required to know more about its origin and development.
Social scientists of diverse backgrounds at different times have studied the Gadaa system. Many of them have testified that it is uniquely democratic. Among those authorities, Plowden (1868), stated, "among republican systems, Gadaa is superior." Asmarom Legesse (1973) described the Gadaa system: "one of the most astonishing and instructive turns the evolution of human society has taken." Indeed, it is one of the most fascinating sociopolitical structure of Africa that even influenced the lives of other peoples. Several neighboring peoples have practiced a sort of the Gadaa. Among these are Sidama, Walayita, Konso, Darasa, Nyika, Nabdi, Maasai, etc., (Beckingham et al, 1954).
Like living organism, cultures undergo evolution in order to adapt to changing conditions. The Gadaa system has thus been undergoing evolutionary changes since its inception so as to serve better a continually developing society. However, the fundamental that occurred in the Gadaa system, starting around the end of the eighteenth century, were brought about mainly by events set in motion from outside the Oromo society. Therefore, it was not fully a normal or natural development.
In most communities suddenly and in a few cases gradually, the usefulness of the Gadaa system declined. Among the factors that had contributed to this decline were: firstly, the protracted wars that preceded the onset of colonization. The end of the eighteenth century was marked by constant wars and skirmishes, particularly in the north and north-eastern Oromia against the encroachment of the Abyssinians. Because of the insecurity imposed by such wars coupled with the distances involved to go to the Gadaa ceremonies to change the leadership, the Abbaa Duulas (fathers of war) stayed on their post for much longer period than required by the Gadaa rules. This gave these war leaders a mandatory power, because they were forced or encouraged by the society and existing circumstances, such as the continuous wars, to hang on to power. This weakened one of the outstanding features of the Gadaa system, the built-in checks and balances mechanism of political power. This in turn weakened the ideology by which the Oromo nation was successfully led for several centuries.
In addition to the protracted wars, the passing of major trade routes through the area and the subsequent expansion of trade gained the war leaders more wealth. Thus the wealth, fame and power they gradually gained enabled them to command a larger number of followers in the area they were defending. Thus they usurped the political power that belonged to the Gadaa officials and the people and finally some of them declared themselves "mootii" (kings).
The second important factor that contributed to this decline was the coming of new beliefs and religions. The politico-religious aggression that took place in the expansion of Islam and Christianity has affected the culture of the Oromo people very much. The invasion of Oromo land by Muslims in the east and south and by Christians in the north have left their mark on the Oromo culture.
Thirdly, the changes in the mode of living of several Oromo communities was probably one of the important factors that led to the decline of Gadaa. As the Oromo society developed, there was a gradual change in the social, economic and political life of the people. For instance, in many parts of Oromia, a settled agrarian mode of life developed fast and the people practiced both mixed agriculture - raised crops and animals - and nomadic pastoralism. The latter was the dominant mode of life before this time, although Oromo have practiced cultivation for a long time and have made significant contribution to agriculture by domesticating plants and rearing rare varieties of crop plants. The introduction and expansion of trade had significant contribution also. These and other related factors led to the emergence of a new social system, which created a significant pressure on the Gadaa system and brought about a modification or change in the Gadaa practices.
Finally, the onset of colonization had tremendously reduced the political and usefulness of Gadaa system as the administrative affairs and management of the national economy were taken over by the colonizers except in remote regions. Atseme noted, "Menilek outlawed the major chaffe meetings in the Oromo areas he conquered." Bartels (1983) also noted, "Gadaa ... was gradually deprived by Amharas of most of its political and judicial powers and reduced to merely ritual institution." Even the social aspects, that is the ritual and ceremonial aspects, have not been left to the people. The observance of Gadaa ceremonies has been prohibited by proclamation.
The Oromo people also have a rich folklore, oral tradition, music and art. For example, it is believed that the Oromo are responsible for the invention and use of ph***ic stones (Wainwright, 1949 and Greenfield, 1965). Decorations of stone bowls from Zimbabwe include pictures of cattle with long "lyre-shaped" horns such as raised by Oromo. According to these scholars, this and the ph***ic stones found in Zimbabwe are traced directly to Oromo and linked to their early settlements there and to the Zimbabwe civilization. Wainwright (1949) argued that these were founded by the Oromo. He wrote: "Waqlimi and his people came from Oromo land and its neighborhood, and were already installed in southern Rhodesia before A.D. 900." (Waqlimi is an Oromo name). This date coincides with the date of the er****on of some of the famous buildings there which Wainwright says were built by Oromo . This appears to be part of the spread of Cush*tic civilization.
Although much of this culture and these traditions have survived harsh suppression, much has been forgotten and lost, artifacts have been destroyed and Oromo are discouraged from developing their culture and art.


25/09/2022

የኢሬቻ/ኢሬሳ/ በዓል ትውፊት እና አከባበር
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ጸሐፊ፡ አፈንዲ ሙተቂ
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የኢሬቻን በዓል በማስመልከት ይህንን ኢትኖግራፊ ቀመስ ወግ ጀባ ልንላችሁ ነው፡፡ ታዲያ እኛ ባደግንበት አካባቢ በሚነገረው ትውፊት በዓሉ “ኢሬሳ” እየተባለ ስለሚጠራ በዚህ ጽሑፍ ውስጥም “ኢሬሳ” የሚለውን ስም መጠቀሙን መርጠናል፡፡
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ጽሑፋችንን የተሳሳቱ ምልከታዎችን በማስተካከል እንጀምራለን፡፡

የዋቄፈንና እምነት ተከታይ የሆኑት ኦሮሞዎች በሙሉ የኢሬሳን በዓል ያከብሩታል፡፡ ይሁንና በዚህ ዘመን በዓሉ በከፍተኛ ድምቀት የሚከበረው የቱለማ ኦሮሞ ይዞታ በሆነው የቢሾፍቱ ወረዳ መሆኑ ይታወቃል፡፡ ታዲያ የበዓሉ ማክበሪያ በሆነው ስፍራ ቆሪጥን የመሳሰሉ በሀገር አቀፍ ደረጃ ከፍተኛ ስምና ዝና ያላቸው ጠንቋዮች የከተሙ በመሆናቸው ብዙ ሰዎች ኢሬቻን ጠንቋዮቹ የዛር መንፈሳቸውን በህዝቡ ላይ የሚያሰፍኑበት ዓመታዊ የንግሥ በዓል አድርገው ይመለከቱታል፡፡ አልተገናኝቶም!!

ጠንቋዮቹ በቅርብ ዘመን የበቀሉ ሀገር አጥፊ አራሙቻዎች ናቸው፡፡ ከበዓሉ ጋር አንድም ግንኙነት የላቸውም፡፡ ኖሮአቸውም አያውቅም፡፡ የኢሬቻ በዓል ግን ከጥንቱ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የዋቄፈና እምነት የፈለቀ እና ለብዙ ክፍለ ዘመናት ሲተገበር የኖረ ነው፡፡ ጠንቋዮቹ በዚያ አካባቢ የሰፈሩት ከጣሊያን ወረራ ወዲህ ባለው ጊዜ ነው፡፡ እነዚህ ጠንቋዮች እዚያ የሰፈሩበት ምክንያት አለ፡፡ የገላን፤ የቢሾፍቱ እና የዱከም ወረዳዎች በጥንታዊው የቱለማ ኦሮሞ ደንብ መሰረት የነገዱ ፖለቲካዊና መንፈሳዊ ማዕከላት ናቸው፡፡ እነዚህ መሬቶች በቱለማ ኦሮሞ ዘንድ “ቅዱስ” ተብለው ነው የሚታወቁት፡፡ “ቃሉ” የሚባለው የህዝቡ መንፈሳዊ መሪም የሚኖረው በዚህ አካባቢ ነው፡፡ የቱለማ ኦሮሞ ኢሬቻን የመሳሰሉ ታላላቅ በዓላት የሚያከብረውም በዚሁ ስፍራ ነው፡፡

በ19ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን መጨረሻ ላይ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በነዚህ መሬቶች የሚያካሄደውን በዓላትን የማክበርና “ዋቃ”ን የማምለክ ተግባራት እንዳያከናውን ታገደ (ዝርዝሩን ለማወቅ የጸሐፌ ትዕዛዝ ገብረ ሥላሤን “ታሪክ ዘመን ዘዳግማዊ ምኒልክ”፣ ወይንም የኤንሪኮ ቼሩሊን The Folk Literature of The Oromo ያንብቡ)፡፡ ይሁንና ልዩ ልዩ የኦሮሞ ጎሳዎች እየተደበቁም ቢሆን ወደ ስፍራው መሄዳቸውን አላቋረጡም፡፡ በጣሊያን ዘመን ደግሞ እንደ ጥንቱ ዘመን ሰብሰብ ብለው በዓሉን ማክበር ጀመሩ፡፡

ጣሊያን ሲወጣ እንደገና በጅምላ ወደስፍራው እየሄዱ በዓሉን ማክበሩ ቀረ፡፡ ነገር ግን ኦሮሞዎች ከጣሊያን በኋላም በተናጠልና በትንንሽ ቡድኖች እየሆኑ መንፈሳዊ በዓላቸውን በስፍራው ማክበራቸውን አላቋረጡም (እዚህ ላይ ጣሊያንን ማድነቃችን አይደለም፤ ታሪኩን መጻፋችን ነው እንጂ)፡፡

እንግዲህ በዚያ ዘመን ነው ጠንቋዮቹ በአካባቢው መስፈር የጀመሩት፡፡ እነዚህ ጠንቋዮች ይህንን ስፍራ ምርጫቸው ያደረጉበት ዋነኛ ምክንያት አለ፡፡ ጠንቋዮቹ ህዝቡ መሬቱን እንደ ቅዱስ ምድር የሚመለከት መሆኑን ያውቃሉ፡፡ “ቃሉ” የሚባለው የጥንቱ የኦሮሞ ሀገር በቀል እምነት መሪ በስፍራው እየኖረ የህዝቡን መንፈሳዊ ተግባራት ይመራ እንደነበረም ያውቃሉ፡፡ የኦሮሞ ቃሉ በህዝቡ ከፍተኛ ክብር እንደሚሰጠው እና ንግግሩ በሁሉም ዘንድ ተቀባይነት እንዳለውም ይገነዘባሉ፡፡ “ቃሉ” አስፈላጊ ሆኖ በተገኘበት ጊዜ ከ“ዋቃ” የተሰጠውን ገደብ ሳይጥስ “ራጋ” የማከናወን ስልጣን እንዳለውም ይረዳሉ፡፡

እንግዲህ ጠንቋዮቹ የዘረፋ ስትራቴጂያቸውን ሲወጥኑ በጥንታዊው የኦሮሞ የዋቄፈና እምነት ተከታዮች ዘንድ እንደ ቅዱስ የሚወሰደው ያ ማዕከላዊ ስፍራ ብዙ ገቢ ሊዛቅበት እንደሚችል ታያቸው፡፡ በመሆኑም በዚያ ቅዱስ ስፍራ ከትመው ከጥንቱ የኦሮሞ ቃሉ ስልጣንና ትምህርት የተሰጣቸው እየመሰሉ ህዝቡን ማጭበርበርና ማወናበድ ጀመሩ፡፡ ለረጅም ዘመን ማንም ሃይ ባይ ስላልነበራቸው የውንብድና ስራቸውን በሰፊው ሄደውበታል፡፡ አሁን ግን ሁሉም እየነቃባቸው ነው፡፡

ታዲያ በሁሉም የሀገራችን አካባቢዎች የሚኖሩት ጠንቋዮች ተመሳሳይ ስትራቴጂ የሚጠቀሙ መሆናቸውን ልብ በሉ፡፡ ለምሳሌ በወሎ፣ በሀረርጌ፣ በባሌና በጂማ የሚኖሩት ጠንቋዮች እነ ሼኽ ሑሴን ባሌ፣ እነ ሼኽ አባዲር፣ እነ አው ሰዒድ፣ እነ ሼኽ አኒይ ወዘተ… የመሳሰሉት ቀደምት ሙስሊም ዑለማ በመንፈስ እየመሯቸው መጪውን ነገር እንደሚተነብዩና ድብቁን ሁሉ እንደሚፈትሹ ይናገራሉ፡፡ በሰሜን ሸዋ፣ ጎንደር፣ ጎጃም ወዘተ… አካባቢዎች ያሉ ጠንቋዮች ደግሞ ቅዱስ ገብርኤልና ሚካኤል ራዕይ እያስተላለፉላቸው መጻኢውን ነገር ለመተንበይ እንዳበቋቸው ያወራሉ፡፡ ነገር ግን ሁላቸውም አጭበርባሪዎች ናቸው፡፡ እነዚህን ጠንቋዮች ከክርስትናም ሆነ ከእስልምና ጋር የሚያገናኛቸው ነገር እንደሌለ ሁሉ ከዋቄፈንና እምነትም ጋር የሚያገናኛቸው ነገር የለም፡፡ ሶስቱም እምነቶች ጥንቆላን ያወግዛሉ፡፡ እናም የቢሾፍቱ ቆሪጦች እና ኢሬቻ በምንም መልኩ አይገናኙም፡፡ ስለዚህ ኢሬቻን ከጥንቆላም ሆነ ከባዕድ አምልኮ ጋር ማያያዝ ስህተት ነው፡፡

ከዚሁ ጋር ተያይዞ መወሳት ያለበት ጉዳይ ለጠንቋዮች መጠሪያ ሆኖ የሚያገለግለውን “ቃልቻ” የተሰኘውን ስም ይመለከታል፡፡ ይህ ስም በአንድ ጎኑ “ቃሉ” የሚለውን የኦሮሞ መንፈሳዊ አባት ያመለክታል፡፡ በሌላኛው ጎኑ ይህ መንፈሳዊ አባት የተወለደበትን ጎሳም ያመለክታል፡፡

የቃሉ ሹመት እንደ አባገዳ በምርጫ የሚከናወን ሳይሆን ከአባት ወደ ልጅ የሚተላለፍ ነው፡፡ ይህ መንፈሳዊ አባት አባል የሆነበት ጎሳም በዚሁ ስም “ቃሉ” እየተባለ ነው የሚጠራው፡፡ የጎሳው አባላት የሆኑ ሰዎች ሃላፊነት ህዝቡን በመንፈሳዊ ተግባራት ማገልገል ነው፡፡ የዚህ ጎሳ ተወላጆች በከፍተኛ ደረጃ ይከበራሉ፡፡ ቃላቸው በሁሉም ዘንድ ተሰሚ ነው፡፡ ይሁንና የፖለቲካ መሪ እና የጦር መሪ ለመሆን አይችሉም፡፡ የአባገዳ ምርጫ ሲከናወንም ለእጩነት አይቀርቡም፡፡ እንግዲህ “ቃሊቻ” የሚባሉት ከዚህ የተከበረ ጎሳ የተወለዱ ወንዶች ናቸው፡፡ ሴቶቹ ደግሞ “ቃሊቲ” በሚለው የማዕረግ ስም ይጠራሉ፡፡ የሁለቱም ትርጉም “የቃሉ ሰው” እንደማለት ነው፡፡ ጠንቋዮቹ “ቃሊቻ” ነን ማለት የጀመሩት ቃሉዎች በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ዘንድ ያላቸውን ክብር ስለሚያውቁ ነው፡፡ ነገር ግን “ቃሊቻ” እና ጠንቋይ የሰማይና የመሬትን ያህል የተራራቁ ናቸው፡፡
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እነሆ አሁን ወደ ኢሬሳ ትረካችን ገብተናል!!

በጥንቱ የኦሮሞ የዋቄፈንና እምነት መሰረት ብዙዎቹ በዓላት ወርሃዊ ናቸው፡፡ እነዚህ ወርሃዊ በዓላት የሚከበሩት በየአጥቢያው ባሉት መልካዎች፣ በኦዳ (ዋርካ) ዛፍ ስር እና “ገልመ ቃሉ” በሚባለው ቤተ እምነት ነው፡፡ ኢሬሳን የመሳሰሉት ታላላቅ በዓላት የሚከበሩት ግን በነገድ (ቆሞ) ደረጃ ሲሆን በዓላቱን የማክበሩ ስርዓቶች የሚፈጸሙትም በዞን ደረጃ ባሉ የበዓል ማክበሪያ ስፍራዎች ነው፡፡ እነዚህ የክብረ በዓል ስፍራዎች የሚገኙትም የእያንዳንዱ የኦሮሞ ነገድ የፖለቲካና የመንፈሳዊ ማዕከላት ባሉበት አቅራቢያ ነው፡፡ ምሳሌ ልስጣችሁ፡፡

ከአዲስ አበባ ወደ ሀረር ስትመጡ “አዴሌ” እና “ሀረማያ” የተሰኙትን ሐይቆች ታገኛላችሁ አይደል?… አዎን! የአዴሌን ሐይቅ አልፋችሁ ወደ ሀረማያ ከመድረሳችሁ በፊት ወደ ጋራሙለታ አውራጃ የሚገነጠለው የኮረኮንች መንገድ ይገጥማችኋል፡፡ መንገዳቸው ወደ ጋራ ሙለታ የሆነ ተጓዦች እዚያ ከመድረሳቸው በፊት የአውቶቡሱ ረዳት በዚያ ስፍራ እንዲያወርዳቸው ይነግሩታል፡፡ ታዲያ ስፍራውን ምን ብለው እንደሚጠሩት ታውቃላችሁ?….. Mudhii Irreessaa ነው የሚሉት፡፡ ቃል በቃል ሲተረጎም “የኢሬሳ ወገብ” እንደማለት ነው፡፡ አውዳዊ ፍቺው ግን “የኢሬሳ በዓል ማክበሪያ ስፍራ” እንደማለት ነው፡፡

በዚህ ስፍራ በአሁኑ ወቅት የኢሬሳ በዓል አይከበርም፡፡ በጥንት ዘመናት ግን የምስራቅ ሀረርጌው የአፍረን ቀሎ ኦሮሞ የኢሬሳን በዓል የሚያከብረው በዚህ አካባቢ ነው፡፡ በዓሉ ይከበርበት የነበረውን ትክክለኛ ስፍራ ለማወቅ ካሻችሁ በዋናው የአስፋልት መንገድ ላይ ለጥቂት ሜትሮች እንደተጓዛችሁ ከመንገዱ በስተቀኝ በኩል ፈልጉት፡፡ በዚያ ስፍራ ላይ ከትንሽዬ ኮረብታ ስር የተጠጋ ሰፊ መስክ ራቅ ብሎ ብሎ ይታያል፡፡ ይህ ረግረጋማ ስፍራ በጥንቱ ዘመን አነስተኛ ሐይቅ እንደነበረበት ልብ በሉ፡፡ ሐይቁ ከጊዜ ብዛት ስለደረቀ ነው በረግረግ የተዋጠው መስክ እንዲህ አግጥጦ የሚታየው፡፡ እናም የአፍረን ቀሎ ኦሮሞ የዋቄፈንና እምነት ተከታይ በነበረበት የጥንት ዘመናት የኢሬሳን በዓል የሚያከብርበት ቅዱስ ስፍራ በዚህ የደረቀ ሐይቅ ዳርቻ የነበረው መሬት ነው፡፡

Mudhii Irreessa የሚባለው ስፍራ ከደረቀው ሐይቅ አቅራቢያ መሆኑና ይኸው ስፍራ አሁን ካሉት የሐረማያ እና የአዴሌ ሐይቆች አቅራቢያ መገኘቱ የአጋጣሚ ነገር እንዳይመስላችሁ፡፡ በነገድ ደረጃ የኢሬሳ በዓል የሚከበርባቸው ማዕከላት በሙሉ በሐይቅ ዳርቻ የሚገኙ ናቸው፡፡ ይህም ምክንያት አለው፡፡ አንደኛው ምክንያት የጥንቱ የኦሮሞ የዋቄፈንና እምነት “ፍጥረት የተገኘው ከውሃ ነው” የሚል አስተምህሮ ያለው በመሆኑ “ዋቃ” ፍጥረተ ዓለሙን በጀመረበት የውሃ ዳርቻ በዓሉንና የአምልኮ ተግባሩን መፈጸም ተገቢ ነው ከሚል ርዕዮት የመነጨ ነው፡፡ ይሁንና ሁሉም የውሃ አካል ለዚህ ክብር አይመጥንም፡፡ ኦሮሞ ከሰው ልጅ ነፍስ ቀጥሎ ለከብቶቹ ነፍስ በእጅጉ ይጨነቃል፡፡ በመሆኑም ኢሬሳን የመሳሰሉ ታላላቅ በዓላት በዳርቻው የሚከበርበት የውሃ አካል ከሰዎች በተጨማሪ ለከብቶች ህይወት አስፈላጊ መሆኑም ይጠናል፡፡ ይህም ማለት ውሃው በኦሮሞ ስነ-ቃል “ሃያ” (ቦጂ) እየተባለ የሚጠራው ጨዋማ ንጥረ ነገር ያለው ሊሆን ይገባል ለማለት ነው፡፡ በዚህ ማዕድን በአንደኛ ደረጃ የሚታወቁት ደግሞ “ሆራ” የሚባሉት በከፍተኛ ስፍራዎች ላይ ያሉ ሐይቆች ናቸው፡፡

የእነዚህ “ሆራ” ሐይቆች ልዩ ባህሪ ነጠላ ሆነው አለመገኘታቸው ነው፡፡ በተለያዩ ክልሎች ያሉት ሆራዎች በቡድን ተሰባጥረው ነው የሚገኙት፡፡ በአንዳንድ ስፍራዎች እስከ ሶስት ያህል ሆራዎች አሉ፡፡ በአንዳንድ ስፍራዎች ደግሞ እስከ ስምንት የሚደርሱ ሆራዎች ይገኛሉ፡፡ ብዙዎቹ የኦሮሞ ነገዶች እነዚህን በማዕድናት ክምችት የበለጸጉ ሐይቆች ወጥ በሆነ ሁኔታ “ሆረ” (Hora) እያሉ ነው የሚጠሩት፡፡ የአፍረን ቀሎ ኦሮሞ ግን “ሀረ” ነው የሚለው፡፡ “ሀረ ማያ” የሚለው የሐይቁ ስያሜም የሚያመለክተው ይህንኑ ነው፡፡ እንግዲህ ኢሬቻ የሚከበረው በእንዲህ ዓይነት ሐይቆች አቅራቢያ ነው፡፡
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ከላይ ስጀምር “የኢሬሳ በዓል ማክበሪያ ስፍራ ለነገዱ የፖለቲካና የሃይማኖት ማዕከል የቀረበ ነው” ብዬ ነበር፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ የ“ሀረ ማያ”ን ሐይቅ ያየ ሰው በአባባሌ መደናገሩ አይቀርም፡፡ ነገሩ ግን እውነት ነው፡፡ በዛሬው ዘመን “ሃረ ማያ” በትውፊት ውስጥ ያለው አስፈላጊነት እየተረሳ የመጣው የአፍረን ቀሎ ኦሮሞ የኢኮኖሚ ስርዓቱን ከከብት እርባታ ወደ ግብርና ማዞር በጀመረበት ዘመን እስልምናንም እየተቀበለ በመምጣቱና የፖለቲካ ማዕከሉም በዚሁ ሂደት ውስጥ በመረሳቱ ነው፡፡ ነገሩን ጠለቅ ብሎ ያየ ሰው ግን የጥንቱን የአፍረን ቀሎ የፖለቲካ ማዕከል ከሀረማያ ከተማ በቅርብ ርቀት ላይ ያገኘዋል፡፡ ይህም “ቡሉሎ” የሚባለው ስፍራ ነው (ስፍራው ለወተር ከተማ ይቀርባል)፡፡ በዚህ መሰረት የዛሬዎቹ የሀረማያ እና የቀርሳ ወረዳዎች የጥንቱ የአፍረን ቀሎ ኦሮሞ የፖለቲካና የመንፈሳዊ ማዕከላት ነበሩ ማለት ነው፡፡

ከአፍረን ቀሎ ኦሮሞ ምድር ወደ ምዕራብ ተጉዘን “ጨርጨር” በሚባለው የኢቱ ኦሮሞ መሬት ውስጥ ስንገባ ደግሞ ነገሩ በግልጽ ይታየናል፡፡ የኢቱ ኦሮሞ የኢሬሳን በዓል የሚያከብርበት ስፍራ በአሁኑ የምዕራብ ሀረርጌ ዞን የቁኒ ወረዳ፣ በደነባ ቀበሌ ውስጥ ይገኛል፡፡ ስፍራው እስከ አሁን ድረስ Mudhii Irressa እየተባለ ይጠራል፡፡ ይህ ስፍራ ከዝነኛው “ኦዳ ቡልቱም” በሁለት ኪሎሜትር ያህል ብቻ ነው የሚርቀው፡፡ “ኦዳ ቡልቱም” የኢቱ ኦሮሞ ጥንታዊ የፖለቲካና የእምነት ማዕከል ሲሆን በኢቱ ኦሮሞ ትውፊት መሰረት ስድስት “ሆራዎች” አሉት፡፡ እነርሱም “ሆረ ባዱ”፣ “ሆረ ቃሉ”፣ “ሆራ ቁኒ”፣ “ሆረ ባቴ”፣ “ሆረ ጎሄ” እና “ሆረ ዲማ” ይባላሉ፡፡

እነዚህ ሃይቆች በበጋ ወቅት አነስ ብለው ቢታዩም ሙሉ በሙሉ የጠፉበት ሁኔታ አልተከሰተም፡፡ ከነርሱ መካከል ትልቁ “ሆራ ዲማ” ሲሆን በተለምዶ “ሀሮ ጨርጨር” እየተባለም ይጠራል፡፡ “ሆረ ዲማ” የምስራቅ ኢትዮጵያ ትልቁ ሐይቅ ነው (የአስፋልቱ መንገድ ወደዚያ ስለማይደርስ የመሃል ሀገር ሰዎች በአብዛኛው ሃረማያን ነው የሚያውቁት፤ ይሁንና “ሆረ ዲማ” በስፋቱ የሀረማያን ሶስት እጥፍ ይሆናል)፡፡ “ሆራ ባዱ” ደግሞ ለኦዳ ቡልቱም በጣም የቀረበው ሐይቅ ነው፡፡ የኢቱ ኦሮሞ የኢሬሳን በዓል የሚያከብረው ግን “ሆረ ቃሉ” ከተሰኘው ሐይቅ አጠገብ ነው፡፡ ይህም ሃይቅ ከሆረ ባዱ በስተምስራቅ ይገኛል፡፡

ስድስቱ ሐይቆች ካሉበት ስፍራ ጀምሮ እስከ ገለምሶ ከተማ ድረስ ያለው መሬት በኢቱ ኦሮሞ አጠራር “ፎዱ” ይባላል፡፡ “ማዕከል” ማለት ነው፡፡ ይህ ማዕከላዊ ወረዳ ለሶስት ጉዳዮች ብቻ የተከለለ ነው፡፡ አንደኛ “አባ ቦኩ” የሚባለው ርእሰ መስተዳድርና “ቃሉ” የተባለው መንፈሳዊ መሪ መኖሪያ ነው፡፡ ሁለተኛ የኦዳ ቡልቱም የገዳ ስርዓት ማዕከላዊ ተቋማት፣ የህዝቡ መንፈሳዊ ተቋማት እና የዞን አቀፍ በዓላት ማክበሪያ ስፍራዎች የሚገኙበት ክልል ነው፡፡ ሶስተኛ ለህዝብ ጠቀሜታ ብቻ የሚውሉት ስድስቱ ሆራዎች የሚገኙበት ክልል ነው፡፡ በመሆኑም የኢቱ ኦሮሞ ተወላጆች በሙሉ በዓመት ወይንም በሁለት ዓመት አንዴ ከብቶቻቸውን ወደነዚህ ሐይቆች እያመጡ ውሃ ያጠጧቸዋል፡፡ የኢቱ ኦሮሞ ሽማግሌዎች እንደሚናገሩት ከብቶች የሆራን ውሃ ካልጠጡ እንዳሻቸው ሳር አይመገቡም፡፡ ስለዚህ ከብቶቹን ወደ ሆራ መውሰዱ እጅግ አስፈላጊ ተግባር ተደርጎ ይቆጠራል፡፡ ይህ ስርዓት Nadha Baasuu ይባላል፡፡

የቱለማ ኦሮሞ የኢሬቻን በዓል የሚያከብርበትንም ስፍራ ካያችሁ ተመሳሳይ ነገር ታገኛላችሁ፡፡ በኦዳ ቡልቱም ዙሪያ ያሉት ስድስት ሐይቆች በቱለማ ምድርም አሉ፡፡ እነርሱም “ሆረ አርሰዲ”፣ “ሆረ ኪሎሌ”፣ “ሆረ ሀዶ”፤ “ሆረ ገንደብ”፣ “ሆራ ዋርጦ” እና “ሆረ ኤረር” ይባላሉ፡፡ የቱለማ ኦሮሞ ኢሬቻን የሚያከብረው “ሆረ አርሰዲ” በተሰኘው ሐይቅ ዳርቻ ነው፡፡

እነዚህ ስድስት ሐይቆች የቱለማ ኦሮሞ የፖለቲካ ማዕከል ከሆነው “ኦዳ ነቤ” በቅርብ ርቀት ላይ ነው የሚገኙት፡፡ ይህ ኦዳ ነቤ በዱከም ወረዳ ውስጥ ከሸገር በ37 ኪሎሜትር ርቀት ላይ ይገኛል፡፡ በዚሁ የፖለቲካ ማዕከል ዙሪያም ህዝቡ ሃይማኖታዊ ጉዞ የሚያደርግባቸው Sadeettan Tulluu Waaqaa (ስምንቱ የአምላክ ተራራዎች) የሚባሉት የሸዋ ከፍተኛ ስፍራዎች ይገኛሉ፡፡ እነዚህም “ቱሉ ጩቃላ”፣ “ቱሉ ኤረር”፣ “ቱሉ ፉሪ”፣ “ቱሉ ገላን”፣ “ቱሉ ዋቶ ዳለቻ”፣ “ቱሉ ፎየታ”፣ “ቱሉ ወጨጫ” እና “ቱሉ ኤግዱ” የሚባሉት ናቸው፡፡ የህዝቡ አባ ገዳዎች መቀመጫ የሆኑት የአዋሽ መልካ በሎ እና የገላን ደንጎራ መስኮች የሚገኙትም በዚሁ ወረዳ ነው፡፡ እንግዲህ የቱለማ ኦሮሞ የኢሬቻን በዓል የሚያከብርበት “ሆራ አርሰዲ” ያለው እነዚህ የፖለቲካና የሃይማኖት ማዕከላት ባሉበት መሬት ላይ ነው፡፡

እላይ ከጠቀስናቸው ሶስት ነገዶች በተጨማሪ ሌሎች የኦሮሞ ነገዶችም በዓሉን ያከብሩታል፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ ከኦሮሞ ነገዶች መካከል ከፍተኛ የህዝብ ብዛት ያላቸው የአርሲ እና የመጫ ነገዶች በዓሉን በአንድ ስፍራ የሚያከብሩት አይመስለኝም (መረጃው ያላችሁ አካፍሉን)፡፡

ታዲያ ከቱለማ በስተቀር ሁሉም ኦሮሞዎች በዓሉን “ኢሬሳ” እያሉ ነው የሚጠሩት፡፡ ቱለማ ግን “ኢሬቻ” ነው የሚለው፡፡ ይህ ልዩነት ግን ሌላ ሚስጢር የለውም፡፡ በሌሎች ዘዬዎች በምንናገርበት ጊዜ በ“ሳ” ድምጽ የምናሳርገውን ቃል በቱለማ ዘዬ “ቻ” እያሉ መናገር የተለመደ በመሆኑ ነው፡፡ ለምሳሌ “ለሜሳ”፣ “ከሌሳ”፣ “በሬሳ”፣ “ሙርቴሳ” የመሳሰሉት ቃላት በቱለማ ዘዬ “ለሜቻ”፣ “በሬቻ”፣ “ሙርቴቻ”፣ “ከሌቻ” በሚል ድምጸት ነው የሚነገሩት፡፡
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ለመሆኑ የኢሬሳ በዓል የሚከበረው ለምንድነው?……

የኦሮሞ ሽማግሌዎች ይህንን ጥያቄ ሲመልሱን “የኢሬሳ በዓል የሚከበረው ለዋቃ ምስጋና ለማቅረብ ነው” ይላሉ፡፡ መነሻውንም ሲያስረዱ “ዋቃ ክረምቱን በሰላም ስላሳለፈልንና ከሰማይ ባዘነበው ውሃ መልካም ፍሬ ስለሰጠን ያለ ክፍያ በቸርነቱ ለሚንከባከበን አምላክ ምስጋና ማቅረብ የተገባ በመሆኑ ነው” ይሉናል፡፡ “ዋቃ” ፍጥረተ ዓለምን ያስገኘውና ሂደቱንም የሚያስተናብረው አንድ አምላክ ማለት ነው፡፡ ኦሮሞ ችግር ሲገጥመው አቤቱታውን የሚያቀርበው “ለዋቃ” ነው፡፡ በደስታ ጊዜም ተሰብስቦ “ዋቃ”ን ያመሰግናል፡፡ ኢሬሳ የዚህ ዓይነቱ የምስጋና ማቅረቢያ በዓል ነው፡፡

ኢሬሳ በክረምቱ የወንዞች ሙላት ምክንያት ተቆራርጠው የነበሩ ቤተ ዘመዶችና ልዩ ልዩ ጎሳዎች የሚገናኙበት በዓል ነው፡፡ በመሆኑም በበዓሉ የተገኙት ሁሉ ይቅር ይባባሉ፡፡ ገንዘባቸውን ለሌሎች ያበደሩ ሰዎችም በሌሎች ላይ ያላቸውን እዳ ይሰርዙላቸዋል፡፡ በዓሉ የሚከበርበት ቀን የዓመቱ መጀመሪያ ተደርጎ የሚቆጠር በመሆኑ ዓመቱ የደስታና የብልጽግና ይሆን ዘንድ የመልካም ምኞት መግለጫዎች ይጎርፋሉ፡፡ የህዝቡ መንፈሳዊ መሪ የሆነው “ቃሉ” ለህዝቡና ለሀገሩ “ኤባ” (ምርቃት) ያደርጋል፡፡ ታዲያ ማንኛውም ሰው ወደ በዓሉ ስፍራ ሲሄድ አለባበሱን ማሳመር ይጠበቅበታል፡፡ በእጁም የወይራ ቀንበጥ፣ እርጥብ ሳር አሊያም የአደይ አበባን ይይዛል፡፡

በነገራችን ላይ በጥንቱ ዘመን ከዚሁ የኢሬሳ በዓል ትይዩ ሌላ በዓል ይከበር እንደነበርም ልብ በሉ፡፡ ይህኛው በዓል የሚከበረው የክረምቱ ዝናብ ሊጀምር በሚያስገመግምበት የሰኔ ወር መግቢያ ላይ ነው፡፡ የበዓሉ ማክበሪያ ስፍራዎች ደግሞ ተራሮችና ኮረብታዎች ናቸው፡፡ ይህ በዓል “መጪው ክረምት መልካም የዝናብና የአዝመራ ወቅት እንዲሆንልን ለዋቃ ጸሎት ማድረስ” በሚል መንፈስ ነው የሚከበረው፡፡ በዓሉ በምዕራብ ሀረርጌው የኢቱ ኦሮሞ ዘንድ “ደራራ” እየተባለ ነው የሚጠራው፡፡ የቱለማ ኦሮሞ ደግሞ “ኢሬቻ ቱሉ” (የተራራ ላይ ኢሬሳ) ይለዋል፡፡ በዓሉ በሌሎች ኦሮሞዎች የሚጠራበትን ስም ግን አላውቅም፡፡ በደራራ ጊዜ የሚፈለገው ትልቁ ነገር “ጸሎት” (Kadhaa) ማብዛት ነው፡፡ መዝፈንና መጨፈር አይፈቀድም፡፡ በኢሬሳ ጊዜ የሚፈለገው ግን “ምስጋና” (Galata) ማብዛት እና ደስታን ማብሰር ነው፡፡ በዚህኛው በዓል ዘፈንና ጭፈራ ይፈቀዳል፡፡

በሁለቱም በዓላት የዋቃ ስም ይለመናል፡፡ ለዋቃ መስዋእት ይቀርባል፡፡ ለመስዋእት የሚታረደው ጥቁር በሬ አሊያም ጥቁር ፍየል ነው፡፡ ይህም በጣም መሰረታዊ ነገር መሆኑን ልብ በሉ፡፡ በበሬው ቆዳ ላይ ቀይ ወይንም ነጭ ነጥብ በጭራሽ መኖር የለበትም፡፡ የበሬው ገላ ከጭረትና ከእከክ የነጻ መሆን አለበት፡፡ በተጨማሪም በሬው በደንብ የበላና የደለበ ሊሆን ይገባል፡፡

አንዳንድ ሰዎች “የበሬው ቆዳ ጥቁር መሆን አለበት” የሚለውን አስተርዮ እንደ ባዕድ አምልኮ እንደሚያዩት ይታወቃል፡፡ ነገሩ እንዲያ አይደለም፡፡ የበሬው ቆዳ ጥቁር መሆኑ የሚፈለገው በዋቄፈንና እምነት መሰረት “ሰዎችን የፈጠረውና በሰዎች የሚመለከው አምላክ ጥቁር ነው” ተብሎ ስለሚታመን ነው፡፡ ይህም “አምላክ በመልኩ ጥቁር ነው” ማለት ሳይሆን “ዋቃ በስራው እንጂ በአካሉም ሆነ በሚስጢሩ ለሰው ልጅ በጭራሽ አይታወቅም” ለማለት ነው፡፡ በመሆኑም የጥንቱ ኦሮሞዎች ዋቃን ሲለማመኑት እንዲህ ነበር የሚሉት፡፡

Yaa Waaqa (አንተ አምላክ ሆይ)
Jabaa hundaa olii (ከሁሉም በላይ ጥንካሬ ያለህ)
Tolchaa bobbaa fi galii (ወጥቶ መግባቱንም የሚያሳምረው)
Guraacha garaa garbaa (ጥቁሩ እና ሆደ ሰፊው)
Tokicha maqaa dhibbaa (በመቶ ስም የሚጠራው አንድዬ)

ይህ የጥቁር ነገር ከተነሳ ዘንዳ በኦሮሞ ባህል መሰረት ጥቁር በሬ ከፍተኛ ዋጋ ያለው መሆኑን ልብ በሉ፡፡ የቢሾፍቱና የገላን አካባቢ የኦሮሞ አርሶ አደር ሁለት ነጭ በሬዎች የሚገዙበትን ዋጋ ለአንዱ ጥቁር በሬ ብቻ ሊያወጣ ይችላል፡፡
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የኢሬሳ እና የደራራ በዓላት በጥንቱ ዘመን ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ በተጨማሪ የምስራቅ ኩሻዊያን (Eastern Cush*tic People) በሚባሉት የቤጃ፣ የሳሆ እና የሶማሊ ህዝቦችም ይከበሩ እንደነበረ ተረጋግጧል፡፡ እነዚህ ህዝቦች ቀደም ብለው የእስልምናን እምነት በመቀበላቸው በዓላቱን ማክበሩን ትተውታል፡፡ ይሁንና እንደነርሱ የኩሻዊ ቋንቋ ተናጋሪ የሆነው የአፋር ህዝብ እስከ ቅርብ ዘመን ድረስ የኢሬሳን በዓል ያከብር እንደነበረ ልዩ ልዩ ጥናቶች ያስረዳሉ፡፡

ሁለቱ በዓላት የሚከበሩባቸውን ወቅቶች፣ የየበዓላቱን ዓላማ እና በዓላቱ የሚከሩባቸውን አውዶች ያጠኑ ምሁራን በዓላቱ በጥንት ግብጻዊያንም ይከበሩ እንደነበረ አረጋግጠዋል፡፡ ይሁንና ተመራማሪዎቹ “የበዓላቱ ምንጭ ጥንታዊት ግብጽ ነች ወይንስ ከግብጽ በታች የሚኖሩት የኩሽ (ኑቢያ) ህዝቦች?” የሚለውን ጥያቄ ለመመለስ ተቸግረዋል፡፡ ጥያቄውን አስቸጋሪ ያደረገው የግብጻዊያኑ እምነት ብዝሃ አማልክት (Polytheism) የተቀላቀለበት መሆኑ ነው፡፡ ኩሻዊያኑ ግን “ዋቃ”፣ “ዋቅ፣ “ዋቆ” እያሉ በተቀራራቢ ቃላት ከሚጠሩት አንድ አምላክ በስተቀር ሌሎች አማልክት የሏቸውም፡፡ በዚህ ረገድ የሚደረገው ጥናት ሲጠናቀቅ ውጤቱ የሚታወቅ ይሆናል፡፡

ለሁሉም ግን የኢሬሳን በዓል ለሚያከብሩት ወገኖቻችን መልካም በዓል እንዲሆንላቸው እመኛለሁ!!
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አፈንዲ ሙተቂ
መስከረም 2015
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የትረካው ምንጭ

የዚህ ትረካ ዋናው ምንጭ "ቦረና እና በሬንቱ" የተሰኘው የኢትኖግራፊ መጽሐፌ ነው። በመጽሐፉ ውስጥ የተጻፈው ሰፊ ትረካ ነው እዚህ አጥሮ የቀረበው። ትረካውን ለማጠናቀር በአብዛኛው የቃል መረጅ (primary data) ተጠቅሜአለሁ። የቃል መረጃው በአገልግሎት ላይ ከመዋሉ በፊት ጠለቅ ያለ የምርመራ እና የማጣሪያ ስራ ተሰርቶለታል።
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ሌሎች ምንጮች

2. Afendi Muteki: The Ittu Oromo of Carcar, Origin, Institutions and Dispersions (A Project on Progress)

3. Gada Melba: Oromia, An Introduction to History of the Oromo People: Khartum፡ 1988

4. Enrico Cerulli: A Falk Literature of the Oromo People: Harvard: 1922

5. Johann L. Krapf, :Travels, Researches and Missionary Labors during an Eighteen Year's Residence in Eastern Africa, London, 1860

6. Mohammed Hasasan: The City of Harar and the Islamization of the Oromo in Hararge, Atlanta, 1999

7. የኦሮሚያ ባህልና ቱሪዝም ቢሮ፣ “በገዳ ስርዓት የቱለማ ኦሮሞ ፖለቲካ”፤ ፊንፊኔ፣ 2000

8. ልዩ ልዩ ቃለ ምልልሶች

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