M-Compass Media

09/07/2025

BREAKING NEWS: Social Democrats issue a statement beginning: “Tusla is no longer fit for purpose and needs root-and-branch reform”

The Statement says:

“Tusla is no longer fit for purpose and needs root-and-branch reform, according to Social Democrats children spokesperson Aidan Farrelly.

Deputy Farrelly said:

“Year after year, government after government, Tusla has never been empowered to cope with the demand for child protection and welfare referrals. This negligence is a government choice.

“Annual referrals have more than doubled since the Child and Family Agency’s inception in 2014 – demand has risen to approximately 50,000 more children, yet funding, services and infrastructure have not been extended and developed in accordance with these numbers.

“Poverty, which systemically leads to an increase in homelessness, addiction and trauma, is a primary driver of referrals. Successive governments have abjectly failed to deal with generational poverty, and the housing crisis. A whole-of-government approach to tackling these issues is the only way to bring referrals down.

“In March, I called for a complete reform of Tusla after a report, outlining its catastrophic shortcomings when complying with court directions affecting hundreds of children, came to light. It is clear the organisation has run out of road and has long been unfit for purpose.

“Tusla’s Director of Services must come before the Oireachtas Children’s Committee to outline all of the issues it is facing and be transparent about its failures. We must all come together and sort this mess out before even more children are left without the services they need.

“More importantly, once these shortcomings have been identified and solutions have been proposed, the government must act swiftly to implement changes. Otherwise, more and more vulnerable children will fall between the cracks.”

July 9th, 2025

07/07/2025

𝐂𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝𝐫𝐞𝐧 𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐜𝐞𝐝 𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐨 ‘𝐈𝐦𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐬𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐩𝐲’ 𝐭𝐨 𝐑𝐞𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐧𝐞𝐜𝐭 𝐖𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐀𝐥𝐥𝐞𝐠𝐞𝐝𝐥𝐲 𝐀𝐛𝐮𝐬𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐏𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐬

A Noteworthy investigation has revealed that some court-appointed assessors in Irish family law cases have subjected children to a controversial practice known as immersion therapy—a technique typically used in phobia treatment, now being applied to force reunification between children and estranged or allegedly abusive parents. The practice has been used primarily in cases where mothers are accused of “parental alienation,” a highly contested concept not recognised by the World Health Organisation.

A senior Tusla manager raised serious concerns about the use of immersion therapy, warning it contradicts Tusla’s trauma-informed, child-led approach and could negatively impact a child’s wellbeing. The manager’s warning was submitted to a Department of Justice working group reviewing parental alienation.

The Department of Justice has acknowledged concerns about the qualifications and regulation of court-appointed assessors, with a 2024 review noting that abuse allegations are often downplayed or ignored, and children’s voices can be excluded in favour of a “pro-contact” culture. Critics also argue that unregulated “experts” have been granted undue authority in custody decisions, often favouring fathers despite abuse allegations.

Former Fine Gael TD Bernard Durkan, who reviewed over 100 such cases 2022-2024, reported that many professional women lost custody of their children based on unverified parental alienation claims.

Domestic abuse organisations like Safe Ireland and advocacy groups such as SiSi have condemned the use of immersion therapy and the lack of transparency caused by the in-camera rule, which prevents public scrutiny of private family court proceedings.

Former Justice Minister Helen McEntee pledged to legislate against parental alienation being considered in private court decisions. The Department is also moving to implement reforms, including the creation of guidelines for expert reports, a regulated panel of assessors, and a Children’s Court Advocate pilot.

However, campaigners warn that Department of Justice proposals could actually increase the influence of these controversial experts without properly addressing systemic failures to protect children and abuse survivors.

06/07/2025

𝐆𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐩𝐮𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡 𝐁𝐢𝐥𝐥 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐰𝐢𝐥𝐥 𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐨𝐰 𝐦𝐮𝐥𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥𝐬, 𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐥𝐮𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐯𝐮𝐥𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞 𝐟𝐮𝐧𝐝𝐬 𝐬𝐮𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐈𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐡 𝐒𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐧 𝐂𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐭𝐬

The government published the general scheme of the Arbitration (Amendment) Bill 2025 on Friday 4 July which will amend the Arbitration Act 2010 to enable Ireland to ratify the EU–Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) and SIMILAR TRADE DEALS.

This follows a 2022 Supreme Court ruling which found that CETA’s investor tribunal system could not be ratified without legislative change, as it would allow binding decisions by international tribunals that are not subject to review by Irish courts.

The proposed legislation will also pave the way for Ireland to ratify other trade agreements with investment protection clauses, including those with Singapore, Vietnam, Chile, and Mexico.

Tánaiste Simon Harris described CETA as vital to Ireland’s post-Brexit trade diversification, particularly in the face of US tariff volatility, and reaffirmed the government’s commitment to ratifying the deal, calling it beneficial to Ireland, the EU, and Canada.

In Costello v Government of Ireland, the Supreme Court in 2022 found current Irish law unconstitutional for ratifying CETA due to the lack of oversight over ISDS tribunal awards. However, it clarified that amending the Arbitration Act 2010 could resolve this without a referendum.

The Arbitration (Amendment) Bill 2025 will address the 2022 Supreme Court judgment that ruled the investor-state arbitration schemes in the CETA were not compatible with the Constitution. It found such schemes bypassed the role of Irish courts, which would be powerless to respond to an award granted by a CETA tribunal.

Sinn Féin MEP Lynn Boylan’s says fully ratifying CETA makes no sense as many parts of the agreement are already in operation allowing free trade between the EU and Canada. “The one part that isn’t operating are private investor courts. These courts let big businesses sue states if they take any action that harms the profits of these businesses. This meant that even vulture funds could sue Ireland,” she says.

Stop CETA Alliance Ireland is a grassroots civil society coalition formed in 2016 to oppose Ireland’s ratification of the CETA, particularly targeting its Investor–State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism known in CETA as the Investor Court System (ICS) that would allow multinational corporations to sue the Irish government for loss of profit in a court outside the Irish jurisdiction. The Alliance brings together public interest NGOs, environmental groups, farmers’ organizations, small businesses and concerned citizens.

The Alliance claims ICS tribunals could override Irish courts and constrain the constitutional role of national justice. As Anna Kavanagh, co‑founder and Secretary, observed, it creates a “regulatory chill” deterring governments from public-interest policies for fear of being sued.

Seamus Maye (International Small Business Alliance) warns that CETA appears “a corporate power grab with no net gain for SMEs.”

With reports that the government is pushing to have the CETA ratified by year end, the Alliance is pushing for transparency, judicial safeguards, and wider cost-benefit analysis, ensuring that the public interest is not sidelined.

As of now, the EU–Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) has been fully ratified by seventeen EU member states. These include Austria, Croatia, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, and Sweden. In addition to these countries, CETA has also been ratified by the European Union’s institutional bodies and by Canada itself.

However, ten EU countries have not yet completed the ratification process. These are Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, France, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Poland, and Slovenia.

While CETA has been provisionally applied since 2017, its investment protection provisions cannot come into full legal force until all EU member states have ratified the agreement.

05/07/2025

𝐈𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐩𝐞𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐀𝐮𝐝𝐢𝐭 𝐔𝐫𝐠𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐥𝐲 𝐍𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐟 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐯𝐢𝐜𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐆𝐚𝐫𝐝𝐚𝐢́’𝐬 𝐑𝐨𝐥𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝐈𝐧𝐯𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐠𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐃𝐨𝐦𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐜 𝐕𝐢𝐨𝐥𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞, 𝐑𝐚𝐩𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐂𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝 𝐀𝐛𝐮𝐬𝐞 𝐂𝐚𝐬𝐞𝐬

By any measure, the recent string of convictions of serving and former members of An Garda Síochána for domestic violence, coercive control and s*xual offences marks a turning point in public awareness and trust.

The individuals once charged with protecting the vulnerable are now shown to be convicted perpetrators of domestic violence, r**e and child s*x abuse.

There must be a forensic, independent audit of how these men handled complaints of domestic violence, child s*xual abuse and r**e while they served as Gardai.

The cases are deeply troubling.

In 2022, Paul Moody, a serving Garda, was convicted of coercive control against his former partner over a prolonged and terrifying four-year campaign. He threatened her life, tracked her movements and made her existence a living hell.

In March 2024, Mark Doyle, an ex-Garda, was jailed for six years for what the court called “reprehensible” domestic abuse. Over a decade, he beat his partner and her children, subjecting them to cruelty behind closed doors while upholding the law in public.

In October 2024, another unnamed Garda was sentenced to two years in prison for s*xually abusing the young daughters of his former partner. Their mother told the court that the abuse shattered her family’s trust in the institution that was supposed to protect them.

William Ryan, convicted in February 2025, was jailed for six years for s*xually assaulting a woman in Wicklow and falsely imprisoning her while on duty at a Garda station. The abuse took place within the very system designed to offer safety and recourse.

In June 2025, Trevor Bolger pleaded guilty to assaulting his wife, also a Garda described by the court as a sustained and serious attack in what should have been the safest place on earth.

And just days ago, in June 2025, Shane Flanagan was found to have orchestrated a calculated and predatory plan to incite two men to r**e a Garda colleague, using fake online profiles. He also admitted to possessing child s*xual abuse material. His actions, the court heard, were not just criminal, they were chillingly deliberate.

These are not isolated cases. They reveal a pattern of male violence within the very force charged with upholding laws against that same violence.

What is not yet knownand what must now be investigated, is whether these men had roles in responding to reports of r**e, child abuse or domestic violence during their careers.

Did they dismiss women’s claims?

Did they sabotage investigations?

Did they intimidate complainants?

These are no longer hypothetical questions. An independent audit must examine their caseloads, their decision-making and the outcomes of any investigations they oversaw. We must ask: how many victims might have been denied justice because the investigating Garda was himself a perpetrator?

It is no longer enough for An Garda Síochána to rely on internal disciplinary processes or to remove convicted officers after the fact. Trust, once broken, must be rebuilt by transparency and accountability. A full independent review of Garda conduct in domestic and s*xual violence cases is now a moral and legal imperative.

Because if the guardians of the law become its violators, the State has a duty not just to punish them, but to uncover how deep the damage runs.

𝐈𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐩𝐞𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐀𝐮𝐝𝐢𝐭 𝐔𝐫𝐠𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐥𝐲 𝐍𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐟 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐯𝐢𝐜𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐆𝐚𝐫𝐝𝐚𝐢́’𝐬 𝐑𝐨𝐥𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝐈𝐧𝐯𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐠𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐃𝐨𝐦𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐜 𝐕𝐢𝐨𝐥𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞, 𝐑𝐚𝐩𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐂𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝 𝐀𝐛𝐮𝐬𝐞 𝐂𝐚𝐬𝐞𝐬

By any measure, the recent string of convictions of serving and former members of An Garda Síochána for domestic violence, coercive control and s*xual offences marks a turning point in public awareness and trust.

The individuals once charged with protecting the vulnerable are now shown to be convicted perpetrators of domestic violence, r**e and child s*x abuse.

There must be a forensic, independent audit of how these men handled complaints of domestic violence, child s*xual abuse and r**e while they served as Gardai.

The cases are deeply troubling.

In 2022, Paul Moody, a serving Garda, was convicted of coercive control against his former partner over a prolonged and terrifying four-year campaign. He threatened her life, tracked her movements and made her existence a living hell.

In March 2024, Mark Doyle, an ex-Garda, was jailed for six years for what the court called “reprehensible” domestic abuse. Over a decade, he beat his partner and her children, subjecting them to cruelty behind closed doors while upholding the law in public.

In October 2024, another unnamed Garda was sentenced to two years in prison for s*xually abusing the young daughters of his former partner. Their mother told the court that the abuse shattered her family’s trust in the institution that was supposed to protect them.

William Ryan, convicted in February 2025, was jailed for six years for s*xually assaulting a woman in Wicklow and falsely imprisoning her while on duty at a Garda station. The abuse took place within the very system designed to offer safety and recourse.

In June 2025, Trevor Bolger pleaded guilty to assaulting his wife, also a Garda described by the court as a sustained and serious attack in what should have been the safest place on earth.

And just days ago, in June 2025, Shane Flanagan was found to have orchestrated a calculated and predatory plan to incite two men to r**e a Garda colleague, using fake online profiles. He also admitted to possessing child s*xual abuse material. His actions, the court heard, were not just criminal, they were chillingly deliberate.

These are not isolated cases. They reveal a pattern of male violence within the very force charged with upholding laws against that same violence.

What is not yet knownand what must now be investigated, is whether these men had roles in responding to reports of r**e, child abuse or domestic violence during their careers.

Did they dismiss women’s claims?

Did they sabotage investigations?

Did they intimidate complainants?

These are no longer hypothetical questions. An independent audit must examine their caseloads, their decision-making and the outcomes of any investigations they oversaw. We must ask: how many victims might have been denied justice because the investigating Garda was himself a perpetrator?

It is no longer enough for An Garda Síochána to rely on internal disciplinary processes or to remove convicted officers after the fact. Trust, once broken, must be rebuilt by transparency and accountability. A full independent review of Garda conduct in domestic and s*xual violence cases is now a moral and legal imperative.

Because if the guardians of the law become its violators, the State has a duty not just to punish them, but to uncover how deep the damage runs.

05/07/2025

𝐓𝐢𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐓𝐃𝐬 𝐮𝐧𝐢𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐧 𝐜𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐢𝐬𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐓𝐮𝐬𝐥𝐚’𝐬 𝐝𝐞𝐜𝐢𝐬𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐨 𝐜𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐞 𝐬𝐰𝐢𝐦𝐦𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐩𝐨𝐨𝐥 𝐮𝐬𝐞𝐝 𝐛𝐲 𝟓𝟎𝟎 𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝𝐫𝐞𝐧

Tusla’s decision to shut down the Ferryhouse swimming pool near Clonmel has left more than 500 children, including those with disabilities, without access to a vital community resource. The closure was based on reported mechanical and electrical faults, yet it happened before a full report was completed and with no consultation with local stakeholders.

Deputy Michael Murphy and Deputy Mattie McGrath raised their concerns in the Dáil last Tuesday over the sudden closure of the swimming pool.

The facility, located on the Tusla-run campus, had served over 500 children weekly until its closure in February, including many with disabilities and members of the Dolphin Swimming Club.

Deputy Murphy described the decision to shut the pool reportedly due to mechanical and electrical faults as devastating for the community, especially given that it was made before the full consultant’s report had been completed.

Both Deputies accused Tusla of failing to engage with local stakeholders or provide transparency.

Deputy McGrath went further, alleging that the closure was part of a deliberate effort to phase out community activities at Ferryhouse in favour of expanding Tusla office use.

He demanded the full release of the consultant’s report and questioned Tusla’s continued involvement with the premises, given ongoing national controversies including missing children in State care.

In response, Minister of State Marian Harkin confirmed that Tusla had closed the pool due to a hazard notification following failed electrical safety testing. A preliminary consultant’s report received in June found the pool’s infrastructure to be at the end of its life. A more detailed cost breakdown is now awaited.

The Minister acknowledged the closure’s impact but reiterated that Tusla’s core remit is not the operation of public recreational facilities. She stressed that any future reopening would depend on further discussions with the local authority and sports partnerships to explore alternative funding and operational models.

Deputy Murphy replied that swimming offered irreplaceable benefits to children and people with disabilities, and that with a five-year waiting list at the Clonmel pool, the Ferryhouse facility was critical. He again called for interim solutions and Ministerial intervention.

In conclusion, Minister Harkin reiterated that while Tusla is willing to engage, its primary responsibilities lie elsewhere, and the future of the pool hinges on a viable external partnership model and the outcome of cost assessments.

Ferryhouse, located outside Clonmel, was one of Ireland’s oldest and most well-known industrial schools. It was operated by the Rosminian Order and housed boys placed there by the courts or State from the 19th century until its closure as a residential institution in the late 1990s.

Following the closure of the industrial school, the campus, including its buildings and facilities such as the swimming pool and sports complex transitioned to State ownership.

after its establishment in 2014. Tusla inherited certain properties and services formerly managed by the HSE and religious orders that were repurposed for child welfare, residential care, and administrative functions.

Ferryhouse is now a Tusla-operated residential care campus, used for high-support units for children in State care, administrative offices, and training facilities.

The swimming pool, while historically open to the public and community groups, is physically located on Tusla’s secured campus, making the agency the de facto owner and operator.

If Tusla cannot see the value in a swimming pool that kept 500 children active every week, perhaps it is time to question whether it should be the steward of such facilities at all.

04/07/2025

𝐀 𝐡𝐮𝐠𝐞 𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐧𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫 𝐨𝐟 𝐓𝐮𝐬𝐥𝐚 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐟𝐟 𝐢𝐧 𝐂𝐥𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐡𝐚𝐬 𝐥𝐞𝐟𝐭 𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝𝐫𝐞𝐧 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐮𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐜𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐠𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐲 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐜𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐯𝐮𝐥𝐧𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐛𝐥𝐞 𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝𝐫𝐞𝐧 𝐡𝐮𝐧𝐝𝐫𝐞𝐝𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐤𝐢𝐥𝐨𝐦𝐞𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐬 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐡𝐨𝐦𝐞

Clare TD Joe Cooney (FG) recently raised concerns in the Dáil, highlighting a high turnover of social workers, 14 in total since 2021, resulting in instability and a lack of continuity of care for children taken into state care by Tusla.

He reported troubling accounts from families and professionals and warned of the damaging effects of children being passed from one social worker to another.

There are currently 77 children in Clare on a waiting list for social care services.

Deputy Cooney also criticised the use of out-of-hours emergency placements, which have led to children from Clare being placed as far away as Donegal and Cork.

He also expressed concern about the suitability of emergency care providers and the inadequate support available to foster families dealing with increasingly complex needs.

03/07/2025

𝐓𝐮𝐬𝐥𝐚 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐫𝐢𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐝 𝐅𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐌𝐨𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐚𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐓𝐃 𝐀𝐛𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐑𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐂𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐒𝐩𝐞𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐍𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐬 𝐛𝐞𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐈𝐠𝐧𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐝

During the Dáil debate last Tuesday on the review of the Education for Persons with Special Educational Needs (EPSEN) Act 2004 published last week, Aontú leader Deputy Peadar Tóibín raised a case brought to him by the foster mother of a seven-year-old boy with complex behavioural needs.

The child has been expelled from two preschools and suspended from primary school on four occasions. He has now been out of education for nearly two years, unable to access necessary assessments and supports.

Despite reaching out to multiple services including Tusla, CAMHS, disability services, social workers, and even private psychologists, the foster mother has encountered nothing but delays.

When Tusla learned she had contacted Deputy Tóibín, it reprimanded her, effectively silencing her efforts to advocate for the child.

Deputy Tóibín condemned this response as unacceptable and argued that TDs must have a constitutional right to advocate for children whose rights are being denied.

He urged the Minister to meet with him and the foster mother to find a way to vindicate the child’s right to education, stressing the clear and harmful link between the absence of essential services and the child’s ability to participate in school.

Opinion:

This case is yet another indictment of a system that routinely fails the very children it is meant to protect.

It is appalling that a child with clear and urgent needs can be left out of education for two years while state agencies, including Tusla shuffle responsibility and punish those who speak out.

The foster mother’s courage in advocating for the child should be applauded, not suppressed.

If TDs cannot raise these issues without fear of retaliation from state bodies like Tusla, democratic accountability is being dangerously undermined.

Urgent reform is needed to put a stop to the culture of fear and inaction that continues to define Tusla’s to vulnerable children.

03/07/2025

𝐑𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡 𝐉𝐮𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐞?

30/06/2025

𝐓𝐮𝐬𝐥𝐚’𝐬 𝐝𝐲𝐬𝐟𝐮𝐧𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐢𝐬 𝐡𝐢𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐢𝐧 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐬𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐞’𝐬 𝐧𝐨 𝐩𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐰𝐢𝐥𝐥 𝐭𝐨 𝐝𝐨 𝐚𝐧𝐲𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐢𝐭

30/06/2025

𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐭 𝐂𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐭 𝐞𝐧𝐪𝐮𝐢𝐫𝐲 𝐟𝐢𝐧𝐝𝐬 𝐓𝐮𝐬𝐥𝐚’𝐬 𝐡𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐥𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐨𝐟 𝐜𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐨𝐫𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐜𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐭 𝐝𝐢𝐫𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 𝐧𝐨𝐭 𝐟𝐢𝐭 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐩𝐮𝐫𝐩𝐨𝐬𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐠𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐲 𝐟𝐚𝐢𝐥𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐧 𝐢𝐭𝐬 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐲 𝐝𝐮𝐭𝐲 𝐭𝐨 𝟒𝟕𝟏 𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝𝐫𝐞𝐧 𝐢𝐭 𝐭𝐨𝐨𝐤 𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐨 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐞 𝐜𝐚𝐫𝐞. Judge Conor Fottrell Judgement says: “This is an alarming and unprecedented situation where the agency with statutory responsibility for child protection has failed to comply with care orders on such a widespread level.”
Full report https://www.irishlegal.com/articles/district-court-tusla-breached-859-court-directions-included-in-child-care-orders?utm_source=linkedin&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=auto_share

30/06/2025

𝐌𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐌𝐜𝐄𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐞 𝐀𝐜𝐜𝐮𝐬𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐟 𝐄𝐧𝐝𝐚𝐧𝐠𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐖𝐡𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐛𝐥𝐨𝐰𝐞𝐫 𝐛𝐲 𝐋𝐞𝐚𝐤𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐢𝐫 𝐈𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐭𝐨 𝐃𝐫𝐞𝐰 𝐇𝐚𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐬 𝐰𝐡𝐨 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐮𝐛𝐣𝐞𝐜𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐜𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐮𝐫𝐞

Debbie McCann reports in the The Irish Mail on Sunday that Former Justice Minister Helen McEntee has been accused of “dangerously and recklessly” exposing the identity of a Garda whistleblower by forwarding protected disclosures to Garda Commissioner Drew Harris.

The whistleblower alleges that McEntee identified them in the subject line of an email shared with the Commissioner, despite the serious nature of their allegations against him.

This whistleblower is one of two currently making protected disclosures about Harris.

A second whistleblower previously accused McEntee of acting “outside her authority” in referring their protected disclosures to the Department of Justice, instead of the independent Protected Disclosures Office.

The whistleblower’s legal team wrote to McEntee in January 2024 outlining their serious concern, stating that her actions were a clear breach of protections under the Protected Disclosures Act and violated departmental policy. Despite this, the matter was allegedly returned to the Garda Commissioner, whom the disclosure was about, without proper independent review.

The whistleblower’s lawyers described the breach as “shocking,” and said McEntee’s actions had caused a complete loss of trust in the confidentiality process. They are calling for an independent investigation.

A spokesperson for the Department acknowledged the seriousness of the allegations but did not comment further.

30/06/2025

𝐎𝐫𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐧𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐲 𝐞𝐱𝐩𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐭𝐚𝐤𝐞 𝐭𝐰𝐨 𝐲𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭 €𝟓 𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐥𝐢𝐨𝐧, 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐆𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐞 𝐢𝐧𝐪𝐮𝐢𝐫𝐲 𝐥𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐲𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐬, 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭 𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫 €𝟏𝟑 𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐥𝐢𝐨𝐧. 𝐎𝐟𝐟𝐢𝐜𝐞 𝐫𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐚𝐥 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐬𝐞𝐫𝐯𝐢𝐜𝐞𝐬 𝐚𝐥𝐨𝐧𝐞 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐞 €𝟏𝟕,𝟎𝟎𝟎 𝐚 𝐦𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐡 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐂𝐨𝐦𝐦𝐢𝐬𝐬𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐢𝐫 𝐌𝐚𝐫𝐣𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐞 𝐅𝐚𝐫𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐥𝐲 𝐫𝐞𝐜𝐞𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐡𝐞𝐫 𝐚𝐧𝐧𝐮𝐚𝐥 𝐣𝐮𝐝𝐢𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐬𝐚𝐥𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐨𝐟 €𝟏𝟕𝟐,𝟎𝟎𝟎 𝐭𝐡𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐧𝐪𝐮𝐢𝐫𝐲’𝐬 𝐝𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧.

Seven former residents of the foster home at the centre of the “Grace” case have now been contacted and invited to share their experiences, following a request by Children’s Minister Norma Foley. These individuals are among 47 people who spent time in the same foster home where Grace, a profoundly intellectually disabled woman, was seriously neglected and financially abused.

The Farrelly Commission, established to examine the care provided to all 47 placements, had previously acknowledged allegations of abuse — including s*xual abuse — in seven cases. However, it concluded these did not warrant further investigation. The Department of Children has now initiated a process, led by a soon-to-be-appointed safeguarding expert, to hear from these individuals directly.

Meanwhile, internal documents reveal the extensive costs of the Farrelly Commission. Legal costs for third parties have already exceeded €1.2 million, and witness legal costs are expected to run into millions more.

Despite a ministerial request, the Commission declined to provide an executive summary of its 2,000-page final report, claiming it would be “inappropriate and impracticable”. The inquiry was triggered after whistleblowers raised concerns that Grace had remained in the foster home despite abuse allegations. The Commission confirmed serious failures by the State in her care, including a reversal of a decision to remove her, and noted internal HSE concerns about reputational damage if her case became public.

Although the final report found evidence of neglect and financial abuse, it did not find s*xual or physical abuse — a conclusion politicians have condemned as “shocking” and “baffling”. Grace’s legal team also said their submissions were not referenced in the report. Special Rapporteur on Child Protection, Caoilfhionn Gallagher, has since called for a separate inquiry into how the Farrelly Commission conducted its work.