The SEED - គ្រាប់ពូជ

14/07/2025

នៅពេលដែលមានជម្លោះរវាងរដ្ឋ និងរដ្ឋ, ភាពតានតឹងនឹងកើតមានឡើងដែលអាចឈានដល់ជម្លោះប្រដាប់អាវុធ និងបង្កផលប៉ះពាល់ខ្លាំងទៅដល់សេដ្ឋកិច្ចទាំងមូល និងទំនាក់ទំនងអន្តរជាតិ។ មានជម្លោះមួយចំនួនមិនអាចដោះស្រាយដោយការចរចាររវាងភាគីនៃជម្លោះបាននោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែត្រូវតែស្វែងរកភាគីទី៣ដែលជាអាជ្ញាកណ្ដាលក្នុងការដោះស្រាយជម្លោះទាំងនោះ។ ចាប់តាំងពីបញ្ចប់សង្គ្រាមលោកលើកទី២មក ធម្មនុញ្ញអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើង និងចុះហត្ថលេខាទទួលស្គាល់នៅឆ្នាំ១៩៤៥ ក្នុងគោលបំណងរក្សាសុខសន្តិភាព និងពង្រឹងកិច្ចសហការអន្តរជាតិ។ ស្របតាមគោលបំណងនេះ មាត្រា៣៣ នៃធម្មនុញ្ញអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិបានលើកឡើងនូវវិធីសាស្រ្ដនៃការដោះស្រាយជម្លោះតាមរយៈការចរចា សម្រុះសម្រួល និងតាមយន្តការសន្តិភាព ដូចជាតាមរយៈតុលាការជាដើម។

អត្ថបទដោយ៖ លោក​ ឃី​ ចន្ទក្រឹះស្នា
គំនូរច្នៃប្រឌិតដោយ៖ កញ្ញា ស៊ាន ស្រីការ

គំនូរច្នៃប្រឌិតដោយ៖ កញ្ញា ស៊ាន ស្រីការ នៅពេលដែលមានជម្លោះរវាងរដ្ឋ និងរដ្ឋ, ភាពតានតឹងនឹងកើតមានឡើងដែលអាចឈាន.....

13/07/2025

On 13th July 2025, at Prasat Ta Moan Thom, Oddar Meanchey, a video surfaced showing what looked like a peaceful moment, but turned out to be a cowardly ambush.

A Thai soldier approached a Cambodian soldier with what appeared to be a friendly gesture: a handshake. But this was no act of diplomacy, it was a setup.

While the Cambodian soldier reached out in trust, a Thai civilian suddenly struck from behind, followed by the Thai soldier landing a punch from the front, all during what was supposed to be a simple greeting.

This wasn’t just an attack, it was a betrayal of basic military and human conduct. And after landing their hits, both the Thai soldier and civilian did what bullies at school do best: they ran.

Once again, Cambodia shows restraint and professionalism at the border, while Thailand chooses tricks over talks like kids.

Author: PanhaCHEZDA

10/07/2025

Former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has finally broken his silence, once again inserting himself into Thailand’s political affairs, despite holding no official position. Thaksin recently announced that he is ending his relationship with Cambodian Senate President Samdech Hun Sen, following a leaked phone call between Samdech Hun Sen and Thaksin’s daughter, Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra.

That news alone was not surprising. But what raised eyebrows was Thaksin’s bold statement:
“Now that our children are leaders of two countries, are we going to go to war with each other?” He asked H.E. Khliang Hout to pass this message on to Samdech Hun Sen.

But can Thaksin really speak on behalf of Thailand?

1. Two Leaders, Two Realities
It’s true that both of their children are now prime ministers. But the political context could not be more different:
• Thaksin has no formal role in Thai politics. He is not a government official, not a member of parliament, and not even the leader of the Pheu Thai Party. In fact, he still faces legal cases in court.
• In contrast, Samdech Hun Sen holds multiple official positions. He is the President of the Cambodian People's Party (CPP), the dominant ruling party, and the current President of the Senate. In this regards, Samdech Hun Sen has the legitimate authority to speak on national matters.
• The Thai people did not vote for Thaksin’s daughter to be Thai Prime Minister in the first place. In contrast, Samdech Hun Manet rose to power through a general election in which the people directly voted for him to become Prime Minister. Ms. Paetongtarn Shinawatra, however, climbed the political ladder through party maneuvering—not through a public mandate.

2. The Problem in Thailand: A Shadow Government?

This is where Thailand’s crisis lies. Many Thais believe Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is operating under the shadow of her father. She once told Parliament she is a “daddy’s girl,” a statement that drew intense criticism and reinforced the perception that Thaksin is the real decision-maker.

According to the Bangkok Post, Paetongtarn had already been warned in 2024 not to allow her father to interfere in government affairs. But since then, Thaksin has appeared at multiple protocol events, further blurring the lines between personal influence and public office. As a result, Paetongtarn’s popularity has declined steadily, especially among those who once supported the idea of a new, independent generation of leadership.

Mr. Thaksin’s statement yesterday may have been a strategic move to protect himself, given his ongoing legal cases. However, he made it crystal clear that he has deep involvement in his daughter’s administration, despite having no rightful authority. In doing so, Thaksin didn’t just damage Prime Minister Paetongtarn’s public image and popularity, he also undermined public trust and further eroded the credibility of Thailand’s political system.

Former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has finally broken his silence, once again inserting himself into Thailand’s political affairs, despite holding no official position. Thaksin recently announced that he is ending his relationship with Cambodian Senate President Samdech Hun Sen, following a leaked phone call between Samdech Hun Sen and Thaksin’s daughter, Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra.

That news alone was not surprising. But what raised eyebrows was Thaksin’s bold statement:
“Now that our children are leaders of two countries, are we going to go to war with each other?” He asked H.E. Khliang Hout to pass this message on to Samdech Hun Sen.

But can Thaksin really speak on behalf of Thailand?

1. Two Leaders, Two Realities
It’s true that both of their children are now prime ministers. But the political context could not be more different:
• Thaksin has no formal role in Thai politics. He is not a government official, not a member of parliament, and not even the leader of the Pheu Thai Party. In fact, he still faces legal cases in court.
• In contrast, Samdech Hun Sen holds multiple official positions. He is the President of the Cambodian People's Party (CPP), the dominant ruling party, and the current President of the Senate. In this regards, Samdech Hun Sen has the legitimate authority to speak on national matters.
• The Thai people did not vote for Thaksin’s daughter to be Thai Prime Minister in the first place. In contrast, Samdech Hun Manet rose to power through a general election in which the people directly voted for him to become Prime Minister. Ms. Paetongtarn Shinawatra, however, climbed the political ladder through party maneuvering—not through a public mandate.

2. The Problem in Thailand: A Shadow Government?

This is where Thailand’s crisis lies. Many Thais believe Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is operating under the shadow of her father. She once told Parliament she is a “daddy’s girl,” a statement that drew intense criticism and reinforced the perception that Thaksin is the real decision-maker.

According to the Bangkok Post, Paetongtarn had already been warned in 2024 not to allow her father to interfere in government affairs. But since then, Thaksin has appeared at multiple protocol events, further blurring the lines between personal influence and public office. As a result, Paetongtarn’s popularity has declined steadily, especially among those who once supported the idea of a new, independent generation of leadership.

Mr. Thaksin’s statement yesterday may have been a strategic move to protect himself, given his ongoing legal cases. However, he made it crystal clear that he has deep involvement in his daughter’s administration, despite having no rightful authority. In doing so, Thaksin didn’t just damage Prime Minister Paetongtarn’s public image and popularity, he also undermined public trust and further eroded the credibility of Thailand’s political system.

Author: PanhaCHEZDA

09/07/2025

សួរចិត្ដមើល បើយើង ដូណាល់ត្រាំ តើយើងគួរធ្វើម៉េច?

Due to Thailand political instability, U.S. President Donald Trump sent two formal letters announcing a 36% tariff on Thai exports, one addressed to King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the other to Suriya Juangroongruangkit, who had briefly served as Acting Prime Minister.

However, by the time the letters were dated, July 7, 2025, Phumtham Wechayachai had already been formally appointed as Acting Prime Minister, replacing Suriya Juangroongruangkit after his brief one-day tenure ended on July 3. The fact that Trump’s letter was still addressed to Suriya reflects the deep ambiguity surrounding Thailand’s executive leadership during political transitions.

Both letters carried identical messages: a 36% tariff on Thai imports to the U.S. would take effect on August 1 unless Thailand reduced trade barriers or agreed to relocate production to American.

Was it a calculated diplomatic gesture or just confusion?
Thailand’s frequent leadership changes, backroom power plays, and enduring military influence have long blurred the lines between symbolic authority and real power. Trump’s dual-letter diplomacy unintentionally exposed this fault line, sending a message not just about tariffs, but about the fragility of political coherence in Thailand’s governance.

This moment echoed a pointed warning from Cambodian Prime Minister Samdech Hun Manet, who once stated:
“We are not playing games. When we decide to negotiate, we do so seriously. In Cambodia, there is no confusion or conflicting orders from various parties. We are waiting for a leader with real authority, a legitimate mandate, to open or close the border gates.”

His remarks, aimed directly at Thailand’s shifting leadership, underscore how even neighboring states are demanding clarity on who holds decision-making power in Bangkok, before sitting down at the table.

As Thailand now braces for the economic impact of Trump’s tariff policy, the question lingers:

If even world leaders aren’t sure who’s calling the shots in Thailand, how can investors, partners, or the public be?

Author: PanhaCHEZDA

09/07/2025

អំឡុងពេលដែលប្រទេសថៃកំពុងតែមានក្រឡាប់ចាក់នយោបាយធ្ងន់ធ្ងរ ប្រធានធិបតីសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ដូ ណាល់ត្រាំ បានផ្ញើលិខិតដដែល ២ ច្បាប់ទៅកាន់មនុស្ស ២ នាក់ផ្សេងគ្នានៅប្រទេសថៃ មួយជូនចំពោះព្រះមហាក្សត្រថៃ និងលិខិតមួយទៀតផ្ញើទៅកាន់លោក Suriya Juangroongruangkit ដែលធ្លាប់ជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីស្ដីទី។

ជាការពិត នេះគឺជារឿងធម្មតាក្នុងការច្រលំ ដោយសារត្រឹមតែ ៩ ថ្ងៃនៅខែកក្កដានេះសោះ នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីឬអ្នកកាន់កិច្ចការរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលថៃបានប្ដូរអស់ ៣ នាក់។ ជាក់ស្ដែង លិខិតដែលខាង The White House បានចេញចំនួន ២ នោះគឺនៅថ្ងៃទី៧ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០២៥ ខណៈដែល លោក Phumtham Wechayachai បានឡើងជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីថៃស្ដីទីនៅថ្ងទី៤ ខែកក្កដា ក្រោយលោក Suriya Juangroongruangkit បានចាកចេញពីអង្គុយកៅអីអ្នកកាច់ចង្កូតរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលថៃចំនួន១ថ្ងៃ នៅថ្ងៃទី៣ ខែកក្កដា។

តើការផ្ញើលិខិតស្ទួននេះបានបង្ហាញអំពីការទូតម្ដេចខ្លះ?
ការច្រលំរបស់ប្រធានាធិបតីរបស់អាមេរិកគឺដោយសារតែការផ្លាស់ប្ដូរអ្នកដឹកនាំថៃញឹកញាប់ពេក ហើយគ្មានអ្នកកាន់កិច្ចការពិតប្រាកដ ដែលជួនខ្លះ ខាងកងទ័ពជ្រែតជ្រែកនយោបាយរដ្ឋាភិបាលស៊ីវិល ខ្លះទៀតនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមានទឹកមាត់សាបជាងមេទ័ព ហើយក៏មានអ្នកជំនាញជាច្រើនលើកឡើងអំពីអំណាចឥទ្ធិពលរបស់ខាងរាជវាំង។ នេះក៏ប្រហែលជានយោបាយដ៏សែនផុយស្រួយ ខណៈប្រព័ន្ធនយោបាយវិញគឺប្រែប្រួលឆាប់រហ័ស ជាបម្រែបម្រួលអាកាសធាតុទៅទៀត។

បើយើងក្រឡេកទៅមើលប្រសាសន៍របស់ នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីកម្ពុជា សម្ដេច ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត លោកធ្លាប់លើកឡើងថាជាច្រើនលើកថា ថៃត្រូវតែមានអ្នកច្បាស់ការណ៍មួយរូបដែលអាចមានសិទ្ធិនិងអំណាចសម្រេចមុននឹងជជែកគ្នារឿងបើកព្រំដែន។ ជាការពិត ក្នុងវិវាទកម្ពុជាថៃឆ្នាំ២០២៥នេះ ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំថៃដូចលេងល្បែងដំឡូងក្ដៅ ដែលចេះតែបោះដំឡូងក្ដៅទៅគ្នាទៅវិញមក រកអ្នកជាបង្គោលក្នុងការសម្រេចចិត្ដមិនបាន។ ក្នុងន័យនេះ នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីឡើងបានតែតំណែង តែគ្មានអំណាចពិត ដែលជាហេតុអ្នកក្រោមឱវាទមានអំណាចខ្លាំងជាងក្នុងការកកូរនយោបាយនៅប្រទេសថៃ។

អញ្ជឹងត្រង់នេះ សំណួរគឺថា ប្រសិនបើមេដឹកនាំមហាអំណាចពិភពលោកទាំងមូលមិនស្គាល់ថានរណាជាក្បាលម៉ាស៊ីនពិតប្រាកដផង តើវិនិយោគិន និងដៃគូរនានារបស់ថៃមានទំនុកចិត្ដកម្រិតណាទៅលើប្រទេសថៃ?

អត្ថបទ៖ បញ្ញាចេស្ដា

08/07/2025

Join our new project

🚨 NOW RECRUITING: 3 Insight Fellows (Interns)
Are you passionate about writing, analysis, and shaping conversations on key policy issues?

Chaktomuk Insight is offering a 1-year Insight Fellowship (Internship) for 3 selected individuals, one for each of the following themes:

1️⃣ Cybersecurity in ASEAN
2️⃣ Chinese Foreign Affairs
3️⃣ Cambodia’s Public Policy and Foreign Affairs

We're looking for motivated youths who are curious, committed, and ready to grow as thinkers, writers, and content creator. Whether you’re a student, aspiring analyst, or future policymaker, this is your chance to build your voice.

💼 Fellowship Details:
– Duration: 1 year (part-time, flexible)
– Incentive provided
– Mentorship and editorial support
– Articles published under your name on Chaktomuk Insight

📌 How to Apply:
Choose ONE theme you're most passionate about
Write a short article in English (max 300 words)
Submit via this Google Form 👉 https://forms.gle/HKuYozSSHJATBJDJ8

🕓 Deadline: 18th July 2025
From Chaktomuk to The World | Insight that matters

03/07/2025

នៅក្នុងបរិបទនៃភាពក្ដៅគគុករវាងកម្ពុជានិងថៃ សាកទាយលេងមើល៍ តើនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីសិង្ហបុរី លោក Lawrence Wong នឹងគាំទ្រខាងណា?

អត្ថបទនេះផ្តល់ជូនពីចំណេះដឹងសំខាន់ ២ចំណុច៖

១. ការប្រើសេដ្ឋកិច្ចជាអាវុធ គឺជាយុទ្ធសាស្ត្របរាជ័យ

នៅថ្ងៃទី ២៥ ខែមិថុនា ឆ្នាំ២០២៥ លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី Lawrence Wong បានរិះគន់ការកើនឡើងនៃការប្រើប្រាស់សេដ្ឋកិច្ចជាអាវុធ ដែលមានន័យថា ការគម្រាមកាត់ផ្ដាច់ពាណិជ្ជកម្ម ថាមពល និងបច្ចេកវិទ្យា ដើម្បីសង្កត់ប្រទេសមួយទៀត។ ការលើកឡើងនេះក្រោយពេលប៉ុន្មានថ្ងៃដែលថៃចេះតែផ្ញើសារគម្រាមកម្ពុជាម្ដងហើយម្ដងទៀត។ តួយ៉ាងថៃគម្រាមឈប់លក់ប្រេង អគ្គិសនី និងអ៊ីនធឺណេតទៅកម្ពុជាក្នុងគោលដៅឱ្យកម្ពុជាលុតជង្គង់ចុះចាញ់។

លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី Lawrence Wong បានព្រមានថា វិធីសាស្ត្រដូចនេះភាគច្រើននាំឲ្យបរាជ័យ ដែលប្រៀបបានជាយកដុំថ្មគប់គេតែធ្លាក់ចំមេជើងខ្លួនឯង ព្រោះវិធីសាស្ត្រនេះនឹងជំរុញឲ្យប្រទេសដែលរងការកៀបសង្កត់ស្វែងរកដំណោះស្រាយ ស្វែងរកទីផ្សារថ្មី និងជាពិសេសគឺពង្រឹងការពឹងផ្អែកលើខ្លួនឯង។

ជាក់ស្ដែង នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីថៃ បានសុំទោសចំណោះការបញ្ចេញពាក្យពេជន៍របស់អ្នកនាំពាក្យក្រសួងការបរទេសថៃដែលមានខ្លឹមសារគម្រាមនិងធ្វើឱ្យមានការភ័ន្ដច្រលំ ខណៈបច្ចុប្បន្ននេះ មន្ត្រីយោធាថៃក៏បានដាក់សំណើរឲ្យកម្ពុជាបើកព្រំដែនឡើងវិញដើម្បីសង្រ្គោះអាជីវករនិងធុរជនថៃ បើទោះបីជាថៃជាអ្នកផ្តើមបិទដោយខ្លួនឯង ដោយគ្មានការជជែកពិភាក្សាជាមួយកម្ពុជាជាមុននោះក្តី។

២. ការអំពាវនាវដល់សន្តិភាព និងច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ

នៅថ្ងៃទី ២ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០២៥ លោក Lawrence Wong បានធ្វើដំណើរទស្សនកិច្ចមកកម្ពុជា និងជួបប្រជុំជាមួយ សម្តេចតេជោ ហ៊ុន សែន ប្រធានព្រឹទ្ធសភា និងសម្តេចបវរធិបតី ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីកម្ពុជា។ អំឡុងជំនួប ប្រធានបទជម្លោះព្រំដែនថៃនិងកម្ពុជាត្រូវបានលើកឡើង ហើយ លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីសិង្ហបុរីសង្ឃឹមថា ប្រទេសទាំងពីរនឹងអាចដោះស្រាយវិវាទនេះតាមផ្លូវសន្តិវិធី និងអនុលោមតាមច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ។

ក្នុងករណីនេះ កម្ពុជាបានបន្តអំពាវនាវឲ្យថៃដោះស្រាយវិវាទនេះតាមតុលាការអន្តរជាតិ (ICJ) ហើយបានធ្វើការអំពាវនាវជាបន្តបន្ទាប់ឱ្យថៃគោរពច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ និងជាញាតិផងរបងល្អ។

ជារួម សុន្ទរកថារបស់លោក Lawrence Wong គឺមិនត្រឹមតែជាការព្រមានទូទៅប៉ុណ្ណោះទេ តែលោកសង្កត់ធ្ងន់លើផលវិបាកនៃការប្រើប្រាស់វិធានការសេដ្ឋកិច្ចដើម្បីសង្កត់ប្រទេសមួយទៀត។ ជាមួយគ្នានេះឥទ្ធិពលរបស់ប្រទេសមួយមិនត្រូវបានវាស់ថាមានឥទ្ធិពលលើការគ្រប់គ្រងច្រវាក់ផលិតកម្មនិងហេដ្ឋារចនាសម្ព័ន្ធ តែភាពខ្លាំងរបស់ប្រទេសមួយគឺកិច្ចសហប្រតិបត្ដិការជាមួយប្រទេសដទៃ និងភាពធន់ទៅនឹងការគម្រាមកំហែង។

សម្រាប់កម្ពុជា បច្ចុប្បន្ននេះមិនមែនគ្រាន់តែការការពារដែនដីទេ ប៉ុន្តែជាការបង្ហាញថាប្រទេសតូចៗក៏រស់ដោយអាចឈរលើគោលការណ៍ និងច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ។ ហើយទិដ្ឋភាពជាតំបន់ លោក Lawrence Wong បានផ្ដល់ជាពុទ្ធិឱ្យយើងទាំងអស់គ្នាដឹងថា ៖ ពេលដែលសេដ្ឋកិច្ចត្រូវបានប្រើជាអាវុធ ប្រទេសកំពុងរងការកៀបសង្កត់នឹងមិនដួលទេ ប៉ុន្តែនឹងរស់ជាមួយកាលៈទេសៈថ្មី។

សរសេរអត្ថបទដោយ៖ ហ៊ុយ បញ្ញាវ័ន្ដ

03/07/2025

ទាយមើលថា លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីសិង្ហបុរីឈរនៅខាងណា? ខ្មែរឬថៃ?

As tensions escalate between Cambodia and Thailand, many observers wonder: where would Singapore’s Prime Minister Lawrence Wong stand?

This article offers two key insights:

1. Weaponizing the Economy Is a Losing Game

Back on 25 June 2025, in the midst of heightened Cambodia–Thailand tensions, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong warned against the rising trend of countries “weaponizing economic interdependence”, that is, using trade, energy, or technological ties as leverage to pressure others under the guise of national security.

This warning came just as Thailand was threatening to cut off petroleum products, electricity, and internet access to Cambodia, hoping to force Cambodia to surrender.

PM Wong cautioned that such tactics often backfire, as they only motivate the targeted country to diversify, seek alternatives, and become more self-reliant. “What may appear to be leverage today,” Mr. Wong said, “may very well disappear.”

And indeed, that’s what unfolded: Thailand’s Prime Minister apologized for her spokesperson’s aggressive remarks, while Thai military officials have now turned around and requested Cambodia to reopen border crossings, even though it was Thailand that unilaterally shut them down without prior notice or discussion.

2. A Call for Peace and International Law

On 2 July 2025, PM Lawrence Wong visited Cambodia and held meetings with leaders including Samdech Hun Sen of Cambodia and Samdech Thipadei Hun Manet, Prime Minister of Cambodia. The ongoing border conflict was raised, and PM Wong expressed hope that both countries would resolve the issue peacefully and in accordance with international law.

Cambodia, for its part, has continued to urge Thailand to take the dispute to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and has repeatedly called on Thailand to respect international legal norms. These calls have been consistent, even in the face of provocations.

Prime Minister Lawrence Wong’s remarks offer more than just a general warning. In a world where power is often measured by control over supply chains and infrastructure, true strength may lie in restraint and cooperation, not coercion. For Cambodia, this moment is not just about defending territory, it’s about showing that even small states can stand firm when guided by principle and international law. And for the region, Mr. Wong’s words remind us all: when economic pressure becomes a weapon, the target doesn’t break, it adapts.

Author: DeNotorious

02/07/2025

បញ្ហាស្រាវជ្រាវអំពីប្រព័ន្ធធនាគារ និងការចេញរបាយការណ៍ស្រាវជ្រាវ

02/07/2025

៣ ចំណុចដែលយើងគួរស្គាល់អំពី លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីសិង្ហបុរី Lawrence Wong