"The Nigerian"

"The Nigerian" This page is dedicated to celebrating the good efforts of Nigerians globally.

Happy holiday wherever you may be 😘
28/12/2025

Happy holiday wherever you may be 😘

African men opening their Lynx England gift sets for Christmas 😂🤣

24/11/2025
On 21 June 1966, Isaac Adaka Boro stood before a military tribunal to hear his sentence: death for treason. The governme...
22/11/2025

On 21 June 1966, Isaac Adaka Boro stood before a military tribunal to hear his sentence: death for treason. The government of Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi had found him guilty of leading an armed secessionist campaign aimed at carving out an independent Niger Delta republic. His revolt, spearheaded by the Niger Delta Volunteer Force, was swiftly condemned by the Military Governor of the Eastern Region, Lt. Col. Chukwuemeka Ojukwu, who requested federal intervention to quell the uprising.

Boro’s brief rebellion emerged against a backdrop of deepening grievances in the Niger Delta, where many communities alleged marginalisation under the Eastern Region’s political structure. Disputes over land ownership and the resettlement of certain Niger Delta towns by Igbo migrants fuelled perceptions of ethnic domination and what some described at the time as a form of cultural displacement.

Ironsi’s government would itself fall in a counter-coup on 29 July 1966, paving the way for General Yakubu Gowon to assume power. One of Gowon’s earliest moves was to restructure the federation, creating Rivers and Cross River states as part of an attempt to address minority fears and dilute the Eastern Region’s authority.

Ojukwu, recognising the potential economic and political consequences of losing control over the oil-rich Niger Delta—where most of Nigeria’s crude reserves had been discovered—rejected the federal government’s reorganisation. His decision set the stage for his own secessionist declaration in 1967, which sought to reassert Eastern control over the region. The ensuing conflict reshaped Nigeria’s history.

Notably, Nigeria did not fracture in the aftermath of Boro’s sentencing. His failed insurrection was not widely framed as an injustice at the time, and there were no significant reprisals or threats against Ironsi’s government or the Nigerian state over the court’s decision.

This moment captures members of the Supreme Military Council of Nigeria in March 1967, just before the Nigerian Civil Wa...
20/11/2025

This moment captures members of the Supreme Military Council of Nigeria in March 1967, just before the Nigerian Civil War.
The individuals pictured, from left to right, are: Ekpo, Hassan Katsina, Joseph Wey, Yakubu Gowon, David Ejoor, Mobolaji Johnson, Murtala Muhammed, and Kam Selem.
The Supreme Military Council was the governing body of Nigeria during the military regime from 1966 to 1979.
Yakubu Gowon served as the Head of State from 1966 to 1975.
The photo shows the military leaders in a relaxed, informal setting before the conflict began.

Professionalism and the Nigerian Military: A Crisis of Credibility:The tragic Faith of Brigadier General S Uba In recent...
18/11/2025

Professionalism and the Nigerian Military:

A Crisis of Credibility:The tragic Faith of Brigadier General S Uba

In recent days, public reactions to the controversy surrounding Nyesom Wike and the military have exposed a troubling lack of objectivity. While Wike’s conduct may lack honour, the military has no legal mandate to intervene in land disputes. The involvement of military leadership deploying personnel for personal or political ends represents a significant deviation from their constitutional role of protecting Nigeria’s territorial integrity and combating extremism.

The tragic fate of General Uba, whose communications were intercepted after a failed escape, underscores deeper institutional failings. A senior officer should never have been communicating in unsecured channels, let alone in plain language. The absence of basic operational security and professional discipline reflects a system where competence has been eroded.

Nigeria once boasted one of Africa’s most respected armed forces third only to South Africa and Egypt a force that led decisive peacekeeping missions under ECOMOG. Today, it stands diminished. Political appointees now dominate the senior ranks, while soldiers are diverted from national defence to secure private interests and ill-gotten assets.

This is the same military accused of opening fire on unarmed civilians at Lekki, and of carrying out brutal operations in rural communities. Professional standards have weakened. The few good officers left are no longer in command.

The infiltration of ex-extremists, internal sabotage, and the erosion of discipline leave the institution vulnerable — and the death of General Uba is unlikely to be the last such tragedy.

Donald Trump once called Nigeria a “disgraced country.” Many took offence, yet the hard truth is that without reform, Nigeria’s military risks sinking further into politicisation and dysfunction. Instead of mobilising online loyalists to defend the indefensible, Nigeria should be seeking international support — not dismissing criticism, but learning from

16/11/2025

The super eagles 🦅 journey to the World Cup.

Major Daniel Idowu Bamidele was a Nigerian Army officer born in 1949. He was executed on March 5, 1986, during the gover...
10/11/2025

Major Daniel Idowu Bamidele was a Nigerian Army officer born in 1949. He was executed on March 5, 1986, during the government of Major General Ibrahim Babangida. His death was connected to the alleged “Vatsa Coup,” a supposed conspiracy against the Babangida administration. Bamidele’s crime, according to the authorities, was not that he participated in a coup, but that he failed to report rumors of one.

Bamidele’s military career began in 1968 when he joined the Nigerian Army as a non-commissioned officer during the Nigerian Civil War. He fought bravely in the 12th Commando Brigade, first under Colonel Benjamin Adekunle and later under Colonel Olusegun Obasanjo. On July 29, 1970, after formal training at the Nigerian Defence Academy, he was commissioned as an officer.

His military education and performance were remarkable. He graduated from the Advanced U.S. Army Infantry Course at Fort Benning, Georgia, earning an outstanding recommendation and a personal letter of commendation from the then Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Theophilus Danjuma. He later attended the Junior Division of the Ghana Staff College in Teshie, Ghana, where he once again distinguished himself, achieving the highest command position during the final military exercise. Between 1980 and 1981, he attended the third Senior Course at the Command and Staff College, Jaji, where he graduated among the top five percent of his class.

Throughout his career, Major Bamidele held several important positions. Between 1976 and 1979, he served as a Grade II Staff Officer in the Operations Branch at Army Headquarters. After his return from Ghana in 1979, he became Grade II Staff Officer for Training at the Nigerian Defence Academy. Following his senior staff training at Jaji, he was appointed General Staff Officer II for Operations and Training at the Headquarters of the 3rd Armoured Division in Jos.

In 1982, he served as Operations Officer for the Nigerian Battalion in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon during the Israeli invasion. It was the last Nigerian Battalion to serve there before President Shehu Shagari withdrew Nigeria from the mission. Upon returning home, Bamidele became the Operations Officer for the 3rd Division during the border conflict with Chad.

In October 1983, while on an official assignment to Kaduna, Major Bamidele heard rumors of a planned coup against President Shehu Shagari. When he returned to Jos, he dutifully reported the information to his General Officer Commanding, Major General Muhammadu Buhari, unaware that Buhari himself was deeply involved in the plot.

A week later, Bamidele was summoned to Lagos and detained at Tego Barracks by the Directorate of Military Intelligence. He was falsely accused of plotting a coup against President Shagari. Witnesses were fabricated, and a mock interrogation was staged while the real conspirators continued with their plans. With no credible evidence to support the charges, Bamidele was eventually released on November 25, 1983. Only a few weeks later, on January 1, 1984, the very man he had reported to, Major General Buhari, emerged as the new Head of State.

In early 1984, Bamidele’s name appeared on a list of officers recommended for retirement. When the list reached General Buhari for approval, he struck out Bamidele’s name, recognizing that the officer had been a victim of internal military intrigues. Bamidele was instead posted to Jaji as a Directing Staff officer.

In 1985, when rumors of another coup began to spread, Bamidele found himself entangled once again. He attended a meeting at a guest house in Makurdi with Lieutenant Colonel Michael Iyorshe, Lieutenant Colonel Musa Bitiyong, Lieutenant Colonel Christian Oche, Wing Commander Ben Ekele, and Wing Commander Adamu Sakaba. The officers discussed national issues and voiced criticism of the Babangida government, but no operational or seditious plans were made.

Nevertheless, the government saw the meeting as evidence of conspiracy. Remembering his previous ordeal in 1983, Bamidele chose not to report anything to avoid being misunderstood again. That silence became the basis of the charge that led to his death.

He was arrested, tried by a special military tribunal, and executed by firing squad on March 5, 1986, alongside Major General Mamman Vatsa and others accused of plotting the coup.

Before his ex*****on, Major Bamidele made a powerful statement to the tribunal:

“I heard of the 1983 coup planning and reported it to my GOC, General Buhari, who detained me for two weeks in Lagos. Instead of a pat on the back, I received a stab. How then do you expect me to report this one? This trial marks the eclipse of my brilliant and unblemished career of 19 years. I fought in the civil war with the ability it pleased God to give me. It is unfortunate that I am being convicted for something I have tried to stop on two occasions. This is not self-adulation but a sincere summary of the qualities inherent in me. It is an irony of fate that the president of this tribunal, who in 1964 thought I was good enough to train in the United Kingdom, is now the one saddled with the duty of showing me the exit from the force and the world.”

Major Daniel Idowu Bamidele’s life remains one of the most tragic examples of integrity misunderstood and loyalty punished in Nigeria’s military history.

“This Remembrance Sunday, we unite to honour the courageous men and women who served our nation, safeguarded our freedom...
10/11/2025

“This Remembrance Sunday, we unite to honour the courageous men and women who served our nation, safeguarded our freedoms, and ensured our safety.

We pause to remember that we are part of something far greater than ourselves — that the peace and liberty we cherish today were secured by those we may never know, who gave their lives for a country they believed was worth defending.

With gratitude, pride, and renewed resolve, we pledge to keep Britain worthy of their sacrifice”

Prof. Okoronkwo Kesandu Ogan (1919 – 1980) and Family, 1960sProf. O.K. Ogan was the first Nigerian to qualify as an Obst...
30/10/2025

Prof. Okoronkwo Kesandu Ogan (1919 – 1980) and Family, 1960s
Prof. O.K. Ogan was the first Nigerian to qualify as an Obstetrician and Gynaecologist, marking a major milestone in the history of medical education and women’s health in Nigeria.
In 1965, he became the Pioneer President of the Society of Gynaecology and Obstetrics of Nigeria (SOGON), founded in Lagos — an institution that continues to shape reproductive healthcare and professional standards across the country.

Source: Bimbola Babarinde

01/10/2025

“Happy Independence Day, Nigeria! 🇳🇬 The inaugural speech that once preached unity still speaks loudly today. A new Nigeria will only be possible if we all rise together saying NO to tribalism in every corner of our nation, from the muddy rainforest streets of the Niger Delta to the hot sands of Kaduna. Our future depends on our unity.

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