Joshua Ogbonna Uchenna

23/08/2026

Iwe na-ewe Mama anyi a, maka na mama ya ekewghi ya lụọ onyi Ọcha chọrọ ịlụ ya oge ọ bụ Nwagbọghọ

Ọ sịrị na Ara agba ya.

Credit: Flying Angels Comedy

23/08/2026

The "Queen of the Night" Aria was originally composed by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart for his 1791 opera The Magic Flute.

23/08/2026

You may be knowledgeable, but you are incapable of disseminating wisdom, if you have not retained the capacity to learn, to unlearn, and to admit to ignorance, when you know that you don’t know. You must know what you don’t know..🇳🇬🤔

Dele Farotimi

10/06/2026

This is Professor Judith Van Allen, a professor at Cornell University USA, notably known for her work on Igbo women, entitled: "Sit on a Man: Colonialism and Lost Political Institutions of Igbo Women," published in 1972.

When I see some young Igbo ladies coming online to claim they are liberating themselves or are liberated from cultural scope of patriarchy, using the western wave of feminism as their drive, I see them as lost people who don't even know their left from right. The West know you just want to belong. They know the truth because there are documents and research about many things and places.

"We are liberated and wiser than our mothers who suffered."

Are you aware that some Igbo communities are matrilocal and not patrilocal? Are you aware that not all Igbo communities are patrilineal, some are matrilineal? Are you aware that the patriarchal system in Igbo land is different from the Western ideology? In the so called patriarchal Igbo Society, there was gender binary and complementarity? Gender roles, power, political, and economic institutions existing in duality. Women controlled markets and trades while men controlled certain crafts. Women led through what this scholar called "mitili."

Pre-colonial Igbo women never answered their husbands' names but their fathers' names. Married women bore their maiden's names.

You need to read up research on who really were Igbo women in the pre-colonial era. Our men too should try to understand who really were Igbo women in the pre-colonial era.

I never knew about some hidden works of this professor until I moved to the United States. Some scholars from Western world were telling me about my culture when I had certain conversations with them. I felt so ashamed that some of us didn't know about some of these things. We don't even know what we have. We take a lot of things for granted and think these things don't matter. Humanities and histories shape a people and nation.

Most American and European cultural anthropologists know about this work on Igbo women. They'd probably laugh at our current ignorant way of thinking that feminist movement is truly what made our women get free from patriarchal grip and have a say.

I first heard about this book when I visited a Professor of Global Studies and Anthropologist in his office in 2024 telling him about a project I was working on. I was focused on Igbo women. He then asked me:

"Have you read, 'Sit on a Man'..?"

He gave me a book where the article is found and asked me to read. He also gave me a book on Ashanti Women of Ghana and market. I read and returned. I was marveled. How powerful Igbo institution protected women. And how powerful women were both economically and politically. He gave me numerous books written by white scholars about Igbo land which from my years of research and reading, I didn't know they exist. No distorted history. Pure. They tarried with oral histories I heard from my grandmother and other elders while growing and exploring ala Igbo.

I now ask: who is claiming they liberate Igbo women from men? Liberate from what exactly?

Many nonsense we were fed with and think they are our core traditional practices. The quest to belong is why we assimilate numerous ideologies without knowing why?

Like I said, the problem we have is not leadership but sociocultural and historical. The worse is we lack knowledge of our identity and think they are not important — that's why we are just floating today. No institutional value.

I paused!

✍️🏽 Maazi Ogbonnaya Okoro II

02/06/2026

BANDITRY IN NIGERIA: A FAILURE OF GOVERNMENT, NOT A FAILURE OF CAPACITY

The recent statement by former Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai (Rtd.), that bandits can be located if security agencies truly want to find them should provoke serious reflection among Nigerians. His remarks suggest that the continued existence of bandit groups is not necessarily because they are impossible to find, but because the necessary level of commitment, coordination, intelligence gathering, and political will may be lacking.

From a law-and-order perspective, the Nigerian government bears primary responsibility for the persistence of banditry. The first duty of every government is the protection of life and property. This is not merely a political obligation; it is a constitutional responsibility. Citizens surrender certain freedoms to the state in exchange for security and public order. When the state repeatedly fails to provide that security, questions must be asked about its effectiveness and accountability.

Banditry in Nigeria is no longer an occasional security challenge. It has evolved into a parallel government of criminal enterprise. Armed groups operate across large territories, establish camps in forests, collect ransoms, impose illegal taxes on communities, and sometimes openly challenge the authority of the state. Such activities do not occur in secrecy. They require movement of people, weapons, supplies, money, and intelligence. It is difficult to believe that these networks can exist for years without leaving footprints that can be tracked by a determined security apparatus.

Indeed, Nigeria has repeatedly demonstrated that it possesses significant security capabilities when it chooses to deploy them. Security agencies have successfully located and arrested political suspects, organized crime figures, separatist leaders, and cybercriminals. The same technological tools, intelligence networks, surveillance capabilities, and military resources should be available for combating bandits. If these resources can be used effectively in other contexts, Nigerians are entitled to ask why the bandit problem remains unresolved.

Another troubling issue is the perception of inconsistency. Citizens often observe that government responds swiftly when political interests are threatened but appears less effective when ordinary villagers are kidnapped, displaced, or killed. This creates the impression that some threats receive greater attention than others. Whether fair or not, such perceptions erode public confidence in government institutions and weaken trust in the rule of law.

The consequences are severe. Communities lose faith in the state and begin to rely on vigilante groups, ethnic militias, and other informal security structures. While these groups may provide temporary protection, they also risk creating new security challenges and undermining the state's monopoly on the lawful use of force. Once citizens begin to believe that they must defend themselves because government cannot protect them, the foundations of law and order become dangerously weakened.

Buratai's statement therefore raises a fundamental question: if bandits can be located, why are they still operating with such devastating effectiveness? The answer may not lie in the absence of capacity but in failures of leadership, coordination, intelligence utilization, accountability, and political determination.

Ultimately, a government cannot indefinitely blame bandits for insecurity without accepting responsibility for failing to stop them. Criminals are expected to commit crimes. The true measure of government is its ability to prevent, detect, and punish those crimes. On that score, Nigerians have every right to demand better.

ECULAW DISCLAIMER
This article is provided for public education and commentary purposes only. It does not constitute legal advice. The views expressed are analytical opinions intended to encourage public discussion on governance, security, and accountability. Readers requiring legal assistance should consult a qualified legal practitioner.

© 2026 Eculaw Group. All rights reserved.

02/06/2026

Some fish species, especially cichlids and kissing gouramis, fight in a surprisingly strange way: they press their mouths together and appear to “kiss.”

But despite how it looks, this behavior is actually a battle for dominance, territory, or mating rights.

During these fights, the fish are not usually trying to tear each other apart or cause fatal injuries. Instead, they are testing strength, stamina, and endurance.

Each fish pushes against the other while locking mouths, almost like an underwater arm-wrestling match. The goal is to force the opponent backward or exhaust them until they finally let go.

The fish that loses grip first is usually considered the weaker one and retreats from the area. In many cases, this display prevents more dangerous fights from happening, since the weaker fish gives up before serious damage occurs.

To humans, it looks oddly peaceful or even romantic, but in reality it’s a tense contest of power.

31/05/2026

11/05/2026

OBI'S MASTER STROKE

By Eculaw Group

By agreeing to a one-term arrangement, Obi is making a strategic decision calibrated for victory. But he faces two unavoidable questions. First, how would he convince Nigerians that he would not later pursue a second term, just as Obasanjo and Jonathan did after making similar commitments? Second, why is he shortchanging the Igbo by conceding only one term when others either served two or fought for them?

Obi can answer these questions in the following ways. First, he should publicly and formally declare his one-term commitment. The reason Obasanjo and Jonathan reneged was that their agreements were never made before the Nigerian public in unambiguous terms. Once Obi makes this declaration openly, reversing course would brand him as a man without honour. Voters would not merely be disappointed, they would feel deceived, and that reputational cost is not one a serious politician survives. Second, he can tell the Igbo plainly that half a loaf is better than none, and in the current political climate, that argument carries real weight.

We believe that with a credible one-term commitment and with Kwankwaso on the ticket alongside him, Obi can defeat the incumbent - even accounting for the expected rigging.

11/05/2026

Let me educate you about community land in Igbo land. They are not sellable for the purpose of housing.

Ndị Igbo know nothing about hunger— except for the geNocide of 1967-1970. Immediately after the war, the Igbo returned to rebuilding.

Community land also known as communal land exist for the purpose of food security. Community members farm there to provide food for both the family and community.

In the olden days, poverty wasn't tied to food. People lived healthy because of communal land. It provides food for everyone: big or small. Nobody was hungry. It's a collective inheritance. Every one has a saying and stake so long you are part of that community.

Those lands belong to every members of the family and community. So, political igwe or any politician cannot sell them. It will cause serious conflict especially for the buyer who will not access the land. By then, é rigo gị and stories will enter.

I have written many times about the future of ala Igbo. There's serious trouble. You know why? Our quest for money has made us destroy our farmlands. Using concrete everywhere. Cutting down trees. Destroying our vegetation, thinking that's development. Then end up building structures with tiny windows, thereby shortening our livespan.

Food is becoming very scarce in ala Igbo now because every farmland has now turned to estate. No planning. Caterpillar everywhere.

Even in the developed countries, there are places for farming, industrial areas, housing, and business districts. That's planning. Why do you even buy a land without going through the ministry of land and urban planning to know if the location is designed by govt for something in the future?


While the developed countries have farmland and residential areas, in ala Igbo today, we no longer have agụ. Our agụ— meant for agriculture has now turned to 5 minutes to the airport. Our life —food — now depends on the hands of the North. We need to import food from the North, before we eat. And you think this is life?

Guess what?

Those who bought community lands through the real estates in South east today have just wasted their money. You just helped those agents acquire more beautiful cars and escorts to torment the living light out of your existence.

You know why?

Ala ndị ichie, a naghị ere ya ere. Such lands are designed to provide food for the community. Selling them amounts to starving the community. And where they are located, development will not touch there in the next 500 years. They are called agụ for a reason. Agụ is different from úbī. Ignorance isn't an excuse.

Greetings!

I paused!

Maazi Ogbonnaya Okoro II