Kuya Jayson M.

  • Home
  • Kuya Jayson M.

Kuya Jayson M. Meoooow! A radio DJ, Announcer and Anchor. Catch him during weekdays and Saturdays, 5:30AM at 89.7 RVFM Borongan.

11/06/2026
07/06/2026
โš–๏ธ ๐—ง๐—›๐—˜ ๐——๐—”๐—ก๐—š๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ข๐—จ๐—ฆ ๐—ฃ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—–๐—˜๐——๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—ข๐—™ ๐—ง๐—›๐—˜ "๐— ๐—”๐—š๐—œ๐—– 12" โš–๏ธBefore diving into this, let me make one thing absolutely clear: ๐™„ ๐™™๐™ค ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ...
06/06/2026

โš–๏ธ ๐—ง๐—›๐—˜ ๐——๐—”๐—ก๐—š๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ข๐—จ๐—ฆ ๐—ฃ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—–๐—˜๐——๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—ข๐—™ ๐—ง๐—›๐—˜ "๐— ๐—”๐—š๐—œ๐—– 12" โš–๏ธ

Before diving into this, let me make one thing absolutely clear: ๐™„ ๐™™๐™ค ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™จ๐™ž๐™™๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™š๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ง ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™จ๐™š ๐™ฅ๐™ค๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™˜๐™–๐™ก ๐™›๐™–๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™จ. As a citizen and an observer, my allegiance is not to personalities or partiesโ€”it is strictly to the rule of law. What is deeply concerning here isn't who won or who lost the seats, but how our highest laws are being bent, stretched, and redefined depending on who holds the gavel on any given day.

We are watching a masterclass in political gymnastics, but at what cost to the Constitution? ๐Ÿ‡ต๐Ÿ‡ญ

๐Ÿ” ๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ค๐˜‚๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—บ ๐—ฃ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐˜… & ๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฅ๐—ผ๐—น๐—น ๐—–๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น ๐—ง๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜๐˜†
How can the exact same number of senatorsโ€”12โ€”be considered a completely dead, invalid session on a Tuesday, but magically turn into a valid, leadership-stripping quorum on a Wednesday?

The current majority and minority blocs are guilty of a glaring double standard. When it favored one side, 12 ๐™ฌ๐™–๐™จ ๐™–๐™ฃ ๐™–๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ข๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™˜ ๐™–๐™™๐™Ÿ๐™ค๐™ช๐™ง๐™ฃ๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ. When the tides turned, 12 ๐™จ๐™ช๐™™๐™™๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ก๐™ฎ ๐™—๐™š๐™˜๐™–๐™ข๐™š ๐™– ๐™ซ๐™–๐™ก๐™ž๐™™ "๐™ข๐™–๐™Ÿ๐™ค๐™ง๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™–๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š ๐™ข๐™š๐™ข๐™—๐™š๐™ง๐™จ" by aggressively stretching a 1949 Supreme Court ruling (Avelino v. Cuenco).

But here is a glaring technical question that needs an honest answer: Can a minority faction legally declare a quorum of 12 when the Deputy Secretary for Legislation just called all 24 names on the roster during the roll call?

In layman's terms, when you call out the names of all 24 members to check who is present, you are officially recognizing that Senators Bato and Estrada are active parts of the roster. If 24 names are on that attendance sheet, standard math dictates that a majority is 13. When only 12 answer, it falls short of more than half. To bypass your own roll call and suddenly declare a quorum of 12 feels less like sound constitutional logic and more like "magic math." This exact technicality stands as a powerful argument for the opposing side.

โš ๏ธ ๐—” ๐——๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜€ ๐—•๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—™๐˜‚๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ
By treating a political boycott or a localized court detention as an excuse to lower the required threshold for a Senate quorum, we are entering uncharted, dangerous waters. This isn't just a "one-time fix" to resolve a political deadlock. This creates a permanent, highly weaponized blueprint.

If this interpretation is finalized and accepted as the norm, it reveals a terrifying power play:
โ€ข ๐™๐™๐™š ๐™’๐™š๐™–๐™ฅ๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™ฏ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ ๐™ค๐™› ๐˜ผ๐™—๐™จ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š: What stops a future dominant faction from waiting for two or three opposing senators to fall ill or travel?
โ€ข ๐™๐™๐™š ๐˜ฟ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™œ๐™š๐™ง ๐™ค๐™› ๐™๐™š๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™–๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™ฉ: Worse, what stops a malicious majority from accusing opposing members of something, orchestrating their legal or physical restraint, and intentionally keeping them from attending their legislative functions just to artificially lower the quorum threshold and pass whatever they want?
โ€ข ๐™Ž๐™š๐™ก๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š ๐™…๐™ช๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™˜๐™š: We must pray that legislative investigations remain fair and impartial. Inquiries should be for everyone involved in wrongdoing, not just a tool to target and dismantle those who speak out against the sitting majority.

๐Ÿ›๏ธ ๐—” ๐—–๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ฆ๐˜‚๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฒ ๐—–๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐˜ ๐—œ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป
If either party brings this institutional crisis to the judiciary, we hope and pray that the Supreme Court decides on this matter as soon as possible. This impasse and the structural uncertainty it creates are actively affecting the stability of the entire country. We need a definitive, final constitutional ruling on these technicalities before this dangerous standard hardens into law.

๐Ÿ”„ ๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—Ÿ๐—ฎ๐˜„ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ฃ๐—ผ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ž๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—บ๐—ฎ
To the victors of today's Senate coup: Be very cautious about the weapons you forge.

The history of Philippine politics has taught us one absolute truth: power is fluid, and the political tides always turn. The exact same legal loophole and "magic math" you engineered to seize power today will be the very same blueprint used by your opponents to strip you of it tomorrow.

We must stop treating the 1987 Constitution like a tactical manual for short-term political gains. It is the bedrock of our democracy. If we keep chipping away at its foundations for temporary convenience, the whole house will eventually come crashing down on all of us.

Let's guard the law, not just use it when itโ€™s convenient.

19/05/2026

Address


Alerts

Be the first to know and let us send you an email when Kuya Jayson M. posts news and promotions. Your email address will not be used for any other purpose, and you can unsubscribe at any time.

Contact The Business

Send a message to Kuya Jayson M.:

  • Want your business to be the top-listed Media Company?

Share