Empower insights

Empower insights The body achieves what the mind believes

23/05/2026
mamugos ang matsing😂
23/05/2026

mamugos ang matsing😂

MINORITY BACKS SEN. WIN GATCHALIAN FOR SENATE PRESIDENT

JUST IN: The Senate minority bloc has formally endorsed Sen. Win Gatchalian for Senate President, with Sen. Kiko Pangilinan saying Gatchalian proved during the 2026 budget deliberations that he can protect public funds and ensure government spending goes where it is most needed.

Pangilinan also described Gatchalian as competent, steady, and fair, adding that he could unite a broader and more reform-oriented Senate amid ongoing leadership tensions in the chamber.

Pangilinan: Maging ang kasalukuyang Senate President na si Cayetano ay nagsabi na maaari niyang iboto si Senator Win bilang SP. | via Hannah Ty, bnc.ph

23/05/2026

Similarly, international criminal lawyer Michael Karnavas argues that the key issue in the ICC case against Senator Dela Rosa is not simply whether it claims jurisdiction, but whether Philippine courts — especially the Supreme Court of the Philippines — must first determine if such jurisdiction may still lawfully be exercised after the Philippines withdrew from the Rome Statute.

Karnavas also debunks the ICC’s interpretation of Article 127, the withdrawal clause. The ICC held that because the prosecutor had already begun a “preliminary examination” before Philippine withdrawal became effective in 2019, the court retained jurisdiction over alleged crimes committed during membership.

Stretches

Karnavas argues this stretches the treaty beyond its intended meaning. He stresses that the Rome Statute clearly distinguishes between a mere preliminary examination and a formally authorized investigation “approved by judges.” In his view, only the latter should preserve ICC jurisdiction after withdrawal.

He warns that by treating a preliminary examination as enough to indefinitely preserve jurisdiction, the ICC effectively expanded its own powers and weakened the meaning of sovereign withdrawal.

23/05/2026

What the Satisfaction Ratings of Philippine Presidents Reveal

The infographic comparing trust and satisfaction ratings of Philippine presidents from 1986 to 2024 tells more than a story of popularity. It reflects how Filipinos judge leadership during moments of crisis, stability, economic hardship, and political transition.

It also exposes a recurring truth in Philippine politics: presidents often begin with overwhelming public goodwill, but only a few manage to sustain it until the end of their term.

At the center of the comparison is former president Rodrigo Roa Duterte, whose numbers stand apart from the rest. According to the chart, Duterte reached a peak of 91% satisfaction and trust ratings in 2020 and still exited office with 78% satisfaction and 81% trust in June 2022.

No other post-EDSA president in the graphic maintained ratings at that level near the end of a presidency.

The data becomes even more striking when contrasted with his predecessors and successor.
Former president Ferdinand Marcos Jr. entered Malacañang with a strong mandate and high expectations, recording a peak of 78% satisfaction and 83% trust in July 2022. But the infographic points to a steep decline by March 2024, with satisfaction dropping to 45% and trust to 53%.

While still above the disastrous closing numbers of some past administrations, the trend reflects growing public frustration over inflation, food prices, internal political rivalries, and governance concerns.

The decline mirrors a familiar cycle in Philippine politics. Presidents often inherit hope, but public patience weakens when economic pain becomes personal. Inflation affects every household.

Rice prices, fuel costs, electricity bills, and wages shape public perception more than speeches or press conferences. Political messaging may dominate social media, but kitchen-table economics still determines approval ratings.

By comparison, Benigno Aquino III enjoyed high public support during the early years of his “Daang Matuwid” campaign, peaking at 88% satisfaction in 2010. Yet his administration suffered reputational damage after the Mamasapano incident, ending with lower — though still respectable — ratings in 2016.

Former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo presents another lesson entirely. Her presidency was marked by macroeconomic growth and fiscal reforms, but allegations of electoral fraud and corruption severely damaged public trust.

Despite economic gains, her administration never fully recovered politically after the “Hello Garci” controversy. The infographic’s 16% final satisfaction rating underscores how legitimacy issues can overshadow economic performance.

The same pattern appears in the administrations of Joseph Estrada and Corazon Aquino.

Estrada’s populist appeal collapsed during impeachment and EDSA II, while Cory Aquino’s historic role in restoring democracy could not shield her from public dissatisfaction brought by repeated coup attempts, power crises, and economic instability.

Meanwhile, Fidel Ramos remains an interesting middle case. His administration lacked the emotional populism of Estrada or Duterte, but he is still remembered for relative political stability, economic liberalization, and peace initiatives.

His lower final ratings compared to Duterte suggest that technocratic governance alone may not generate lasting emotional loyalty among voters.

This is where Duterte’s presidency becomes politically significant.

Supporters argue that his sustained ratings reflected authenticity, decisiveness, and a perception that government was finally acting aggressively against crime and illegal drugs.

Critics, on the other hand, contend that popularity should not be confused with democratic health, citing concerns over human rights, media freedom, and institutional pressure during his administration.

But whether one admires or opposes Duterte, the numbers indicate that he maintained a political connection with a large portion of the population long after the initial honeymoon period that most presidents enjoy. That durability is rare in Philippine politics.

The infographic also reveals something deeper about Filipino voters: they reward leaders they perceive as decisive, relatable, and emotionally connected to ordinary frustrations.

Public trust in the Philippines is not built solely on economic statistics or policy papers. It is shaped by narrative, identity, and the sense that a president understands everyday struggles.

This explains why approval ratings can remain high even amid international criticism, or collapse despite favorable macroeconomic indicators.

Still, caution is necessary when interpreting political surveys. Satisfaction and trust ratings are snapshots of public mood, not definitive judgments of historical legacy.

Some leaders gain appreciation years after leaving office, while others lose stature over time as new controversies emerge or old narratives are revisited.

Moreover, survey-based infographics simplify complex presidencies into percentages. Governance cannot be measured entirely through popularity. A president may be well-liked but institutionally damaging, or unpopular while implementing necessary but painful reforms.
Yet in democratic politics, perception matters because public trust is political capital.

Presidents who lose it struggle to unite the nation, pass reforms, or maintain credibility. Those who preserve it retain influence long after leaving office.

As the country moves closer to another election cycle, these numbers are likely to fuel competing narratives. Duterte allies will point to sustained public support as proof of enduring political strength.

Marcos supporters may argue that current challenges are temporary and tied to global economic conditions. Opposition groups will continue questioning whether popularity should outweigh accountability and governance standards.

But beyond partisan arguments, the infographic ultimately reflects the evolving expectations of the Filipino people — a public that repeatedly hopes for transformation, becomes impatient with unmet promises, and constantly searches for leaders who can combine competence, empathy, and political will.

In Philippine politics, trust is difficult to earn, easy to lose, and nearly impossible to sustain. The numbers from 1986 to 2024 show just how rare that endurance truly is.

Alan Peter Cayetano does not let criticism affect him because he knows that many ordinary Filipinos still believe in and...
22/05/2026

Alan Peter Cayetano does not let criticism affect him because he knows that many ordinary Filipinos still believe in and support him. Every leader will always have critics, but that does not mean they represent the majority. Often, the loudest voices are those who put politics above the true welfare of the people. What matters is that he remains focused on public service and does not allow political noise to distract him.

Ang lala niyo na. Parang sa psychiatrist na dapat dumiretso. đŸ€ŠEh papano nga kung life threatening na? May time ka pa ban...
22/05/2026

Ang lala niyo na. Parang sa psychiatrist na dapat dumiretso. đŸ€Š

Eh papano nga kung life threatening na? May time ka pa bang tanungin kung kakampink or DDS yung doctor? Grabehan na ang amats nila

22/05/2026

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