12/04/2026
๐๐ฟ๐ฎ๐๐ถ๐๐๐ฑ๐ฒ ๐๐ฒ๐ณ๐ผ๐ฟ๐ฒ ๐๐๐๐๐ถ๐ฐ๐ฒ ๐๐ ๐ก๐ผ๐ ๐ฅ๐ฒ๐ฐ๐ผ๐ป๐ฐ๐ถ๐น๐ถ๐ฎ๐๐ถ๐ผ๐ป. ๐๐ ๐๐ ๐๐ฟ๐ฎ๐๐๐ฟ๐ฒ...
By ๐๐๐ | ๐ป๐๐ ๐ฝ๐๐๐๐ ๐ฉ๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐ฐ๐๐๐๐๐
๐ ๐๐ธ๐จ, ๐บ๐ ๐ฒ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐ฌ๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐บ๐ธ๐จ
แดษดสแด สแดษดษขแดส | แดแดษชษดษชแดษด & แดษชแด ษชแด แดแดแดแดแดษดแดแดสส | แดแดสษชส 2026
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๐ ๐ฐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐ ๐๐๐/๐ด๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐ ๐ฐ๐๐๐ ๐ป๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐ ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐...
"แดนสธ โฟแตแตแต โฑหข แดถแตหขแถแตหกสธโฟ แถสฐแตโฟแตโปแดดโฑแต. แดต สทสณโฑแตแต แตโฟแตแตสณ โฑโฟโฑแตโฑแตหกหข แตแตแถแตแตหขแต โฑแต'หข หขสฐแตสณแตแตสณ แตสฐแตโฟ แตสธ แถ แตหกหก โฟแตแตแต. แตสฐแต หขแตแตสณสธ แดต แตแต แตแตแตแตแต แตแต แตแตหกหก โฑหข แถหกแตหขแต แตแต แตแต โฑโฟ สทแตสธหข แตสฐแตแต แถแตโฟโฟแตแต แตแต หขแตแตแตสณแตแตแตแต แถ สณแตแต แตสฐแต แตสณแตแตแตแตโฟแต แตแตโฑโฟแต แตแตแตแต, แตโฟแต แดต สฐแตแตแต หกแตแตสณโฟแตแต แตสฐแตแต แตสฐแต แถหกแตแตสณแตหขแต แตสฐโฑโฟแตโฑโฟแต สฐแตแตแตแตโฟหข สทสฐแตโฟ แตแตแต หขแตแตแตหข แตหขโฑแตแต แตโฟแต แตสณแตแตสฐ หขแตแตแตหข แถ แตสณสทแตสณแต. แดต แตแต แตสฐแต แตสณแตโฟแตแตแตแตแตสฐแตแตสณ แตแถ แดฐแตแตโฑแตหขแตโฟ "หขแตโฟ" แถสฐแตโฟแตโปแดดโฑแต, แตโฑหกหกแตแต แตโฟ โต แดถแตโฟแต ยนโนโทโท. แดต แตแต แตสฐแต แตแตแตแตสฐแตแตสณ แตแถ แดฐแตสณแตแตสฐสธ แถสฐแตโฟแตโปแดดโฑแต, แต หขแตสณแตโฑแตแตสณ สทสฐแต สณแตโฑหขแตแต แตแต แตโฟ แตสฐแต แตสณแตแตสฐ แตแถ สทสฐแตแต แตสฐโฑหข แถแตแตโฟแตสณสธ แตโฑแต แตแต แตแตสณ แถ แตแตโฑหกสธ, แต สทแตแตแตโฟ สทสฐแตหขแต สณแตหขโฑหกโฑแตโฟแถแต โฑหข แตสฐแต สณแตแตหขแตโฟ แดต แตหฃโฑหขแต สทโฑแตสฐ แตโฟสธ แถหกแตสณโฑแตสธ แตแต แตหกหก.
แดต แตโฑแต โฟแตแต แตสณแตสท แตแต แตโฟ แตสฐแตหขแต โฑหขหกแตโฟแตหข. แตสฐแตแต แถสฐแตโฑแถแต สทแตหข โฟแตแตแตสณ แตโฑโฟแต. แดต สฐแตแตแต หขแตแตโฟแต สธแตแตสณหข แตแตโฑโฟแต แตแตหกแต, โฑแตแตหกโฑแถโฑแตหกสธ แตโฟแต แตหฃแตหกโฑแถโฑแตหกสธ, แตสฐแตแต โฟแตแต สฐแตแตโฑโฟแต หกโฑแตแตแต แตสฐแตแต หกโฑแถ แต แตแตแตแตหข แตแต หกแตหขหข หขแตหขแตหกสทแต. แตสฐแตแต แถแตโฟแตแตสณหขแตแตโฑแตโฟ โฑหข แถ แตสณ แตโฟแตแตสฐแตสณ แตแตสธ, แตโฟแต แดต สฐแตแตแต แตหกแตโฟแตสธ แตแต หขแตสธ แตแตแตแตแต โฑแต. แตสฐแตแต แตแตแตแตแตสณหข สฐแตสณแต โฑหข แดต แตแตแตแตโฟ หขแตแตแตแตโฑโฟแต แตแตแตหกโฑแถหกสธ แตสฐสณแตแตแตสฐ แตสฐแต ยฒโฐยฒโต แตหกแตแถแตโฑแตโฟ แถสธแถหกแต แตแตแถแตแตหขแต แดต แถแตแตหกแต โฟแต หกแตโฟแตแตสณ สทแตแตแถสฐ โฑโฟ หขโฑหกแตโฟแถแต.
แดต แตแตโฑหกแต แดฌโฟแตแต แดธแตโฟแตแตสณ แตหข แต แตหกแตแตแถ แตสณแต แถ แตสณ แตสณแตแตสฐ, แตแตสณ แถแตหกแตแตสณแต แตโฟแต แตแตแตแตหกแต, สทโฑแตสฐ โฟแต แตแตสณแตสธ แตหกหกแตแตโฑแตโฟแถแต แตสณ แตแตแตแตสณโฟแตแตโฟแต แถ แตแตแตแตสณโฑแตแตหข. แดนสธ แตสณแตโฟแตแถ แตแตสฐแตสณ สทแตหข แตโฟ แตโฟแตสณแตแตสณแตโฟแตแตสณ แตโฟแต แต แตสณแตแต หขแตสธแถสฐแตหกหกแตโฑหข แตแถแตโฑแตโฑหขแต แถ แตสณ แตสฐแต แดฐแตแตแตแถสณแตแตโฑแถ แดพแตสณแตสธ แตแถ แตสฐแต แถ โฑสณหขแต แดพสณแตหขโฑแตแตโฟแต, โฑโฟ สฐโฑหข แตแตสธ. แดต แถ แตหกหกแตสทแตแต โฑโฟ สฐโฑหข แถ แตแตแตหขแตแตแตหข สทโฑแตสฐแตแตแต แตสฐแต แตแตหกโฑแตโฑแถแตหก แถแตโฟโฟแตแถแตโฑแตโฟหข. แตสฐโฑหข แตหกแตแตแถ แตสณแต แถแตสณสณโฑแตหข สฐโฑหข หขแตโฑสณโฑแต สทสฐแตแตสฐแตสณ โฑแต แถแตสณสณโฑแตหข สฐโฑหข โฟแตแตแต แตสณ โฟแตแต. แดต แตแต แตสฐแต แตโฟแต แตแถ แต หกแตโฟแต หกโฑโฟแต แตแถ แตสณแตหขแตสณแต, แตโฟแต แดต แตแต โฟแตแต โฑโฟแตแตสณแตหขแตแตแต โฑโฟ แถแตโฟแตโฑโฟแตโฑโฟแต โฑแต. แดต หกโฑแตแต โฑโฟ แตสธ แตสณแตแตสฐ สทโฑแตสฐแตแตแต แตแตสณแตโฑหขหขโฑแตโฟ. แตสฐโฑหข แตสณแตโฑแถหกแต โฑหข โฟแตแต แตแตสณหขแตโฟแตหก แตสณโฑแตแตแตโฟแถแต แตสณแตหขหขแตแต แตหข สฒแตแตสณโฟแตหกโฑหขแต. แดตแต โฑหข แต แตแตแตแตแตสณ แตแถ แตแตแตหกโฑแถ สณแตแถแตสณแต, หกแตแตแตหก แตโฟแต สฐโฑหขแตแตสณโฑแถแตหก แถ แตแถแต, แตโฟแต แตสฐแต แตโฑโฟแต แตแถ แตแตสณแตหก แถหกแตสณโฑแตสธ แตสฐโฑหข แถแตแตโฟแตสณสธ สฐแตหข แตแตแตโฟ แตแตแตโฑแตโฑโฟแต แถ แตสณ โดโธ สธแตแตสณหข. หขแต หกแตแต แตแต แตแตแตแต โฑแต แตหกแตโฑโฟ แถ แตสณ แตแตแตสณสธแตโฟแต.
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A letter to the editor published this week in The Nation, under the name of Barry Laine, Chairman of the TRNUC Victims Association (TRNUC-AOV), thanks President Patrick Herminie, Fourth President Danny Faure, the TRNUC commissioners, the successor team, and the National Unity Commission for their "courage and tenacity." It speaks of a "final settlement" becoming "a reality" and calls for "final closure of this horrible chapter."
It is the position of one association, one chairman, published without the written consent of the broader victim community it presumes to speak for. If your therapist declared publicly that you had healed without asking you, you would have every right to be furious. The declaration does not create the healing. It creates the appearance of it, which is far more convenient for everyone except the person still hurting. That is assumption wearing the costume of leadership, and we are not prepared to let it pass without challenge.
๐๐ค ๐๐๐ฃ๐๐๐ฉ๐. ๐๐ค ๐พ๐ค๐ฃ๐จ๐๐ฃ๐ฉ. ๐๐ค ๐ผ๐ช๐ฉ๐๐ค๐ง๐๐ฉ๐ฎ.
The TRNUC process was built on the principle that victims have individual rights. Case No. 001, the very first determination issued by the Commission, concerned the family of Davidson "Son" Chang-Him. The complainants were 5 people: Dorothy Chang-Him, Marylene Chang-Him, Wallen Adrienne, Harry Adrienne, and Judy Dingwall. The Commission found, on the balance of probabilities, that Son suffered an unlawful killing on 5 June 1977. Shot in the back at close range at the Central Police Station, hands raised, complying with instructions, unarmed.
It further found that the State bore responsibility, that the family were denied benefits legally owed to them, and that the suffering inflicted in the years following his murder was deliberate, sustained, and carried out with a deliberate intention on the part of Government authorities, agencies, and members of the ruling party to enhance the family's suffering.
Those are the words of the TRNUC Commissioners, signed on 31 July 2022.
So when Barry Laine writes that the "whole nation looks forward to final closure," we would like to see the written mandate authorising him to announce, on behalf of people whose fathers were shot in the back, that it is now time to be thankful. We have not seen it. We suspect it does not exist.
๐๐ค๐ช ๐พ๐๐ฃ๐ฃ๐ค๐ฉ ๐๐๐๐ฃ๐ ๐๐๐๐ฉ ๐๐๐จ ๐๐ค๐ฉ ๐ผ๐ง๐ง๐๐ซ๐๐.
The letter praises politicians and commissioners for their "courage and tenacity." Courage is what the victims showed, walking into hearings and narrating the worst days of their lives into a public record, knowing full well that the people who ordered those atrocities had spent decades holding power in the same country.
Turning up to a commission with a salary and a mandate is called employment. There is a particular kind of moral cowardice that wears procedure as armour, asks no difficult questions, collects its wage, sits across the table from people telling devastating truths, thanks them for their bravery, and goes home at 4 o'clock. The victims who appeared before the TRNUC funded those salaries through their taxes and paid a second time with their dignity.
What they were owed was not a commission of listeners. They were owed a government willing to act on what it heard. The Liberation Memorial Fund, established by Presidential Decree in October 1977, was created specifically to compensate the families of those killed on 5 June. Son's family was named in that legislation, in the law itself, and yet the family received nothing. Dorothy, his youngest daughter, testified that when she asked ex-President Michel about the Fund, she was told there was no money in it.
The Fund was later found to have held balances in the region of SCR 10 to 20 million. It quietly redirected benefits toward others while the family it was legally mandated to support went without, and nobody was held to account. The Fund was repealed in August 2025 by Act 12 of 2025, its Board dissolved, its assets transferred to Government, with no acknowledgement of who was left behind or why...
Courage would look like a sitting government standing in the National Assembly and saying: the party that founded this nation committed crimes against its people. We are the inheritors of that party. We are sorry. Not "some regret was expressed." Not silence dressed as progress. After more than 48 years, that apology has not happened. And yet we are being asked to offer gratitude.
๐ผ ๐๐๐ฃ. ๐๐ค๐ฉ ๐ ๐๐๐ก๐.
Why did Davidson Chang-Him have to die? The Commission heard multiple versions. A personal feud. An order from the top to neutralise a perceived threat to the coup. An accident. It could not settle definitively on which was true. What it settled without ambiguity was that the killing was unprovoked, his hands were raised, he was shot in the back at close range, no investigation was ever conducted, no officer was ever charged.
After that shot, the consolidation of fear began immediately. His eldest son Harry was detained at gunpoint the same day. The family was ordered to paint over the Union Jack on their home in the colour of the party that had just killed their father. They were harassed by the army, arrested without charge, chased away from placing flowers at the spot where Son fell. Dorothy, his youngest, was expelled from school for her defiance against the regime. In 1996, she was handed 2 plane tickets by a President who told her he could no longer guarantee her safety because of politics, forced to choose which of her 2 children to take into exile. Harry fled to Canada. Judy emigrated. The cross on Davidson's grave was broken repeatedly. The victimisation was constant. That is their history, not a public-relations inconvenience for others to generalise and declare resolved.
This is what the consolidation of power looks like after a coup through the family of one of its very first victims. Not just the killing, but the slow, deliberate erasure of a man through fear, exclusion, and institutional neglect until a generation grows up not knowing his name. Thanks to his children, particularly his youngest, he was never left without a defender. Not for one moment did they stop praying or carrying the love and adoration that others tried, and failed, to extinguish.
Ex-President Renรฉ established the Liberation Memorial Fund by decree, naming Davidson alongside the 2 others who died that day, making him by the State's own hand a figure of national consequence and hero. Of the 3 named, Davidson was the only civilian. One of the others died guarding the armoury, on duty. The third was an active coup participant killed by a ricochet from his own weapon. Their families received consistent payments from the Fund for years.
Son's family, the only civilian family in that decree, the only family on the wrong side of the coup's gun, received nothing. The Attorney-General confirmed to the Commission that they should have. Ex-President Michel said some people received support and some did not, and offered nothing further. This was discovered repeatedly, raised directly, and met each time with a shrug. A fund designed to appear inclusive, administered to exclude the one family with the clearest legal and moral claim to it.
Son was well-known and well-loved. Well-known enough that armed men spent an entire day hunting him across Mahe because they considered him a threat to a brand new dictatorship. A father who raised 6 children at home. A watchmaker. An entrepreneur of his community. He has been reduced in the public memory of his own country to a body in a 1977 file, his legacy eroded year by year by the silence of those who had every reason to ensure he was forgotten.
The unsettled lessons of history do not disappear. They compound. Every failure to reckon with 1977 honestly creates the conditions for the next failure, and the pattern has never been broken because the people with the power to break it have never found it sufficiently inconvenient to try.
๐๐๐ ๐๐ก๐๐ฅ๐๐๐ฃ๐ฉ ๐๐ฃ ๐ฉ๐๐ ๐๐ค๐ค๐ข ๐๐๐จ 2 ๐ผ๐ฃ๐ฃ๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐จ๐๐ง๐๐๐จ.
This year, 2026, marks 50 years since Seychelles gained independence from Britain under James Mancham, the country's first President and the legitimate leader of a nation that had just found its footing. In 2027, it will be 50 years since the coup that removed him and handed the republic to France-Albert Renรฉ by force. Two anniversaries. One of a vision. One of its destruction.
We owe it to the memory of Mancham's Seychelles to admit plainly that we failed his vision. The Renรฉ era did not merely change the government. It dismantled the moral architecture of a young nation, replacing accountability with loyalty, justice with silence, and civic pride with the kind of fear that teaches children to paint over their own front door in the colour of the party that killed their father. The letter published in The Nation this weekend is a product of that legacy.
It is what 48 years of unresolved trauma and political self-protection looks like when it puts on a suit and writes to a newspaper. The misinformation and selective memory surrounding that historical period is not just a cultural problem. It is an active danger. History that is not studied is repeated. We are watching that repetition in real time, and letters like this one are part of the mechanism.
This is the elephant in the room that every politician, every party, and every association chairman has been walking carefully around for half a century. Seychelles cannot celebrate 50 years of independence with integrity while the injustices of the year that followed it remain unaddressed.
These 2 anniversaries sit side by side like a question and its unanswered reply. One asks what we could have been. The other explains why we are not there yet.
๐๐๐ ๐พ๐ง๐๐ฉ๐๐ฆ๐ช๐ ๐ค๐ ๐๐๐๐ฃ-๐๐ง๐๐จ๐๐๐๐ฃ๐ฉ ๐๐๐ข๐ ๐๐ก๐๐ฌ๐๐ฃ ๐๐จ ๐๐๐ก๐๐. ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ก๐๐ฃ๐๐ ๐ค๐ฃ ๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐ฎ๐ฉ๐๐๐ฃ๐ ๐๐ก๐จ๐ ๐๐จ ๐๐ค๐ฉ.
Ex-President Ramkalawan, who in opposition was among those who fought loudest for the TRNUC to exist and whose personal commitment to the process was public and vocal, received the final TRNUC report on 31 March 2023 as sitting President and announced a successor team with no contract, no office, and no authority. That failure is legitimate, serious, and has always been called out as such on this platform.
But this is the oldest deflection in the political playbook: point loudly at the man who dropped the baton so nobody notices you were never running the race. The letter does not ask when the party whose founders committed these acts will take responsibility for them. Not credit for the commission. Responsibility for the original crime and everything that followed it.
It does not ask why victims are still administered rather than compensated, spoken for by associations rather than consulted directly. It does not ask those questions because the answers would be deeply embarrassing to the very people it has just finished thanking.
๐๐ฃ ๐๐๐ฅ๐ง๐๐จ๐๐ฃ๐ฉ๐๐ฉ๐๐ค๐ฃ, ๐๐๐๐ค๐ฃ๐๐๐ก๐๐๐ฉ๐๐ค๐ฃ, ๐๐ฃ๐ ๐ฉ๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ฉ ๐ฉ๐ค ๐๐ฅ๐๐๐ .
No association can speak for all victims without explicit mandate. The TRNUC process involved hundreds of individual complaints, each filed by individuals with their own losses and their own timelines for what healing means. When an association chairman declares victims grateful and closure approaching, he is attempting to define the emotional and political position of people who did not authorise him to do so. Starting with the very first case.
There is a familiar psychological pattern in which others try to resolve pain on behalf of the person still carrying it, because it is more comfortable than sitting with the reality that the other person is still suffering. This letter performs surrogate closure, resolving on paper something unresolved in life. Placed into a national newspaper and dressed as a consensus it has not earned.
The real truth is that reconciliation requires the State to acknowledge wrongdoing, implement reparations, and allow victims to define their own healing. They have the report with approved cases.
Pain is not transferable. You would not walk into a hospital ward and declare all patients discharged regardless of their condition. Closure announced on someone else's behalf is not closure. It is convenience.
48 ๐๐๐๐ง๐จ. ๐๐ฉ๐๐ก๐ก ๐๐๐๐ฉ๐๐ฃ๐. ๐๐ฉ๐๐ก๐ก ๐๐ฃ๐๐๐๐ง๐.
The list of epic failure is long: A commission without adequate resources. A Final Report that went nowhere. A Fund repealed without accountability. A successor team with no legal standing. A letter of thanks in the Saturday paper. These are only a few examples of what sits at the root of so much that is wrong in Seychelles. If this is what five decades of learning looks like, the curriculum has failed spectacularly.
There is a concept in trauma psychology called imposed resolution, the moment those around a survivor decide, for their own comfort, that it is time for the survivor to be done. It is rarely about the survivor. It is about everyone else's exhaustion with the inconvenience of unfinished pain. What is happening in Seychelles right now, complete moral decay, is exactly that.
Without the ruling class of this country admitting that what happened on 5 June 1977 was wrong, and that the years of harassment, exile, intimidation, and financial abandonment that followed were also seriously wrong, there can be no honest reconciliation. The tampering with official findings in a serious case such as 001, together with the misuse of the Liberation Memorial Fund and the deliberate exclusion of the family it was meant to protect, amounts to a serious maladministration that is both obvious and on record. It is relevant to our people and history.
All of this happened under the watch of the same party that now claims it has listened and learned, yet still governs this country in the same way it promised it had moved beyond. The evidence so far does not inspire confidence.
The appropriate response is simple: accountability, reparation, and a formal unambiguous apology. Not a thank-you letter to the same party whose founder created this mistake. That is what you call hypocrisy.
That moment has not materialised. Until it does, we are far from closure. We are at the beginning of a conversation born of an irreversible wound inflicted 49 years ago. You do not get to declare the chapter closed while the ink is still drying on the oldest wounds. And you certainly do not get to sign that declaration on behalf of someone else's pain without their permission.
Reconciliation does not begin with gratitude. It begins with truth, responsibility, and repair.
Everything else is performance.
๐ฐ ๐ฐ๐๐๐ ๐ป๐๐๐๐๐: ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐, ๐๐๐๐๐, ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐. ๐ฝ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ข. ๐ฝ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐. ๐๐ ๐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐ ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐, ๐๐๐ ๐ ๐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐. ๐น๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐ ๐๐๐๐.