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10/05/2025

Here's the list of South Sudanese personalities known for their unique, broken, and repetitive English expressions😅.

1. Bol Mel: I'm good listening

2. Stephen Phar Kuol: That's rubbish

3. Salva Kiir Mayardit: So inu x10, Madam Ruto,

4. Elia Lomoro: Social media criminalis.

5. Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth: Madeer thaany.

6. James Magok Chilim: I am not awareness.

7. Kuot Anok Malual: I'm journalism.

8. Larson Angok: I backward from Ghana.

9. Luis Garang: I will condoms the problem of girls.

10. Mangar Buong: We are under attek.

11. Mary Boyoi: R***r was come.

12. NyÉ› Lou Nuer: Borchar is my blood group.

13. Sarah Madedec: English is not my motherland.

14. Wani Igga: If we don't dredge our rivers, they would turn to forest.

15. David Yau Yau: It was Misunderstandment.

16. Peter Mawuou Dhuol Jiek: The members of board are here & they're unshakeable😅

17.Nyanchiew Nyandoch: Don't call me sweet potato, don't call me sweety banana, don't call me ngu, ngu😂

18. Nhial Tunyang- 2006, I went back cuz a we get a freedom😂

The list is too long, yajamaa. Keep it going. Which one made you laugh?🤣

19. Michael Makuei Lueth We cannot accept the unacceptable acceptance.

20. Angelina Teny Peace is peace even if it's not peaceful.

21. Puot Kang I was born politically.

22. Emmanuel Jal My music is an educationship.

23. Rebecca Nyandeng Women are the backbone of men's ribs.

24. Gordon Buay I diplomatically insult in order of peace.

25. Tutkew Gatluak We are planning unplanned plans for development.

26. Peter Biar Ajak I graduated from Harvard of Juba.

27. Riek Machar What I'm saying is what I have said before I say it.

28. Lual Mayen Gaming is like government but with joystick.

29. Gatwech Dual I’m not rebeling, I’m just rebel.

30. Pagan Amum Corruption is our national identity crisis.

31. Akol Paul I am the youth of all generations.

32. Ateny Wek Ateny As a presidential spox, I’m spelling out the spoken words.

Add yours

09/05/2025

Consistently is harder when no one is clapping for you.
You must clap for yourself during those times, you should always be your biggest fan.

A Call for Reflection and Reconciliation in South SudanBy Ajak Deng Chiengkou5 May 2025If you are a South Sudanese soldi...
05/05/2025

A Call for Reflection and Reconciliation in South Sudan

By Ajak Deng Chiengkou

5 May 2025

If you are a South Sudanese soldier, a member of the opposition, a commander at the decision-making table, or a political leader—pause and reflect before making any decision that could harm or alienate a fellow South Sudanese. Think of the wounds of bitterness such decisions may create. Unlike many nations, South Sudanese people do not easily forget the pain inflicted upon them, whether by individuals, institutions, or military commands.

We still carry the memories of the Mahdist resistance, the Ottoman encounters, and the colonial era—these chapters remain vivid because we are a people who remember. Since our independence in 2011, and even now, South Sudan is not ideologically divided. The suggestion that we are fundamentally split by tribe is a dangerous myth—but the greater danger lies in allowing that myth to shape our decisions.

Let us take lessons from countries fractured by religious or ethnic fault lines. Around the globe, divisive narratives are weaponised, advancing hatred in subtle and overt ways. South Sudan must not follow that path. Division may be easy to ignite, but once it burns, it consumes generations.

Some leaders have perpetuated the idea that tribes are at war—but reality proves otherwise. Politicians and soldiers may speak in tribal tones for political gain, yet when they arrive in Juba or are appointed to high office, their tribe does not accompany them into hotels, drive their V8s, or build their fences. They benefit as individuals. No tribe governs South Sudan—individuals do. The same applies to the opposition.

With these truths in hand, we must recognise that the protection of civilian life is the highest moral and national duty. We must not mirror the chaos seen elsewhere in the world. South Sudanese have an extraordinary capacity for forgiveness and reconciliation—but new wounds must not be opened.

Recent crises have seen brothers and sister

JUST IN: President Salva Kiir has relieved and replaced officials in the Warrap State:State Advisor: Peter Matem Yak, Se...
05/05/2025

JUST IN: President Salva Kiir has relieved and replaced officials in the Warrap State:

State Advisor:
Peter Matem Yak, Security and Peace Advisor, and replaced with Mayiik Agoth Mayot.

State Ministers:
Agem Akotdit Madur, Minister of Cabinet Affairs and replaced with Dr. Acuil Malei Aliap.

Michael Kero Machar, Minister of Youth, Culture and Sports and replaced with John Garang Mabior Ater.

James Ayiek Bath, Minister of Information and Communication Services, and replaced with Mamer Bath Matiok.

Appointed Paulino Mabeny Mayok Yuot as Minister of Parliamentary Affairs which was vacant.

Mamer Bath Mabok, Minister of Labour, Public Services and Human Resources Development and replaced him with Gabriel Machol Kur.

Independent Commissions:
Malou Madut Malou, Chairperson, Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC), and replaced with James Ajiek Maruoo Bol.

Bona Mawan Yak, Member, Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC) and replaced with Aluak Majök.

Diany Rou Riak, Deputy Chairperson, Anti-Corruption Commission, and replaced with Manok Akot Atem.

Thokriel Chileu, Chairperson, Peace and Conflict Resolution Commission and replaced with Benjamin Anyar Mabior.

County Commissioners:
Makur Dhuol Ajook, Commissioner, Tonj East County, and replaced with Ngor Dhuol Mangong.

Ring Deng Ading, Commissioner, Tonj South County, and replaced with John Ajiek Warwien.

Thirteen SSPDF soldiers have survived an ambush and got disarmed by armed civilians near Ngap-Agok in Tonj East County, ...
02/05/2025

Thirteen SSPDF soldiers have survived an ambush and got disarmed by armed civilians near Ngap-Agok in Tonj East County, Warrap State.

The attack took place while the soldiers were traveling in a Land Cruiser. Fortunately, no injuries were reported according to Radio Miraya.

However, the troops returned to base without their weapons, Warrap State Information Minister James Ayiek Bath confirmed.

The Kampala Project: Top SPLM Historical Leaders to Convene in Uganda to Anoint President Kiir’s Successor  By PaanLuel ...
02/05/2025

The Kampala Project: Top SPLM Historical Leaders to Convene in Uganda to Anoint President Kiir’s Successor

By PaanLuel Wël

As Juba intensifies its political and military campaign against Dr. Riek Machar, culminating in his removal from the vice presidency, a new political development emerges on the horizon. A powerful coalition appears to be forming between President Kiir and the SPLM historical leadership under the patronage of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni to anoint President Kiir’s Successor. Beyond his established military influence in South Sudan, President Museveni now seems intent on orchestrating the political succession in a post-Kiir South Sudan.

According to credible sources, prominent SPLM historical figures are gathering in Kampala for high-level discussions aimed at selecting President Kiir's successor. Vice President Mama Rebecca Nyandeng has reportedly been commissioned to persuade SPLM historical leaders residing outside South Sudan to participate in this pivotal conference. This strategic move appears to capitalize on the vulnerability of exiled SPLM leaders, many of whom are experiencing political isolation, financial constraints, and advancing age. Meanwhile, President Kiir has been tasked with securing the support of SPLM historical leaders currently in Juba for this Kampala project, with President Museveni positioning himself as both host and patron of the project.

Insiders reveal that President Museveni's recent diplomatic visit to Juba carried greater significance than publicly acknowledged. Sources indicate that Museveni specifically traveled to persuade President Kiir to reconsider his apparent successor, the Crown Prince, in favor of a candidate from the SPLM's historical leadership ranks. Reports suggest Museveni has expressed dissatisfaction with the Crown Prince, whom he perceives as "unpresidential," lacking both a cultivated political foundation and military influence comparable to figures like King Paul and the "Sun of the Lion," while also falling short of the charisma displayed by Pagan Amum, Nhial Deng, Dr. Majak Agoot and Akol Khor. In Museveni's assessment, the Crown Prince represents a political and military liability with minimal strategic advantages.

Sources close to the discussions claim Museveni candidly advised President Kiir that the Crown Prince has demonstrated undeniable incompetence, urging Kiir to protect his legacy from further damage. One insider characterized the Crown Prince's political rise as that of a trusted intermediary for President Kiir and his family, primarily managing business interests behind the scenes to insulate the President from accusations of financial impropriety.

If these reports prove accurate, the Kampala project serves not only as a mechanism for selecting President Kiir's successor but also as a cautionary tale of meteoric political rise followed by precipitous decline. The Crown Prince appears to have misinterpreted his role, failing to establish the crucial political and military foundations that figures like Malong and Akol Khor secured for themselves. Ateny Wek reportedly remarked at a community gathering that the Crown Prince lacks a power base and would seek UNMISS protection should a crisis reminiscent of the 2016 J-1 incident occur during his presidency.

This political realignment follows a familiar pattern in South Sudan, where President Kiir has demonstrated remarkable skill in cultivating and subsequently neutralizing potential successors. From Dr. Majak Agoot to Nhial Deng, from King Paul to the "Sun of the Lion," from KWAK to Tutkew, and now potentially the Crown Prince, President Kiir has proven himself a master of political maneuvering, earning him the title of political scientist, not to be confused with the self-proclaimed “British-educated Scientist."

Reports indicate the Crown Prince has become aware of this succession plot and has mobilized allies including Martin Elia Lomuro and Michael Makwei, while actively courting Kuol Manyang and Awet Akot to undermine the Kampala project. The Crown Prince and his associates have reportedly focused their counteroffensive on VP Mama Rebecca Nyandeng, who serves as the designated emissary tasked with recruiting SPLM historical leaders from abroad.

Few days ago, President Kiir dispatched Mama Rebecca Nyandeng to Entebbe for a preliminary strategic meeting with President Museveni, attended by Oyai and other SPLM historical figures. As Radio Tamazuj cryptically reported, "Discussions reportedly focused on a political transition and succession plan for South Sudan's leadership, but the meeting ended without a final agreement."

Upon learning of this preliminary meeting, the Crown Prince reportedly retaliated by denying Vice President Nyandeng diplomatic clearance for medical treatment in Dubai, sparking rumors on social media that she had been placed under house arrest in Uganda. Sources claim the Crown Prince is deliberately obstructing Nyandeng's travel arrangements through diplomatic channels and attempting to fracture the G-10 alliance by enticing Majak and Gier with her vice-presidential position.

In Juba, the Crown Prince and his inner circle have allegedly plotted to replace Mama Rebecca Nyandeng with a member of her G-10 group. Social media discussions point to either Dr. Majak Agoot or Gen. Gier Chuang Aluong as potential replacements, to be announced simultaneously with Dr. Riek Machar's successor. Reports suggest both Dr. Majak and Gier have declined to participate in any scheme to undermine Mama Rebecca Nyandeng in the manner applied to Dr. Riek Machar.

Intriguingly, President Kiir appears to maintain a calculated distance from these developments, both regarding the Crown Prince's potential fall from favor and the possible replacements of Dr. Riek Machar and Mama Rebecca Nyandeng. Sources indicate President Kiir advised the Crown Prince to accept these developments with dignified humility, assuring him of continued proximity to power and meaningful compensation.

The identity of President Kiir's anointed successor remains closely guarded. Names circulating include one of President Kiir's sons, Pagan Amum, Nhial Deng, Wani Igga, Deng Alor, Majak Agoot, Taban Deng, Oyai Deng, Rin Tueny, Akol Khor, Mayiik Ayii, John G*i Yoh, Paul Malong, Thomas Chirillo, Paul Mayom Akech, Riek G*i Kok, and Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth, among others. Among these contenders, particularly noteworthy are President Kiir's son and Mayiik Ayii, who reportedly enjoys support from a faction within the First Family opposing President Kiir's son.

What catalyzed the Kampala project? Available information suggests President Kiir's motivation stems partially from his determination to politically and militarily neutralize Dr. Riek Machar, and partially from his desire to salvage his tarnished legacy by initiating a new political era in South Sudan. This would involve establishing a transitional government following the reunification of SPLM historical leaders, tasked with preparing the nation for general elections after 18 months.

For President Museveni, the Kampala Project could also serve as a rehearsal for his own succession planning in Uganda, possibly favoring his son. Moreover, sources suggest Museveni is deeply worried about growing regional concern over stability in Juba and has deemed the Crown Prince as fundamentally unsuited for presidential leadership and wishes to minimize Uganda's liabilities in South Sudan.

For Mama Rebecca Nyandeng, who seconded the nomination of Commander Salva Kiir following Dr. John Garang's death, this appears to provide an opportunity to contribute to national healing by facilitating the selection of President Kiir's successor, mirroring her role in the succession after Dr. John Garang. Now, she may be positioning herself once more at the heart of a generational handover in South Sudan.

Finally, in what could be the final blow, First Daughter Adut Salva Kiir has reportedly developed cold feet towards the Crown Prince. According to insiders, First Daughter Adut Salva has grown increasingly distant from the Crown Prince, potentially sealing his political fate. As the Kampala Project unfolds, the future of South Sudan’s leadership hangs in the balance. What is clear, however, is that the battle over Kiir’s successor has already begun and the stakes have never been higher.

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William Nyuon Bany Biolograhy By NTV South Sudan .William Nyuon Bany (died 13 January 1996) was a Southern Sudanese poli...
24/04/2025

William Nyuon Bany Biolograhy By NTV South Sudan .

William Nyuon Bany (died 13 January 1996) was a Southern Sudanese politician who was also one of the founders of the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA). He was appointed third in command after John Garang and Kerubino Kuanyin Bol. While he worked as a commander of the SPLA he lived in Itang, a small Ethiopian town in the Gambela Region. In September 1992 he defected from the SPLA to join another faction under Riek Machar, but he rejoined the SPLA before he was assassinated on 13 January 1996.

William Nyuon Bany

Early life
Bany was a Nuer from Fangak. He spoke Nuer, Arabic, Amharic, and some English.[citation needed]

Army life

When war broke out in a southern town of Bor, Bany served as a major in the Sudanese army in Ayot. He served as a commander in Sudan for a long time before he started a rebellion in 1983.[1]

Bany and Kerubino Kwanyin Bol were founding members of SPLA, before John Garang joined them. Bany was appointed the 3rd high-ranking Commander after Bol.[2] Commander Salva Kiir was the 4th. Bany was also the Chief of Staff,[1] a position later occupied by Commander Paul Malong Awan.

SPLA dissent

In August 1991 there was a split between the SPLM/A-Torit faction, and SPLA-Nasir,[1] led by Lam Akol Ajawin.[3] SPLA-Nasir accused Garang of ruling by force, in a "dictatorial reign of terror"; but ethnic rivalry seemed to have a part, with the Nasir faction mainly composed of Nuer, and Garang's supporters mainly Dinka people. Months of fighting between the two factions left thousands dead in early 1992.[4] The SPLA-Nasir also raised the idea of an independent south (whereas Garang wanted unity).[3]

On 10 May 1992 Bany was met by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Chairman under Nigerian President Ibrahim Babangida in Abuja, to discuss the need for unifying the two delegations. An agreement was signed the following day, known as the Abuja II Peace agreement.[1]

Defection from SPLA

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