21/11/2025
Enough Burden Carried: President Kiir Relieves Twic East through Mabior Garang’s Appointment
Gabriel Garang Atem Ayiik
21 November 2025
At the time of independence, many sons and daughters of Twic East occupied senior positions in government based on their contributions during the liberation struggle. Because the SPLM/A was led by their son, Dr. John Garang, they had joined in large numbers—just like the other Jieng communities of Jonglei State: Duk, Bor, and Pigi. In fact by early 1991 with the recruitment led by A/CDR Jok Reng Maghot, over 98% of all abled body men in the liberated areas from the four communities of Hol, Nyarweng, Twi and Bor were combatants in the war of liberation.
Immediately after independence, however, Twic East and, broadly, the Jieng communities of Jonglei State were gradually removed from senior positions. Whether this was an attempt to balance regional or ethnic representation, or a deliberate marginalisation rooted in grievances associated with Dr. Garang’s era, the outcome was unmistakable: Twic East sons and daughters were systematically edged out, creating suspicion.
In 2012, the killing of Diing Chan Awuol (Isaiah Abraham) marked a turning point. During the same period, Mabior Garang began clashing with the government and became increasingly vocal against the state. These events, combined with the feeling of political exclusion, created a sense of targeting and witch-hunting within Twic East. The positions Mabior Garang later took between 2012 and 2016, given his profile as the first son of Dr. Garang Deng Mabior, were interpreted as anti-government, and the community was branded rebellious by association.
Isaiah Abraham’s prayers at the home of Amb. Gen. Bior Ajang became symbolic of a broader disappointment—an expression of fear that the liberation ideals of liberty and free expression were being betrayed, and that the community of Dr. John was becoming the first victim of the organization, SPLM/A, it sacrificed everything for. Ironically, these prayers were later weaponised to portray the Twic East community as holding rebellious tendencies. There's no doubt that this unfortunate misrepresentation has been used by individuals to build indomitable relation with the power that be.
As SPLM tensions intensified in 2012, culminating in the 2013 crisis, an interview by H.E. Nyandeng de Mabior on the BBC—where she stated that Nuer civilians were being targeted—was morally right but politically costly. It gave further ammunition to those eager to frame her and, by extension, Twic East, as disloyal to the state.
In early 2013, an audio recording emerged—real or fabricated—purporting to be H.E. Nyandeng advising the Paramount Chief of Twic East, Manyok Ajak, to caution youth against attacking Lou Nuer youth. Rational as her advice may have been, the audio was instrumentalised to further label her community as rebellious, raising questions about why the community did not confront the White Army. There's no doubt that the youth lacked weapons and capacity at the time. What was more sensible was that there was no morality for a community to wage a political war on behalf of the government. Nevertheless, their sons in the national army fought to defend the government.
The arrest of senior SPLM politicians following the December 2013 crisis—among them Dr. Majak D’Agoot—deepened the stereotype. Despite Majak having expressed no anti-state views, his arrest was used to brand him and his Twic East community. Yet freedom of expression was among the ideals for which the SPLM of South Sudan fought.
When the post-2013 government was formed, Bor County received three ministerial positions—Hon. Kuol Manyang, Hon. Deng Nhial, and Hon. Michael Makuei. Twic East received none. Duk County also missed appointments, but Twic East felt the weight differently because of ongoing negative profiling. It was also seen that Kuol Manyang, Michael Makuei, Deng Dau, and the SPLM were not concerned with equity and equality—an ideal well embedded in the SPLM. In fact, as per the 2018 agreement, Twic East, the county of Dr. John Garang Mabior, was given away to the opposition, showing further systematic disassociation with SPLM.
When Dr. Riek Machar fled Juba and appeared in Fangak, the presence of Mabior Garang and Deng Atem Wal(Madingchawi) in his camp heightened the perception of Twic East as sympathetic to rebellion. This ignored the fact that all communities in South Sudan including President's own backyard had their members in Pagak SPLM-IO. Mabior's presence was picked and choreographed to again portray Twi as rebellious.
Throughout the war from 2012 to date, Twic East politicians, youth, and war veterans remained marginalised. By 2016, only Hon. Deng Dau Deng remained politically relevant—largely due to his subservience to senior SPLM figures from Bor County, including Kuol Manyang and Michael Makuei. The rest of the community, which had refused to accept moral subjugation, was pushed aside by the cloud of suspicion constructed around them.
Despite this, Twic East stood morally with Mabior Garang, H.E. Nyandeng, Dr. Majak D’Agoot, and their unfairly branded community—not through rebellion, but through solidarity in the face of political misrepresentation. This created internal divisions between those who prioritised survival and those who prioritised standing with the conscience and the soul of their community.
When Mabior was appointed Minister of Water in 2016, optimism returned. His resignation following the renewed conflict, however, disappointed many.
After 2018, when H.E. Nyandeng became Vice President under the revitalised peace agreement, the position—though symbolically significant—did not offer her sufficient resources or space to rebuild her community’s political clout. It remained largely an honour bestowed on Dr. Garang’s family as first beneficiaries. Dr. Majak, a member of the former detainees, and his colleagues worked to bestow this honor.
From 2018 onward, Mabior Garang began publicly criticising Dr. Majak and indirectly undermining Twic East’s social cohesion. His accusation that former detainees had held regime-change discussions in Dr. Garang’s house was particularly damaging, especially when H.E. Nyandeng did not publicly clarify it. Twic East paid the political price for such negative branding.
In 2016, during H.E. Nyandeng’s visit to Emmanuel Church, she was publicly confronted by a coached group in black T-shirts. Twic East youths defended her online and were subsequently labelled sympathisers of Riek Machar. The community continued to bear the burden of profiling and political scapegoating, largely because it has refused to accept unfair treatment.
In April 2022, during the first post-CPA Twic East conference in Panyagor, Mabior dismissed the gathering as a “regime change meeting” from Nairobi. This deeply offended the community and marked a major divergence from the support he had enjoyed unconditionally for nearly a decade. The meeting was attended by the paramount chief, five head chiefs, sub-chiefs, community leaders across the world, and thousands of members from the general assembly.
Between 2012 and 2021, Twic East stood firmly behind Mabior and Nyandeng. In return, the community was judged, profiled, and punished through them. Mabior cannot be part of negative branding and expect the community to support him blindly.
The debate over identity was then introduced, though Twic as an ethnic group and Twic East as an administrative county had long existed. Identity was central to the SPLM struggle, and Twic East was named long before Dr. Garang passed away. Yet Mabior later aligned with Greater Bor politics, ignoring the historical distinctions his father preserved and the position of the community.
The proverbial lion that ate "Mior Machar," "Mior Mabior," and "Mabior Malual," did so not because they were not all call "Machar," but becuase they did not walk together. Unity is in deeds, words and help not in a "Machar." An attempt to use state machinery to intimidate people into accepting unacceptable social construction is going to be more problematic than people can foresee, for the government will come and go and the people shall always remain.
As Mabior assumes his ministerial role in 2025, the optimism of 2016 is gone. A community that suffered political isolation because of his actions and those of his mother cannot be expected to sacrifice itself and be used as a tool for negative political branding at will. As Chinua Achebe says, “They have stolen enough for the owner to see.”
Today, President Kiir has essentially relieved the Twic East community of the political yoke imposed through the branding of H.E. Nyandeng and Mabior Garang. They now have the freedom—and responsibility—to define their own political future through their words and actions as Twic East watches from the sidelines.
Twic East should maintain a respectful distance to safeguard its interests. The community has already paid enough for its goodwill—goodwill that yielded little and cost much.
Twic East stood with Hon. Mabior, H.E. Nyandeng, and Dr. Majak since 2012—not because of position or material gains, but because of a moral compass that no position or material gain can sway. History educates that a moral Twi son can never be enticed nor intimidated. He is led by his conscience and a desire for a common good.
Many, myself included, believe Hon. Mabior Garang has the persona and profile for a big role in this country, but he deserves to be factually given alternatives.
The future is bright.
Gabriel Garang Atem Ayiik, Former Chairman of Twic East Youth Association in Juba
