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CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY DOSSIERThe December 2013 Pogrom Against Nuer Civilians in Juba, South SudanI. EXECUTIVE SUMMARYT...
15/12/2025

CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY DOSSIER

The December 2013 Pogrom Against Nuer Civilians in Juba, South Sudan

I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This dossier documents systematic, widespread, and ethnically targeted crimes against humanity committed against Nuer civilians and soldiers in Juba, South Sudan, between 15–18 December 2013.

The evidence demonstrates that:

The violence was planned, coordinated, and executed by state actors.

The attacks were directed against a civilian population on ethnic grounds.

The acts included murder, extermination, torture, r**e, enforced disappearance, persecution, and other inhumane acts, as defined under Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Senior political and military leaders knew, ordered, facilitated, or failed to prevent the crimes and later ordered concealment and destruction of evidence.

The events constitute crimes against humanity, and in several respects meet the legal threshold of genocide, subject to judicial determination.

II. LEGAL FRAMEWORK

Applicable Law

Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (1998)

Article 7: Crimes Against Humanity

Article 6: Genocide (relevant considerations)

Customary International Humanitarian Law

UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948)

Elements Satisfied

Widespread or systematic attack

Directed against a civilian population

Knowledge of the attack by perpetrators

State or organizational policy

III. CONTEXT AND BACKGROUND

In December 2013, political tensions within the ruling SPLM escalated into a simulated coup narrative, which was used as a pretext to unleash a violent purge against the Nuer ethnic group, particularly in Juba.

The city was divided into operational sectors, command structures were assigned, and elite units including:

The Presidential Guard (Tiger Battalion)

The President’s private militia (Dutku Beny)

National Security Service (NSS)

Regular SPLA units

were mobilized for coordinated operations.

IV. COMMAND STRUCTURE AND RESPONSIBILITY

Senior-Level Responsibility (Indicative)

President Salva Kiir Mayardit – Commander-in-Chief

Gen. Paul Malong Awan – Chief operational coordinator

Gen. Garang Mabil – Sector command

Gen. Bol Akot – Sector command

Gen. Marial Chanoung – Head of Presidential Guard

Gen. Salva Mathok – Command over Dutku Beny units

These individuals exercised effective control, issued orders, and oversaw operations whose criminal nature was known or should have been known.

V. MODUS OPERANDI (PATTERN OF CRIMINAL CONDUCT)

1. Identification and Targeting

Roadblocks were established across Juba.

Individuals were screened by language, names, facial scarification, and ethnicity.

Nuer civilians including women, children, elderly, professionals, and MPs were singled out.

2. House-to-House Operations

Entire Nuer neighborhoods (Gudele, Mia Saba, Mangaten, New Site, Amarat, Khor William) were cordoned off.

Soldiers conducted door-to-door raids, executing occupants on the spot.

3. Mass Executions and Detention Killings

Hundreds of Nuer men and boys were detained at:

Gudele Police Station / Joint Operations Centre

Detainees were suffocated, trampled, or shot.

At least 652 detainees were killed in confinement.

4. Sexual Violence

Women were gang-r**ed, sexually mutilated, and murdered.

Sexual violence was accompanied by ethnic humiliation, threats, and forced witnessing by relatives.

5. Use of Heavy Weaponry

Tanks and armored vehicles were deployed against civilian areas.

Houses were flattened with occupants inside.

VI. SCALE AND WIDESPREAD NATURE

Killings occurred simultaneously across multiple sectors.

Operations lasted several days.

Thousands fled to UNMISS PoC sites.

The attack affected entire communities, not isolated individuals.

This satisfies the “widespread” and “systematic” criteria under international law.

VII. ATTEMPTS AT RESISTANCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTS

A limited number of Dinka civilians:

Hid Nuer families (including infants) in ceilings despite extreme heat.

Used personal influence to block soldiers.

Smuggled Nuer civilians through roadblocks to safety.

These acts, while commendable, underscore the criminality of state forces, as civilians not authorities were protecting lives.

VIII. CONCEALMENT, DESTRUCTION OF EVIDENCE, AND OBSTRUCTION

After international alarm:

Orders were issued to halt overt killings.

A coordinated clean-up operation began.

Methods of Concealment

Bodies dumped into the River Nile, weighted to prevent resurfacing.

Mass graves dug using SPLA Engineering equipment.

Bodies burned with fuel.

Bloodied vehicles transported corpses under military es**rt.

These acts constitute:

Obstruction of justice

Enforced disappearance

Abuse of corpses, an inhumane act under international law

IX. VICTIM PROFILE

Victims included:

Civilians (men, women, children)

Government officials

Soldiers disarmed and detained

Business people

Journalists

Entire families

The victims were targeted solely on ethnic identity, not conduct.

X. LEGAL QUALIFICATION OF CRIMES

Crimes Against Humanity (Article 7)

âś” Murder
âś” Extermination
âś” Torture
âś” R**e and sexual violence
âś” Persecution on ethnic grounds
âś” Enforced disappearance
âś” Other inhumane acts

Genocide (Article 6 – Indicative)

Evidence suggests intent to destroy, in part, the Nuer ethnic group, including:

Targeted killing of group members

Serious bodily and mental harm

Deliberate infliction of destructive conditions

XI. CONCLUSION

The December 2013 events in Juba were not spontaneous clashes, not mutual violence, and not collateral damage.
They were a state-orchestrated pogrom, executed through formal command structures, and followed by systematic efforts to erase evidence.

Impunity for these crimes has entrenched cycles of violence and undermined peace in South Sudan.

XII. RECOMMENDATIONS

1. Independent international investigation with subpoena powers

2. Referral to the International Criminal Court or establishment of a hybrid tribunal

3. Targeted sanctions against named commanders

4. Preservation of mass grave sites

5. Reparations and recognition for victims

December 2013The Pogrom That South Sudan Refuses to NameThere are moments in a nation’s history that do not fade with ti...
15/12/2025

December 2013
The Pogrom That South Sudan Refuses to Name

There are moments in a nation’s history that do not fade with time. They rot beneath the surface, poisoning every promise of unity, every call for peace, every speech about reconciliation. December 2013 is such a moment for South Sudan.

What unfolded in Juba was not a political misunderstanding. It was not a military confrontation. It was not a spontaneous outbreak of chaos. It was a deliberate, organized, and ethnically targeted campaign of violence against Nuer civilians a pogrom carried out by the organs of the state.

Men were identified at roadblocks by their names, their accents, their faces, their scars. They were pulled aside and executed. Women were r**ed with cruelty meant to humiliate not only their bodies but their identity. Children were murdered because they were deemed a future threat. The elderly were killed because mercy was suspended.

This was not collateral damage.
This was policy in motion.

Juba was divided into sectors. Commanders were assigned. Elite units the Presidential Guard, the President’s private militia, National Security forces, and regular army elements were mobilized. Tanks rolled into civilian neighborhoods. House-to-house raids followed. Police stations turned into ex*****on centers. Detention cells became mass graves where men and boys suffocated, were trampled, or shot at point-blank range.

These acts meet every legal threshold for crimes against humanity. They were widespread. They were systematic. They were directed against a civilian population. And they were carried out with full knowledge.

When the killings became too visible when the smell of decomposing bodies rose and the international community began to pay attention the violence did not end. It changed form.

Bodies were burned.
Bodies were buried in mass graves using heavy machinery.
Bodies were dumped into the River Nile, weighed down so they would never resurface.

This was not burial.
It was erasure.

The same state that claimed to be restoring order was working overtime to destroy evidence. This alone is an admission of guilt.

And yet, more than a decade later, the dominant response has been silence, denial, and false equivalence. The language of “both sides” has been used to blur responsibility. Calls for “moving on” have been weaponized against memory. Justice has been postponed in the name of stability, as if peace can be built on mass graves.

It cannot.

A nation that refuses to name its crimes condemns itself to repeat them. A government that protects perpetrators teaches future killers that violence works. A society that demands silence from victims is not healing it is re-traumatizing.

This article is not written to inflame hatred. On the contrary, it recognizes that some Dinka civilians risked their lives to save Nuer neighbors, hiding families in ceilings, blocking soldiers at gates, and smuggling people to safety. Their courage proves an essential truth: this was not a tribal inevitability it was a political and military choice.

That distinction matters. Because if it was chosen, it can be judged. And if it can be judged, it can be punished.

Justice delayed has already cost South Sudan dearly. It has fueled cycles of revenge, normalized impunity, and hollowed out the meaning of citizenship. A state that kills its own people based on identity forfeits its moral authority.

December 2013 is not just a tragedy of the past. It is an unresolved crime in the present.

The dead have names.
The survivors have scars.
The evidence exists.

What is missing is not truth but courage.

Courage to name the crime.
Courage to hold the powerful accountable.
Courage to accept that peace without justice is merely a pause between atrocities.

Until that courage is found, December 2013 will remain open not as history,
but as an accusation.

STATEMENT ON THE COMMEMORATION OF DECEMBER 15, 2013Today, we commemorate December 15, 2013 a day of national shame, mora...
15/12/2025

STATEMENT ON THE COMMEMORATION OF DECEMBER 15, 2013

Today, we commemorate December 15, 2013 a day of national shame, moral collapse, and unforgivable betrayal in the history of South Sudan.

This day does not call for silence.
It demands condemnation.

On this day, the blood of innocent South Sudanese was spilled not by foreign aggressors, but by those entrusted with power, weapons, and responsibility. What unfolded was not an accident, not self-defense, and not patriotism it was brutal, calculated violence unleashed against civilians.

We strongly and unreservedly condemn those who planned, ordered, executed, justified, and later denied the atrocities of December 15. Their actions were criminal, cowardly, and morally bankrupt. They chose bullets over dialogue, ethnicity over nationhood, and power over human life.

Let history record this clearly:
Those who turned the state’s guns against its own people committed an unforgivable crime against the nation.

Men, women, and children were hunted, humiliated, murdered, and displaced because of who they were not what they had done. Homes became ex*****on sites. Streets became graveyards. Fear became policy.

This was not leadership.
This was state-sponsored brutality.

Those responsible shattered the social fabric of our country, ignited ethnic hatred, militarized identity, and condemned millions to death, displacement, and lifelong trauma. They robbed a young nation of peace barely two years after independence and replaced hope with terror.

We condemn not only the killings, but also the lies that followed the propaganda, the denial, the manipulation of truth, and the deliberate shielding of perpetrators from justice. Silence, complicity, and ethnic justification were weapons too.

There is no justification political, military, or cultural for what happened. None.

Today, we remember the victims.
But we also name the crime.

December 15 was a betrayal of independence.
A betrayal of citizenship.
A betrayal of humanity.

Let it be known:
No position, no uniform, no tribe, and no title will erase responsibility. Accountability may be delayed, but history is patient and justice has a long memory.

We reject the normalization of violence.
We reject impunity.
We reject leadership built on mass graves.

As we commemorate this painful day, we issue a clear message:
South Sudan will never heal without truth.
Peace cannot grow where crimes are denied.
Unity cannot be built on unburied injustice.

May this day stand forever as a warning to those who believe power is eternal and lives are disposable.

The dead deserve justice.
The living demand accountability.
And the future will judge.

Never again

18/11/2025

Politics is not for the weak

When it comes to politics
We must be humbled or humbled

17/11/2025

What if the sacking of Benjamin Bol Mel was not coincidence
What if he is sacked in order to testify against Dr. Riek and others

The Sham Trial RiddleIn the capital city of a divided nation, a courtroom sits heavy with tension. Seven powerful figure...
14/11/2025

The Sham Trial Riddle

In the capital city of a divided nation, a courtroom sits heavy with tension. Seven powerful figures, led by a man known for uniting his people in war and peace, face accusations from a panel claiming to serve justice. Outside, the city whispers: this trial is a mask, a political stage.

Inside the courtroom, a multiple complainants with single complainant on the stand, a security officer stands, repeating claims of conspiracy, funding, and secret meetings. Yet every detail he provides is shadowed by uncertainty: the amounts of money are unknown, the exact plans are unclear, and the methods are invisible. The accused remain silent, their defenders asking questions that go unanswered.

The judges, presiding over the hearing, nod politely but fail to clarify the truth. Witness protection is denied, and the next session looms. The accused maintain their innocence, but the city wonders: who decides guilt when evidence is missing, and the court is not impartial?

Riddle Question
A courtroom claims to pursue justice. A complainant accuses powerful leaders of plotting and funding attacks. Yet:

The complainant cannot provide specifics,
The accused insist on innocence,
Witnesses are exposed,
Judges ignore requests for fairness.

Who is truly trapped in the trial the accused, the complainant, or the court itself? And what is the key to uncovering the real truth?

14/11/2025

Riddle Time:
Multiply me by any number and the sum of my digits is always 9. What number am I?

Gali a certain sycophant somewhere called Juma G*i Thoan is donating blood to Vice President Bol Mel, and he finds him i...
13/11/2025

Gali a certain sycophant somewhere called Juma G*i Thoan is donating blood to Vice President Bol Mel, and he finds him in the Blue House..

12/11/2025

Gali Dismiss even his fake PhD 🙏

12/11/2025

He initiated the Nasir War
He drained our country of monetary resources.

12/11/2025

Removed as 2nd Vice President
Removed as 1st SPLM Deputy
Demoted to village from a full General.
WHO AM I?🤔

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