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The Makoni Times - Sierra Leone, Columbus, OH (2026)

09/18/2026

As He Challenges SLPP Membership Directive, Cites 2018 CDP Resignation Letter...

Hon. Musa Tarawally: “I Am a Fully Paid-Up SLPP Member and Delegate”

Hon. Alhaji Musa Tarawally has firmly maintained that he remains a fully paid-up member and accredited delegate of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP), rejecting claims that he is not qualified to participate in the party’s activities or seek its flagbearer position.

Speaking in an exclusive interview, Tarawally said: “I am a fully paid-up member and delegate of the SLPP. I voted at the past National Delegates Conference.”

His comments follow an ongoing dispute over his membership status, after a letter attributed to the SLPP National Chairman, Jimmy Batilo Songa, directed Tarawally to desist from presenting himself as an SLPP member and from using the party’s logo or representing the party in its programmes.

Tarawally has strongly challenged that position, insisting that he formally left the Citizens Democratic Party (CDP) in 2018 and subsequently returned to the SLPP.

As part of his response, he has produced a copy of a resignation letter dated 15 June 2018 and addressed to the Secretary General of the CDP. The letter states that he was resigning from the CDP “to return to the SLPP.”

Tarawally said the document provides written evidence of his departure from the CDP and contradicts any suggestion that he has remained a member of the party since 2018.

He further stated that he has not paid membership dues to the CDP, attended its meetings or participated in its activities since his resignation. According to him, his political activities since 2018 have instead been centred on the SLPP.

The former Member of Parliament also pointed to his participation in the SLPP’s National Delegates Conference in 2025 as evidence of his recognized status within the party.

“I was a credentialed National Delegate at that convention. I voted,” Tarawally stated in his written response.

He questioned how he could have been accredited to participate and vote at a national party convention if, as is now being alleged, he was not an SLPP member.

Tarawally also maintains that he has paid his SLPP membership dues up to 2028 and currently holds the position of Grand Chief Patron. He cited his longstanding financial and organisational contributions to the party as further evidence of his commitment to the SLPP.

Among the claims contained in his response are that he supported party activities financially, contributed to campaign efforts and supported the construction of SLPP party offices across the country.

The membership dispute has also brought the SLPP’s internal constitutional procedures into focus.

Tarawally argues that the National Chairman does not have unilateral authority to terminate his membership or prevent him from participating in the party’s internal political processes. He contends that any disciplinary action should follow the procedures provided under the party’s constitution and allow the affected member an opportunity to respond.

He has therefore challenged the directive issued against him and called for the matter to be addressed through the appropriate party structures.

Tarawally has also indicated that he is prepared to pursue legal remedies over what he describes as damage to his reputation and political standing. He said his legal team has been instructed to examine available remedies under Sierra Leonean law.

The legal arguments cited by Tarawally include constitutional rights relating to association. Section 26 of Sierra Leone’s 1991 Constitution provides for freedom of assembly and association, including the right to form or belong to a political party, subject to the constitutional limitations set out in the provision.

However, Tarawally’s interpretation of Section 77(1) concerning party membership should be distinguished from the broader question of political-party membership. The official constitutional text shows that Section 77 principally sets out circumstances under which a Member of Parliament can vacate a parliamentary seat, including ceasing to be a member of the political party under whose symbol the member was elected.

The documents presented by Tarawally also include correspondence attributed to the CDP concerning his membership status and letters from the SLPP concerning his political standing. The competing documents and claims will therefore form part of the broader dispute over whether his 2018 resignation was sufficient to establish his subsequent membership of the SLPP and whether the SLPP followed its own procedures in issuing the directive against him.

Tarawally, however, remains emphatic about his position.

He said his record of participation in SLPP activities, his status as a National Delegate, his vote at the 2025 National Delegates Conference and his claimed payment of dues through 2028 demonstrate his continued association with the party.

“I remain a loyal, card-carrying, dues-paying member of the SLPP — fully paid up to 2028. I am a Grand Chief Patron. I am a National Delegate. I am an aspirant for the SLPP Flagbearer position,” he stated.

He further declared: “I am SLPP. I remain SLPP. And I will not be intimidated.”

The dispute now places renewed attention on the SLPP’s internal constitutional procedures, Tarawally’s membership records, his 2018 resignation from the CDP and his participation as a delegate at the party’s 2025 National Delegates Conference. The final determination of the competing claims rests with the relevant party structures and, where applicable, the appropriate legal or regulatory authorities.

09/17/2026

THE DIASPORA IS INVESTING IN SIERRA LEONE — BUT WHO IS PROTECTING OUR PROPERTY?

Tomorrow, I will be attending a fundraising event for Freetown Mayor Yvonne Aki-Sawyerr, who is seeking the APC flagbearership for Sierra Leone’s 2028 presidential election.

As a Sierra Leonean living in the diaspora, there is one issue I want to raise with her and with every person seeking to lead Sierra Leone:

Who will protect the property and investments of Sierra Leoneans living abroad?

For me, this issue is personal.

In the 1980s, when I was still young, my father purchased and paid for a house on Circular Road in Freetown.

But instead of simply taking possession of the house, he spent approximately 20 years dealing with lawyers and trying to resolve the matter. Eventually, he had to be compensated rather than receiving the house he had purchased.

I grew up watching that experience. I saw the money spent, the frustration, and the years that passed. That is why property rights matter so deeply to me.

Today, Sierra Leoneans in the diaspora work long hours in the United States, Britain, Canada, Europe and elsewhere. We send money home, support families, pay school fees, invest in businesses, buy land and build houses.

But too many Sierra Leoneans abroad still worry about disputed ownership, multiple sales of the same property, questionable documents and long court battles.

Imagine saving for years, buying land, beginning construction, and then discovering that someone else is claiming the same property.

When you live thousands of miles away, that can become a financial and emotional nightmare.

So my question is simple:

If you want the diaspora to invest in Sierra Leone, what will you do to protect those investments?

Would you support a secure digital land-registration system where ownership can be verified before money changes hands?

Could buyers check a property’s ownership history, boundaries and existing claims?

Could there be stronger enforcement against fraudulent or multiple sales?

And could legitimate property disputes be resolved more efficiently, instead of taking ten or twenty years?

These questions are not only for Yvonne Aki-Sawyerr. They should be asked of every APC, SLPP and other presidential aspirant seeking leadership in 2028.

We cannot continue telling the diaspora:

Come home. Invest. Build. Bring your money.

While failing to give people confidence that their lawful property will be protected.

The diaspora should not only be viewed as a source of remittances or political fundraising. We should also be treated as partners in Sierra Leone’s development.

My father’s experience on Circular Road has stayed with me since childhood.

That is why I ask:

WHAT WILL SIERRA LEONE DO TO PROTECT THE DIASPORA?

Because property rights, justice and trust are essential if we truly want Sierra Leoneans abroad to continue investing back home.

09/16/2026

BREAKING NEWS: MAYOR YVONNE AKI-SAWYERR, APC FLAG-BEARER ASPIRANT, CALLS ON SUPPORTERS TO JOIN HER FUNDRAISING EVENT THIS FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, FROM 6 PM–10 PM AT THE POPULAR RUN CLUBHOUSE, 13500 STARGAZER LANE, SILVER SPRING, MARYLAND — DONATIONS ARE HIGHLY APPRECIATED.

09/16/2026

EUROPEAN PRESSURE, BOLLE JOS AND SIERRA LEONE’S REPUTATION

Pressure is building in Europe over Sierra Leone’s handling of the case involving convicted Dutch drug trafficker Jos “Bolle Jos” Leijdekkers. A Dutch member of the European Parliament has called on the European Commission to increase pressure on Sierra Leone, while a 2026 European Parliament study identified Leijdekkers as a major international co***ne trafficker who had gained significant influence in Freetown.

This is no longer a small political argument. It is becoming an issue involving Sierra Leone’s international reputation.

Chief Minister David Sengeh recently said:

> “Our security intelligence does not know where Leijdekkers is.”

That statement raises an important question. Not knowing where he is is different from knowing that he is not in Sierra Leone.

So, Chief Minister, can you state with verified intelligence that Bolle Jos is not in Sierra Leone?

And secondly, is determining the whereabouts of an international fugitive the responsibility of the Chief Minister?

State House describes the Chief Minister’s Office as the central coordinating body of the Executive, responsible for coordinating government ministries and agencies, monitoring performance and strengthening accountability.

Therefore, if this matter involves the Police, Immigration, intelligence agencies, Foreign Affairs and the Attorney-General, Sierra Leoneans deserve to know what coordination is taking place.

IS SIERRA LEONE BECOMING A NARCO-STATE?

That is a serious question, and the term should not be used recklessly.

A narco-state generally refers to a country where powerful drug-trafficking networks become deeply connected to, protected by, or capable of corrupting important state institutions.

I am not saying that Sierra Leone has been proven to be a narco-state.

The question is whether repeated allegations involving co***ne trafficking, international fugitives and Sierra Leone are creating that perception and stigma abroad.

And that stigma can be extremely damaging.

Countries considered high-risk for organized crime and money laundering can face greater scrutiny of international financial transactions and banking relationships. FATF has documented how concerns about financial crime and reputational risk can contribute to banks restricting relationships, making cross-border payments and financial access more difficult.

Investors can become cautious. Development partners can demand greater accountability. International law-enforcement agencies can increase scrutiny of ports, shipping and financial transactions.

And the greatest danger is this:

Governments come and go, but the stigma remains with the country.

Once Sierra Leone becomes internationally associated with co***ne trafficking or providing sanctuary to major international criminals, removing that reputation could take years.

That is why the government’s response should not simply be, “Show us where Bolle Jos is.”

It should be transparency, investigation, international cooperation and evidence.

Chief Minister, this is bigger than defending the government.

What is being done to protect the name of Sierra Leone before the world begins attaching two dangerous words permanently to our country: “NARCO-STATE”?

09/15/2026

PRESIDENT BIO, SECTION 122, AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT BILL — WHAT DOES THE CONSTITUTION ACTUALLY SAY?

My fellow Sierra Leoneans, there is now another major development in the controversy surrounding the Constitutional Amendment Bill.

President Julius Maada Bio has referred a petition concerning the Bill to the Supreme Court, relying on Section 122 subsection 1 of the 1991 Constitution.

The question many people are asking is simple:

Is the President constitutionally allowed to do this? And does this referral solve the controversy surrounding the passage of the Bill?

Let us separate the issues.

First, Section 122 subsection 1 does give the President authority, in certain circumstances, to refer a petition on which he is required to make a final decision to the Supreme Court for a judicial opinion.

So, on the face of the Constitution, I do not believe it is correct to simply say that President Bio has no authority whatsoever to approach the Supreme Court.

There is a legitimate constitutional basis for a referral.

But that is only the beginning of the discussion.

The bigger question is whether Section 122 allows the President to delay action on a Bill beyond the constitutional framework established under Section 106.

Section 106 provides the process for presidential assent and says that where the President refuses to sign a Bill, he must return it to Parliament within fourteen days and explain his reasons.

Section 122 gives the President the power of referral.

But Section 122 does not expressly say that referring a petition to the Supreme Court automatically suspends or extends the constitutional timeline under Section 106.

That is an important question the Supreme Court may now have to resolve.

But Sierra Leoneans should understand something else:

The President's referral does not erase what happened in Parliament.

The Supreme Court still has to determine whether Parliament itself complied with the Constitution when passing the amendment.

And this brings us back to Sections 91 and 108.

Section 91 deals with ordinary decisions of Parliament. Generally, those decisions are determined by members present and voting.

But Section 91 begins with very important words:

“Except as otherwise provided in this Constitution.”

And Section 108 provides otherwise when Parliament is attempting to amend the Constitution.

Section 108 subsection 2 requires that a constitutional amendment Bill receive not less than two-thirds of the Members of Parliament at the required stages.

Notice the difference.

Section 91 talks about members present and voting.

Section 108 does not say two-thirds of those present.

It says two-thirds of the Members of Parliament.

And Parliament's own Standing Orders make the position even clearer. Standing Order 44 refers to the requirement as two-thirds of all the Members of the House.

Therefore, this is not simply an APC versus SLPP argument.

It is a constitutional question.

If the Constitution requires two-thirds of the entire valid membership of Parliament, then the Court must determine whether that threshold was actually achieved.

If it was achieved, let the evidence demonstrate it.

If it was not achieved, then we must ask a very serious question:

Can a constitutional amendment that failed to obtain the constitutionally required votes become valid simply because it was subsequently sent to the President?

In my view, the answer should be no.

Presidential assent cannot manufacture missing parliamentary votes.

The President cannot cure a constitutional defect that occurred before the Bill reached his desk.

And there may be another important issue.

Section 108 subsection 3 protects certain entrenched provisions of the Constitution.

If the final Constitutional Amendment Bill actually changes provisions such as Sections 85 or 87, then we must determine whether those changes trigger the referendum requirement contained in Section 108.

I want to be careful here.

We need to see the exact final version of the Bill passed by Parliament.

But if entrenched provisions remain in that final Bill, then the referendum question becomes extremely important.

So where does this leave Sierra Leone?

The Supreme Court now has an enormous responsibility.

This should not be treated as a victory for the government.

It should not be treated as a victory for the opposition either.

This is about protecting the Constitution.

The Court must answer the legal questions independently:

Did Parliament obtain the votes required by Section 108?

Can Section 91's present-and-voting rule override the special constitutional amendment procedure in Section 108?

Does the President's Section 122 referral affect the fourteen-day framework under Section 106?

And if entrenched provisions were amended, was a referendum constitutionally required?

Those are the questions.

For me, the most important principle is simple:

Nobody—not the President, not the Speaker, not Parliament, not APC, and not SLPP—is above the Constitution.

If we want constitutional reform, let us reform the Constitution.

But let us do it constitutionally.

Because once we start changing the supreme law of Sierra Leone by ignoring the procedures contained inside that same Constitution, we create a dangerous precedent for every government that comes after this one.

This case is now bigger than one Bill.

It is bigger than one political party.

It is about whether the constitutional safeguards created to protect our democracy actually mean what they say.

And now, the Supreme Court of Sierra Leone has an opportunity to tell the nation exactly what those words mean.

09/14/2026

The return of the former president of the republic of Sierra Leone at his home town Makeni

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09/14/2026

Former President Koroma’s Arrival in Makeni from exile

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09/14/2026

Last interview.
They Kaput him to silence the fact. After Lawrence Leeman en e co conspirators came to The Pademba Road Prison Just to Massacre our innocent folks.

09/13/2026

Yesterday, we were honored to attend the Mamaya North America Africana Cultural Show, where the Galiba cultural drummers gave a powerful performance.

The Mandingo tradition was in full effect—the drumming, dancing, energy, and cultural expression were beautiful. It reminded me of my grandmother, Aminata Fofanah, who was Mandingo.

The richness and expression of Guinean Mandingo culture were truly unique. It was a wonderful reminder of the importance of preserving and celebrating our African heritage for future generations.

Culture is identity. Culture is history. Culture connects generations.

09/13/2026

How Fatima Bio fake our Salone People.

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