Mythsandfacts

Mythsandfacts The “Mandate for Palestine,” an historical League of Nations document, laid down the Jewish legal right to settle anywhere in western Palestine.

Myths and Facts Eli E. Hertz, President Involvement in Public Affairs - Hertz is active in numerous international, industry and community associations and panels. He also devotes a great deal of time and resources to numerous charitable organizations. His activities and work in advancing charitable contributions and the U.S.- Israel relationship has been cited in the United State Congressional Record by several Representatives. Other activities: CAMERA, The Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (Immediate Past Chairman of the Board of Directors); AIPAC, The America Israel Public Affairs Committee (Member of the Executive Council); Past U.S. member of the Joint High Level Advisory Panel to the U.S.-Israel Science & Technology Commission. Israel-America Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Executive VP); The Washington Institute for Near East Policy (Past trustee); AAJLJ - American Association of Jewish Lawyers and Jurists (Member Board of Governors); President of Myths and Facts, Inc.; Recipient of ZOA's Justice Louis D. Brandeis Award (2005). Hertz is also the publisher and sponsor of books and articles regarding Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Most notably are Myths and Facts, a Guide to the Arab-Israeli conflict (September, 2001 edition). Reply, a reply to the Advisory Opinion of 9 July 2004 by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) (2004, 2006); This Land is My Land, Mandate for Palestine - The legal aspects of Jewish rights (2006, 2008, English and Hebrew). Professional Business Background - Eli Hertz, a recognized pioneer in the personal computer industry, was the Founder, CEO and President of Hertz Technology Group, a company dedicated to providing a range of technology-based solutions for efficient workspace environments. Hertz has authored and published many industry-related articles and books. Most notably, his bestseller, Now That I Have OS/2 2.0 On My Computer, What Do I Do Next? (Co-authored 1994, Van Reinhold), discussed IBM’s then newly created operating system (70,000 copies sold). "Marketing Computers," an ADWEEK magazine, called Hertz the "Zelig" of the computer industry: "Able to shift with industry changes, Hertz is a barometer for the future." In 1982 he started Hertz Computer Corporation, which has won numerous awards for design excellence, outstanding performance and exceptional support from such prestigious industry publications as BYTE Magazine, PC Magazine, PC World and Computer Buyer’s Guide. Educational Background - Hertz received an MBA and BS in Management Science and Economics from Long Island University, and an advanced degree in Manpower Management from the Technion, the Israeli Institute of Technology. Military Service - Prior to his arrival in the U.S. in 1974, Hertz served nearly seven years in the Israeli Defense Force as a paratrooper and was honorably discharged at the rank of Captain. Inventor – Hertz was granted United States Patent No. 7,113,762 B1, September 26, 2006. Personal Data - Eli E. Hertz is a resident of New York City, where he lives with his wife and three children. Mission Statement - The organization is devoted to research and publication of insightful subject matters regarding global U.S. interests, including the promotion of Democracy, Freedom and Human Rights, particularly in the Middle East. The objective being to provide policymakers, national leadership, the media and the public-at-large with information and viewpoints that are founded on factual and reliable content. Myths and Facts, Inc. is a tax-exempt organization under section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code ("IRC") and all contributions to it are deductible as charitable contributions as provided in IRC section 170.

Mission: "The truth may not always win, but it is always right!" - Eli E. Hertz JOIN US http://www.varimail.com/popup/myths-popup.asp SUPPORT US https://mythsandfacts.org/content/donate.asp

07/21/2019

Palestinians 'Peoplehood' Based on a Big Lie
December 4, 2018 | Eli E. Hertz

Rashida Tlaib recently became the first Palestinian-American woman elected to the U.S Congress. She has announced her support of BDS, the movement that boycotts Israel, and is planning to bring a congressional delegation of freshman lawmakers to the West Bank. Before the trip, members of her delegation should review history.

The Palestinian claim that they are an ancient and indigenous people fails to stand up to historic scrutiny. Most Palestinian Arabs were newcomers to British Mandate Palestine. Until the 1967 Six-Day War made it expedient for Arabs to create a Palestinian peoplehood, local Arabs simply considered themselves part of the 'great Arab nation' or 'southern Syrians.'

Palestinian Arabs cast themselves as a native people in "Palestine" - like the Aborigines in Australia or Native Americans in America. They portray the Jews as European imperialists and colonizers. This is simply untrue.

Until the Jews began returning to the Land of Israel in increasing numbers from the late 19th century to the turn of the 20th, the area called Palestine was a God-forsaken backwash that belonged to the Ottoman Empire, based in Turkey. The land's fragile ecology had been laid waste in the wake of the Arabs' 7th-century conquest. In 1799, the population was at its lowest and estimated to be no more than 250,000 to 300,000 inhabitants in all the land.

The collapse of the agricultural system with the influx of nomadic tribes after the Arab conquest that created malarial swamps and denuded the ancient terrace system eroding the soil, was coupled by a tyrannous regime, a crippling tax system and absentee landowners that further decimated the population. Much of the indigenous population had long since migrated or disappeared. Very few Jews or Arabs lived in the region before the arrival of the first Zionists in the 1880s and most of those that did lived in abject poverty.

Most Arabs living west of the Jordan River in Israel, the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) and Gaza are newcomers who came from surrounding Arab lands after the turn of the 20th century because they were attracted to the relative economic prosperity brought about by the Zionist Movement and the British in the 1920s and 1930s.

This is substantiated by eyewitness reports of a deserted country - including 18th-century reports from the British archaeologist Thomas Shaw, French author and historian Count Constantine Volney (Travels through Syria and Egypt, 1798); the mid-19th-century writings of Alphonse de Lamartine (Recollections of the East, 1835); Mark Twain (Innocents Abroad, 1867); and reports from the British Consul in Jerusalem (1857) that were sent back to London.

Family names of many Palestinians attest to their non-Palestinian origins. Just as Jews bear names like Berliner, Warsaw and Toledano, modern phone books in the Territories are filled with families named Elmisri (Egyptian), Chalabi (Syrian), Mugrabi (North Africa). Even George Habash - the arch-terrorist and head of Black September - bears a name with origins in Abyssinia or Ethiopia, Habash in both Arabic and Hebrew.

Palestinian nationality is an entity defined by its opposition to Zionism, and not its national aspirations. What unites Palestinians has been their opposition to Jewish nationalism and the desire to stamp it out, not aspirations for their own state. Local patriotic feelings are generated only when a non-Islamic entity takes charge - such as Israel did after the 1967 Six-Day War. It dissipates under Arab rule, no matter how distant or despotic.

A Palestinian identity did not exist until an opposing force created it - primarily anti-Zionism. Opposition to a non-Muslim nationalism on what local Arabs, and the entire Arab world, view as their own turf, was the only expression of 'Palestinian peoplehood.'

The Grand Mufti Hajj Amin al-Husseini, a charismatic religious leader and radical anti-Zionist was the moving force behind opposition to Jewish immigration in the 1920s and 1930s. The two-pronged approach of the "Diplomacy of Rejection" (of Zionism) and the violence the Mufti incited occurred at the same time Lebanon, Syria, Transjordan and Iraq became countries in the post-Ottoman reshuffling of territories established by the British and the French under the League of Nation's mandate system.

The small educated class among the Arabs of Palestine was more politically aware than the rest of Arab society, with the inklings of a separate national identity. However, for decades, the primary frame of reference for most local Arabs was the clan or tribe, religion and sect, and village of origin. If Arabs in Palestine defined themselves politically, it was as "southern Syrians." Under Ottoman rule, Syria referred to a region much larger than the Syrian Arab Republic of today, with borders established by France and England in 1920.

Syrian maps in the 21st century still co-opt most of Greater Syria, including Israel. The Grand Mufti Al-Husseini's aspirations slowly shifted from pan-Arabism - the dream of uniting all Arabs into one polity, whereby Arabs in Palestine would unite with their brethren in Syria - to winning a separate Palestinian entity, with himself at the helm.

From the 1920s, rejection of Jewish nationalism, attempts to prevent the establishment of a Jewish homeland by violence, and rejection of any form of Jewish political power, including any plans to share stewardship with Arabs, crystallized into the expression of Palestinianism. No other positive definition of an Arab-Palestinian people has surfaced.

Under the Mandate, local Arabs also refused to establish an 'Arab Agency' to develop the Arab sector, parallel to the Jewish Agency that directed development of the Jewish sector. In fact, the so-called patriotism of indigenous Muslims has flourished only when non-Muslim entities (the Crusaders, the British, and the Jews) have taken charge of the Holy Land. When political control returns to Muslim hands, the ardent patriotism of the Arabs of Palestine magically wanes, no matter how distant or how despotic the government. One Turkish pasha who ruled Acco (Acre) between 1775 and 1804 was labeled Al Jazzar, The Butcher, by locals.

Why hasn't Arab representative government ever been established in Palestine, either in 1948 or during the next 19 years of Arab rule? Because other Arabs co-opted the Palestinian cause as a rallying point that would advance the concept that the territory was up for grabs. "The Arab invasion of Palestine was not a means for achieving an independent Palestine, but rather the result of a lack of consensus on the part of the Arab states regarding such independence," summed up one historian. Adherents to a separate Palestinian identity were a mute minority on the West Bank and Gaza during the 19 years of Jordanian and Egyptian rule - until Israel took control from the Jordanians and the Egyptians in 1967. Suddenly a separate Palestinian peoplehood appeared and claimed it deserved nationhood - and 21 other Arab states went along with it.

Palestinianism in and of itself lacks any substance of its own. Arab society on the West Bank and Gaza suffers from deep social cleavages created by a host of rivalries based on divergent geographic, historical, geographical, sociological and familial allegiances. What glues Palestinians together is a carefully nurtured hatred of Israel and the rejection of Jewish nationhood.

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07/21/2019

Arab Chronic Rejectionism
September 4, 2018 | Eli E. Hertz

As the British began to dismantle their Mandate [The British Mandate] and leave western Palestine, Israel's War of Independence began (November 30, 1947‑May 14, 1948). During the war, Palestinian Arabs became belligerents in the conflict, and by its end, rather than accept a Jewish state after five-and-a-half months of warfare, Palestinian Arabs called upon their brethren from seven surrounding countries to invade and crush the nascent Jewish state. Six thousand Jews - 1 percent of Israel's Jewish population - lost their lives during the War of Independence.
The Arab League's April 10, 1948 decision to invade Israel and "save Palestine," marked a watershed event, for it changed the rules of the conflict. Accordingly, Israel bears no moral responsibility for deliberately banishing Palestinian Arabs in order to "consolidate defense arrangements" in strategic areas. With the pending invasion following Israel's declaration of independence, it is no exaggeration to say that the new Jewish state's very existence hung in the balance.
The new Jewish state found it imperative to eliminate all potential pockets of Arab resistance in key areas if it was to survive. Dislodging all Arab inhabitants from sensitive areas in proximity to Jewish settlements, establishing territorial continuity between blocs under Jewish control, and ensuring control of key transportation arteries were military necessities. As May 14th approached, Israel could not afford to risk a Fifth Column at its rear to add to all other aspects of its militarily inferior situation.
The cost of defeat was hammered home by a stream of dire warnings from Arab capitals, with perhaps the most chilling for Israel coming from Jamal Al-Husseini as vice-chairman of the Arab Higher Committee [AHC], who publicly declared:
"The Arabs have taken into their own hands, the Final Solution of the Jewish problem. The problem will be solved only in blood and fire. The Jews will be driven out."
Three years after world Jewry had lost a third of its people in the Holocaust, Israelis were not about to test whether Al-Husseini's words were merely rhetoric or a real threat, and so they prepared for the worst. The cost to Israel to halt the Arab onslaught and gain the upper hand was horrendous. During the first four weeks following the Arab invasion, 1,600 Israelis were killed - a quarter of all the war's casualties. It was as if on a per capita basis the U.S. military lost 80,000 soldiers in Iraq in one month.

Objectively, the claim that Palestinian Arabs were innocent bystanders ignores the facts: The sides in the conflict were not two rival empires, outsiders, or rival caliphs. It was a conflict between two national or ethnic groups. Palestinian Arabs represented one side in the conflict - the side responsible for starting the war. By their own behavior, Palestinians assumed the role of belligerents in the conflict, invalidating any claim to be hapless victims.

07/21/2019

The Nation-State of the Jewish People
August 13, 2018 | Eli E. Hertz

International Law - The "Mandate for Palestine"

The "Mandate for Palestine" an historical League of Nations document, laid down the Jewish legal right under international law to settle anywhere in western Palestine, the area between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, an entitlement unaltered in international law.

51 member countries - the entire League of Nations (today the United Nations) - unanimously declared on July 24, 1922:

"Whereas recognition has been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country."

On June 30, 1922, a joint resolution of both Houses of Congress of the United States unanimously endorsed the "Mandate for Palestine"

"Favoring the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled. That the United States of America favors the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which should prejudice the civil and religious rights of Christian and all other non-Jewish communities in Palestine, and that the holy places and religious buildings and sites in Palestine shall be adequately protected." [Italics in the original]

Political Rights in Palestine were Granted to Jews Only

At no point in the entire document is there any granting of political rights to non-Jewish entities (i.e., Arabs) because political rights to self-determination as a polity for Arabs were guaranteed by the same League of Nations in four other mandates-in Lebanon and Syria - The French Mandate; Iraq, and later Trans-Jordan - The British Mandate.

Historically, before the Arabs fabricated the concept of Palestinian peoplehood as an exclusively Arab phenomenon, no such group existed. This is substantiated in countless official British Mandate-vintage documents that speak of the Jews and the Arabs of Palestine - not Jews and Palestinians.

In fact, before local Jews began calling themselves Israelis in 1948 (when the name "Israel" was chosen for the newly-established Jewish State), the term "Palestine" applied almost exclusively to Jews and the institutions founded by new Jewish immigrants in the first half of the 20th century, before the state's independence.

Some examples include:

The Jerusalem Post, founded in 1932, was called The Palestine Post

Bank Leumi L'Israel, incorporated in 1902, was called the Anglo-Palestine Company until 1948.

Today's Israel Philharmonic Orchestra, founded in 1936, was originally called the Palestine Symphony Orchestra.

07/21/2019

Britain’s Prince William Visits Israel, His Official Itinerary Includes “Occupied Jerusalem”
June 26, 2018 | Eli E. Hertz

Jerusalem and the Jewish people are so intertwined that telling the history of one is telling the history of the other. For more than 3,000 years, Jerusalem has played a central role in the history of the Jews, culturally, politically, and spiritually, a role first documented in the Scriptures. All through the 2,000 years of the diaspora, Jews have called Jerusalem their ancestral home. This sharply contrasts the relationship between Jerusalem and those who inflate Islam’s links to the city.

Consider the number of times “Jerusalem” is mentioned in the two religions’ holy books: The Old Testament mentions “Jerusalem” 349 times. “Zion,” another name for “Jerusalem,” is mentioned 108 times. The Quran never mentions Jerusalem – not even once.

The Arab rulers who controlled Jerusalem through the 1950s and 1960s demonstrated no religious tolerance in a city that gave birth to two major Western religions. That changed after the Six-Day War in 1967, when Israel regained control of the whole city. Symbolically, one of Israel's first steps was to officially recognize and respect all religious interests in Jerusalem. But the war for control of Jerusalem and its religious sites continues.

Palestinian Arab terrorism has targeted Jerusalem particularly in an attempt to gain control of the city from Israel. The result is that they have turned Jerusalem, the City of Peace, into a bloody battleground and have thus forfeited their claim to share in the city’s destiny.

The Origins of the Collapse of Palestinian SocietyJune 11, 2018  |  Eli E. Hertz  What caused the collapse of Palestinia...
06/15/2018
The Origins of the Collapse of Palestinian Society

The Origins of the Collapse of Palestinian Society

June 11, 2018 | Eli E. Hertz

What caused the collapse of Palestinian society? In addition to serious cleavages dating to Ottoman times that existed in local Arab society, it was the absence of an alternative Arab infrastructure after the British pulled out of Mandate Palestine. Because Palestinian Arab society had been so dependent on British civil administration and social services, Britain's departure left Arab civil servants jobless. As a result, most social services and civil administration ceased to function in the Arab sector, disrupting the flow of essential commodities such as food and fuel, which added to their hardships and uncertainties.

In contrast, Jewish society in Palestine, or the Yishuv as it was called in Hebrew, had established its own civil society over the span of three decades under the Mandate. The Yishuv created its own representative political bodies and social and economic institutions, including health and welfare services, a public transport network, and a thriving, sophisticated marketing system for manufactured goods and food - in short, a state-in-the-making. It was best described by the 1934 British report to the League of Nations:

"During the last two or three generations the Jews have recreated in Palestine a community, now numbering 80,000, of whom about one-fourth are farmers or workers upon the land. This community has its own political organs, an elected assembly for the direction of its domestic concerns, elected councils in the towns, and an organization for the control of its schools. It has its elected Chief Rabbinate and Rabbinical Council for the direction of its religious affairs. Its business is conducted in Hebrew as a vernacular language, and a Hebrew press serves its needs. It has its distinctive intellectual life and displays considerable economic activity. This community, then, with its town and country population, its political, religious and social organizations, its own language, its own customs, its own life, has in fact 'national' characteristics."

During that same period, the Arabs of Palestine, however, had invested all of their energies into fighting any form of Jewish polity-in-the-making. Although the British encouraged creation of an Arab Agency parallel to the Jewish Agency that had orchestrated and financed development of the Jewish sector, a similar Arab organization failed to develop. So it was no surprise that when the British departed, the Palestinian Arabs remained unorganized and ill-prepared not only for statehood (which they rejected in any case), but also for sustained conflict with their Jewish adversaries. In the end, the war caused horrific casualties for the Jews and left thousands of Palestinian Arabs without their homes.

http://www.mythsandfacts.org/article_view.asp?articleID=344

What caused the collapse of Palestinian society? In addition to serious cleavages dating to Ottoman times that existed in local Arab society, it was the absence of an alternative Arab infrastructure after the British pulled out of Mandate Palestine. Because Palestinian Arab society had been so depen...

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