The Aussie Observer

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Five years ago, Jacqui Lambie stared down a camera and told Australians who chose not to receive a COVID vaccination tha...
07/09/2026

Five years ago, Jacqui Lambie stared down a camera and told Australians who chose not to receive a COVID vaccination that the rest of the country would soon come at them “lock, stock and barrel.”

She promised people would become “more hardcore,” that “massive division” was coming, and that those who held out would “really feel the heat.”

It remains one of the ugliest, most calculated statements any Australian politician uttered in that entire era.

Lambie had spent years selling herself as the defiant outsider – the rough-edged senator who would stand between ordinary people and the political machine.

Then, at the precise moment Australians most needed someone willing to question that machine, she spun on her heel and joined it.

The firebrand who once aimed her fury at powerful institutions suddenly trained it on workers, families and frightened individuals staring down some of the most consequential decisions of their lives.

Two months later she stood in the Senate and insisted that losing your job over vaccination was not force. People remained free to refuse, she said – they simply might not be allowed to keep earning a living.

That was not principle. It was bureaucratic wordplay dressed up as choice.

When the alternatives are a dangerous medical procedure or the destruction of your livelihood, career, access to ordinary life and ability to feed your family, it is not consent. It is blackmail with a polite label.

Lambie called the vaccinated “patriots.” She declared that sacrifice was required. She likened the unvaccinated to dangerous drivers, painted them as threats to the vulnerable, and branded them “COVID-carrying mainlanders.”

Five years later, those words still reek. They were not a slip of the tongue or an unfortunate choice of phrasing – they reflected a deliberate willingness to shame, divide and pressure ordinary Australians.

This is not an attack on everyone who took the vaccine. Millions did so freely and sincerely, guided by the information and medical advice available at the time. Others did it with a gun to their head because the walls were closing in.

To those who felt blackmailed into it so they could keep a job, pay the mortgage, see family or simply participate in society – you were placed in an appalling position by governments, employers and public figures.

They pretended an ultimatum was the same thing as free will. You deserve respect, not retrospective judgment.

And to those who absorbed the threats, the exclusion, the ridicule and the financial punishment and still refused to surrender control of their own bodies – your resolve should never be forgotten.

Whatever anyone now thinks of the vaccines themselves, standing firm under that pressure demanded extraordinary courage.

The deepest cruelty of that period was never just the rules and the mandates. It was the deliberate project of turning neighbour against neighbour, colleague against colleague, parent against child.

Jacqui Lambie did not try to cool that fire. She publicly poured petrol on it and promised more.

She wanted dissenters to “feel the heat.” Many did. They lost jobs, friendships, opportunities, and years of peace. Some have never fully recovered from the way they were treated by people who once claimed to speak for the underdog.

Five years on, the lesson is larger than any vaccine or any single politician.

A free society is tested when fear is highest, dissent is least popular, and governments insist there is simply no alternative. That is the moment political courage is supposed to matter most.

Lambie once appeared to possess it. When it counted, she discarded it – and joined the pile-on with open enthusiasm.

She was not alone. Other public figures who now speak softly about unity and healing were just as eager to divide, to shame, and to demand compliance.

Their words from that time remain on the record too. History will remember who stood for the individual when the temperature rose, and who chose the easy applause of the majority instead.

AUSTRALIA’S SURVEILLANCE STATE ISN’T COMING. IT’S BEING INSTALLED.One “safe” trial, one “voluntary” identity check and o...
27/08/2026

AUSTRALIA’S SURVEILLANCE STATE ISN’T COMING. IT’S BEING INSTALLED.

One “safe” trial, one “voluntary” identity check and one supermarket camera at a time.

During the first week of a Western Australian Police trial, a camera-equipped van scanned more than 130,000 faces around Perth and Fremantle.

Every passing stranger was compared with a watchlist of roughly 4,000 people. While the technology reportedly helped produce a handful of arrests, many false alerts were recorded too.

Police say innocent people’s images are pixelated and deleted, while alerts must be checked by an officer. Those safeguards matter. So does catching a dangerous offender or finding a missing person.

But the unavoidable fact remains: everyone was checked. There was no suspicion, warrant or meaningful opportunity to refuse. The presumption of innocence was quietly updated to the presumption of searchability.

Apparently calling the operation “overt” because the police van is marked makes it acceptable – the privacy equivalent of stealing someone’s ute but leaving a polite note.

This is how a surveillance state develops in a democracy. Not with a midnight announcement that freedom has been cancelled, but through a procession of useful-looking trials.

Each camera is targeted, every database is secure and all the powers are supposedly temporary.

Australia does not have one giant switch labelled “Digital Prison”. It is being delivered as a bureaucratic Ikea kit – separate boxes marked public safety, child protection, fraud prevention, customer convenience and loss reduction.

By the time it is assembled, nobody in Canberra will remember ordering it.

Digital ID is not the same thing as live facial recognition. Australia’s current law says its use is generally voluntary, requires accessible alternatives and restricts accredited providers from profiling people’s online behaviour.

But “voluntary” can become a wonderfully slippery word. Private services will begin joining the system from December 2026, with banking, phone contracts and rental applications promoted as possible uses.

If the digital option takes thirty seconds while the alternative requires certified documents, a paper form and six hours listening to Centrelink’s pan-flute remix, that is not much of a choice.

Australia’s wider identity infrastructure is already enormous. The Document Verification Service was used more than 133 million times during 2024-25.

One government agency used the Face Verification Service almost 2.5 million times, while private-sector access is expected to expand. A national system is also progressively storing biometric templates created from state and territory driver-licence photographs.

That is not proof Australia is already a dictatorship. It is proof that the plumbing is being installed. Someone now only needs to turn on the tap.

The under-16 social-media restrictions add another piece. The law does not require every Australian to upload government ID, and platforms must offer alternatives.

Nevertheless, technology companies are now required to determine who is old enough to speak online – using age estimation, behavioural signals or verification processes that will inevitably examine adults as well as children.

Nothing says “protect children from technology companies” quite like ordering technology companies to inspect everybody more closely.

Labor and the Liberals supported that regime together. It was one of those touching outbreaks of bipartisanship that seems to occur whenever Parliament discovers a new identity checkpoint.

The cameras have also reached the shops. Bunnings used facial recognition to identify people it considered serious safety or crime risks.

A tribunal found the limited purpose could be lawful, but upheld findings that the company breached privacy-notification and transparency requirements. Bunnings is now preparing to reintroduce the technology with additional safeguards.

Kmart used facial recognition at returns counters in 28 stores. The Privacy Commissioner found that unlawful, although Kmart is challenging the decision.

Coles and Woolworths have conducted early tests, while facial recognition is already used at the Australian Open to screen for banned entrants.

Retail theft and violence are real. Workers deserve protection. But Australians should not become biometric suspects because they bought groceries, returned a toaster or wandered into Bunnings for a snag and accidentally emerged with $340 worth of tools.

There is serious money behind this expansion.

NEC supplies the WA Police facial-recognition system. Retail intelligence company Auror links incident reports, images, vehicles and alleged offenders across retailers and law enforcement. Australian-founded Fivecast sells AI-assisted intelligence tools to policing, national-security and financial-crime customers.

Then there is Palantir, the controversial American data giant with Australian government work spanning Defence, AUSTRAC and Victorian prisons.

It also has a three-year agreement with Coles covering workforce and operational analytics across more than 850 stores. That Coles agreement is not facial recognition, but it shows how rapidly powerful data-integration systems are becoming ordinary corporate infrastructure.

These companies do not need to be cartoon villains stroking cats in an underground bunker. They are vendors selling capability.

Governments want intelligence, retailers want lower losses and technology companies want bigger contracts. The incentive is always to collect more, connect more and retain more.

That is why politicians must regulate the technology instead of waiting for sales brochures to grow a conscience.

The Liberal-led Coalition developed earlier federal digital-identity architecture and introduced its own face-matching legislation.

Labor enacted the current Digital ID and identity-verification systems. Both backed the social-media restrictions, while Labor has backed away from mandatory national rules for high-risk AI.

Red team, blue team – same server rack.

Australia is not yet China, and claiming the systems are already identical weakens the argument. With China’s surveillance and censorship apparatus, every citizen has one universal AI-generated social-credit score.

The lesson is not that Canberra has copied Beijing line by line. It is that identity, facial recognition, spending, location and association data become extraordinarily dangerous when linked.

Powers built by one government can be expanded by the next. No one needs to be plotting tyranny today for the infrastructure to enable it tomorrow.

Australia needs binding national restrictions before this technology becomes wallpaper: independent approval for police deployments, narrow watchlists confined to serious threats, published error rates, strict deletion rules, transparent contracts and genuine appeal rights.

Facial recognition must never be used to identify lawful protesters, monitor political gatherings or create secret commercial dossiers. Digital ID must retain a genuinely equal offline alternative – not one involving a fax machine, three witnesses and the blood of a virgin goat.

That is not rejecting technology. It is putting the bloody thing on a leash.

Freedom is rarely abolished in one dramatic moment. It disappears through a thousand “small” exceptions that nobody was supposed to worry about.

Australians should not have to surrender anonymity to buy food, attend the tennis, travel through a city or express a lawful opinion. The government works for us. It does not need to take attendance everywhere we go.

AUSTRALIAN AID WORKER ZOMI FRANKCOM WAS MURDERED. ISRAEL JUST TOLD AUSTRALIA TO GET OVER IT.There is a point at which “t...
20/08/2026

AUSTRALIAN AID WORKER ZOMI FRANKCOM WAS MURDERED. ISRAEL JUST TOLD AUSTRALIA TO GET OVER IT.

There is a point at which “tragic mistake” stops being an explanation and becomes a free pass.

That point was reached the moment an Israeli drone fired three successive missiles into a clearly marked World Central Kitchen convoy on 1 April 2024, killing seven humanitarian workers, including Australian Zomi Frankcom.

She was not armed. She was not a combatant. She was coordinating with the IDF, travelling in branded vehicles through a declared humanitarian fire-control zone, delivering food to people who were being starved.

The first vehicle was hit. Survivors tried to scramble into the others. The second was hit. Then the third. Systematic. Deliberate in its sequence. Seven dead.

More than two years later, the IDF has investigated itself, found “serious failures,” demoted a couple of officers, reprimanded a few more, and declared there is “no reasonable suspicion of criminal misconduct.” Case closed. On World Humanitarian Day, no less.

The Frankcom family called it an insult to Zomi’s memory. They are right. World Central Kitchen called it deeply offensive. They are right. Human Rights Watch has long described Israel’s self-investigation system as a whitewash machine. They are right, too.

Credit where it is due… Anthony Albanese and Penny Wong finally showed some spine. Albo called the decision an outrage. Penny Wong summoned the Israeli ambassador, declared she has no confidence in the findings, and demanded the drone audio that Israel still refuses to hand over.

Australia has recognised Palestine, sanctioned Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, and imposed measures against violent settlers. Those steps matter.

For once, they treated the killing of an Australian citizen as something that actually requires accountability rather than another polite diplomatic shrug.

But let’s not get carried away and start engraving Albo and The Minister for Serious Concern's faces on Mount Rushmore. Outside this issue, Labor has made an impressive dog’s breakfast of plenty else.

Australians are being mugged by the supermarket checkout, housing has become an unaffordable national farce, homelessness remains entrenched, and Commonwealth gross debt has wandered beyond the trillion-dollar neighbourhood.

Throw in strained services and infrastructure, concerns about crime and community safety, and a growing enthusiasm in Canberra for bans, restrictions and speech laws that critics argue nibble away at individual rights and freedoms, and the great progressive paradise is looking decidedly second-hand.

Credit where it’s due on Zomi Frankcom – but one outbreak of backbone doesn’t magically cure years of political scoliosis.

Labor inherited plenty of problems and then managed to worsen many of them with the same old Canberra arrogance; being right about Israel’s treatment of this case does not absolve a government that has repeatedly failed Australians on the basics.

And the deeper problem is older than this government. Under the Liberal-Labor uniparty, Australia has too often behaved like Israel’s compliant outpost in the Pacific – different coloured ties, much the same foreign-policy script.

Lobbying pressure, strategic loyalties and a bipartisan terror of being branded antisemitic have produced decades of kid-glove treatment for Israeli governments.

Even One Nation – despite offering a stronger alternative to Labor, the Liberals and Greens on plenty of other policy fronts – has too often joined the Israel cheer squad, which is incredibly disappointing.

Apparently, Canberra can disagree on almost everything until Israel enters the room, at which point half the building starts fighting over who gets to hold Netanyahu’s coat.

Lobbying pressure, strategic loyalties and a bipartisan terror of being branded antisemitic have produced decades of kid-glove treatment for Israeli governments.

The recent Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism laws, while broader on paper, arrived in a climate where criticism of Israeli policy is constantly framed as the real threat.

It has felt, to many, like an Israeli Voice to Parliament by another name – maximum institutional attention for one set of sensitivities while Palestinian suffering and the body count in Gaza are treated as unfortunate background noise.

We need to separate the people from the project too. Ordinary Jewish Australians, and ordinary Jews in Israel and around the world, are not Benjamin Netanyahu.

Many have stood up against the slaughter, against the settlers, against the Greater Israel fantasy that Netanyahu has openly flirted with and that his far-right ministers actively pursue.

Conflating Jewish people with the actions of the Israeli government is both unfair and fundamentally wrong. The problem is not Jewish people – it is the hardline Zionist expansionism that treats Palestinian lives as disposable and international law as optional.

Gina Rinehart’s recent suggestion that Queensland offer free land near Townsville for Israeli defence manufacturers to build drones and Iron Dome-style systems is just the latest symptom of that same reflex: Australian soil and Australian silence offered up as if they belong to someone else’s strategic plan.

There is no affection for the worst aspects of Islamic theology or the fanaticism of Hamas. October 7 was a grotesque crime. Hamas is a terrorist organisation that embeds itself among civilians and celebrates death.

But the idea that Israel – with one of the most sophisticated intelligence and surveillance systems on the planet – simply “missed” an attack of that scale strains credibility. Israeli authorities had received concrete warnings.

More damning still, Netanyahu’s governments spent years deliberately allowing Qatari cash to flow into Hamas-controlled Gaza as a cynical strategy to keep Palestinians divided and a two-state solution off the table.

Israel’s own Shin Bet later concluded that policy helped strengthen the very organisation that then carried out the massacre. Given the failures, the secrecy, and Netanyahu’s long record of political calculation, widespread suspicion is not paranoia – it is the only rational response.

What is beyond dispute is how the attack was then ruthlessly exploited as the blank cheque for a campaign of collective punishment that has produced credible allegations of genocide, ethnic cleansing and systematic war crimes.

Hamas must answer for October 7. But Israel should not have a permanent licence to flatten neighbourhoods, starve a population, kill paramedics, journalists, and aid workers, or treat the deliberate successive targeting of a marked humanitarian convoy as a clerical error.

Palestinian children do not inherit collective guilt. Five-year-old Hind Rajab did not start this war. Zomi Frankcom did not start this war.
The pattern is now impossible to ignore: hospitals, schools, refugee camps, aid convoys, journalists, medics.

The UN commission has called it genocide. The body count and the systematic restriction of food, water and medicine look a lot like ethnic cleansing in slow motion.

Israel rejects the label. Of course it does. It also investigates itself and finds itself mostly blameless. History is not kind to governments that claim exclusive ownership of both the guns and the courtroom.

Zomi Frankcom was an Australian woman doing the most basic human work: feeding the hungry. She was killed by successive strikes after her movements had been coordinated with the military that killed her.

Her family has waited more than two years for something resembling justice. Israel’s answer is: we made mistakes, we reprimanded a few people, move on.

Australia should not move on. Demand the drone footage. Demand an independent investigation. Use every legal avenue available.

Because if this is the standard – kill seven humanitarians, investigate yourself, declare no crime, and expect the world to accept it – then the message is clear: Israel can keep getting away with it. And that is a bloody disgrace.

The Questions That Refuse to Die 💉More than four years after Shane Warne’s sudden death stunned Australia, his son has a...
25/07/2026

The Questions That Refuse to Die đź’‰

More than four years after Shane Warne’s sudden death stunned Australia, his son has again forced an uncomfortable conversation into the open.

Speaking on the 2 Worlds Collide podcast, Jackson Warne did not hedge. He said he believes the COVID-19 vaccine played a role in his father’s death. “I definitely think that it [the vaccine] was involved. I don’t even think saying that is controversial anymore.”

Warne died in Thailand in March 2022, aged just 52. The official post-mortem cited coronary artery disease.

Jackson’s view is different: if his father had underlying issues, they might have remained manageable for years. The vaccine, he argues, brought them to the surface.

British cardiologist Dr Aseem Malhotra, who reviewed Warne’s medical records, has made a similar case, pointing to evidence linking vaccination with accelerated coronary disease and sudden cardiac death that he believes warrants serious attention.

Whether you accept that theory or not is almost beside the point. Jackson’s comments have once more exposed a deeper problem: the official story was never properly stress-tested, and the institutions that demanded absolute trust have shown little interest in reopening the books.

Australia recorded more than 20,000 excess deaths in 2022 – roughly 12 per cent above expected levels. Similar patterns appeared in other countries. Health authorities attribute the spike to COVID itself, delayed care, an ageing population and the usual post-pandemic factors.

Critics note that these explanations have been repeated with remarkable consistency while possible vaccine-related injuries have received far less forensic scrutiny than the original risk assessments that justified the entire response.

That imbalance is where public trust continues to erode. For years Australians were instructed to “trust the experts.” Question the narrative, and you risked being labelled a conspiracy theorist, even when the questions were measured.

The experts, of course, enjoyed the luxury of never having to answer for the consequences of their confidence. Labor governments, Liberal governments and the medical establishment all aligned behind the COVID response.

Now that awkward data and personal testimonies keep surfacing, the appetite for honest reckoning remains vanishingly small.

Consider the Victorian experience under Daniel Andrews.

Documents obtained through freedom of information have shown that Melbourne’s night curfew – one of the more authoritarian measures of the era – was not based on health advice.

Health officials may have supported the idea in general terms, but they had not advised cabinet to impose it. The decision was political.

Australians were told, repeatedly, that these restrictions were driven by the best medical guidance available. In at least one high-profile case, that claim does not hold.

When the most restrictive government in the country can later be shown to have operated beyond the medical advice it publicly invoked, the entire “follow the science” slogan starts to look like branding rather than governance.

Then there were the vaccine mandates. These were not gentle public-health recommendations. They were a form of institutional blackmail.

Take the jab or lose your job. Take the jab or lose your right to travel. Take the jab or be denied entry to shopping centres, restaurants, workplaces, schools, universities, and other public places. Take the jab or kiss goodbye to ordinary society.

People who declined were not merely inconvenienced; many lost livelihoods, careers and social standing. The language of “choice” was deployed while the practical reality was coercion.

Governments and employers presented the arrangement as necessary solidarity. In practice, it functioned as a loyalty test enforced through economic and social pressure.

Jackson Warne has not proved causation. He has done something more useful: he has refused to let the matter be filed away under “settled science.”

For many families the COVID chapter did not close when the lockdowns ended or the mandates were quietly dropped.

The excess deaths, the unexplained cardiac events in younger and middle-aged people, the unanswered questions about how thoroughly adverse events were tracked, and the demonstrated willingness of governments to overstate the medical basis for their most severe measures all remain.

The institutions that demanded trust are now asking the public to move on. That request would carry more weight if those same institutions showed any genuine curiosity about the parts of the story that do not fit the approved narrative.

Until they do, the questions will keep returning – from sons, from cardiologists, from ordinary citizens who remember being told that dissent was dangerous and compliance was science.

Australia's richest woman has floated an idea that sounds less like public policy and more like the plot of a political ...
23/06/2026

Australia's richest woman has floated an idea that sounds less like public policy and more like the plot of a political satire.

Speaking in North Queensland, Gina Rinehart suggested Australia should offer free land to Israeli defence manufacturers so they can establish weapons production facilities, including drone manufacturing, near Australian military infrastructure.

Free land.

Not for young Australians locked out of home-ownership. Not for local businesses trying to manufacture products here. Not for struggling regional communities looking to attract investment.

Free land for foreign weapons companies. If that sounds like an unusual national priority, you're not alone.

Naturally, the proposal has drawn criticism from people right across the political spectrum.

Conservatives who normally champion national sovereignty are asking why Australian land should be handed over to overseas interests.

Progressives are questioning why a nation facing serious allegations over its conduct in Gaza should be rewarded with special treatment.

Even many people who strongly support Australia's defence capability have asked a simple question: if these companies want to operate here, why can't they buy land like everyone else?

After all, this is Australia, not a Boxing Day clearance sale. And the controversy goes beyond the economics.

Israel remains one of the most divisive countries in modern international politics.

Its decades-long occupation of Palestinian territories, settlement expansion, repeated military operations in Gaza and treatment of Palestinians have attracted sustained criticism from human rights organisations, international legal experts and much of the global community.

The destruction in Gaza has become one of the defining humanitarian crises of our time. Entire neighbourhoods have been levelled. Tens of thousands have been killed. Millions have been displaced.

Allegations of war crimes, apartheid, ethnic cleansing and genocide are now routinely discussed in international forums, courts and media outlets.

Regardless of where people stand on that debate, it is difficult to deny that Israel is among the most controversial nations on earth.

Which is precisely why many Australians are struggling to understand why the answer appears to be: give them free land.

The reaction has also highlighted growing frustration with what many see as a different set of rules for political and corporate elites.

Australians are constantly told budgets are tight. Housing is scarce. Services must be cut. Infrastructure projects must be carefully prioritised.

Yet somehow there always seems to be enthusiasm when billionaires, multinational corporations or foreign interests come asking for special arrangements.

Many have pointed to what they see as a glaring contradiction.

Ordinary Australians are expected to compete for housing, land and opportunities in an increasingly expensive country, while wealthy and well-connected interests appear able to secure a hearing at the highest levels of politics.

The proposal has also reignited debate about Australia's relationship with Israel more broadly.

Both major parties have maintained close ties with Israel, and now Pauline Hanson appears to have joined the cartel.

Politicians regularly attend pro-Israel events and governments have often been cautious in their criticism of Israeli actions compared with their responses to other international conflicts.

That reality has led many Australians to ask whether Israel receives a level of political support that other nations facing similar allegations simply would not enjoy.

Why should Australian land be handed over for free to facilitate it?

At a time when families are struggling with mortgages, rents, energy bills and the rising cost of living, many Australians believe their leaders should be focused on delivering opportunities for Australians first.

And if a foreign defence company wants to build a factory here, perhaps it should do what every Australian business owner, farmer, and homeowner has to do.

Buy the land.

Although even that goes too far. The last thing Australia needs is foreign weapons manufacturers tied to the world's most controversial governments establishing “strategic operations” on our soil.

Such facilities could make Australia a more attractive target during future conflicts, further entangle us in disputes that are not our own, and expand the influence of a foreign state within Australia's political, defence and security establishment.

Australia should not be giving away land to foreign military interests. It should not be selling it to them either. Australian land should serve Australian interests.

One Nation has done it again.The latest Financial Review RedBridge Group / Accent Research poll has Pauline Hanson's par...
31/05/2026

One Nation has done it again.

The latest Financial Review RedBridge Group / Accent Research poll has Pauline Hanson's party surging to 31 per cent of the primary vote, putting it ahead of Labor on 28 per cent and leaving the Coalition stranded on a miserable 20 per cent.

For the first time, the AFR's flagship federal poll has One Nation outright in first place, but the bigger number might be this one: 63 per cent of Australians believe the country is heading in the wrong direction.

Just one year into Labor's second term, nearly two-thirds of voters appear to be looking at Canberra and asking, “Are these nuffies serious?” and the reasons aren't exactly hidden.

Power bills keep climbing. Housing is still cooked. Rents are brutal. Real wages remain under pressure. Migration continues running hot while homes remain scarce. The cost-of-living relief Australians were promised feels about as visible as a cheap power bill.

Even Labor's latest budget landed like a lead balloon, with more Australians saying it would make life harder than easier.

The leadership numbers are just as ugly. Anthony Albanese plunged 10 points in a month to minus 19. Jim Chalmers fell even harder, dropping 13 points to minus 18.

Meanwhile, Pauline Hanson sits on 25 per cent as preferred prime minister and remains the only major federal leader not underwater on favourability.

Then there's the Coalition. At 20 per cent, the Liberals, and Nationals are now more like a historical society dedicated to preserving memories of John Howard and Tony Abbott.

Labor is bleeding support and yet the Coalition still can't capitalise. Why? Because a growing number of Australians no longer see two competing visions for the country. They see a uniparty wearing two different coloured ties.

One promises change and delivers excuses. The other promises opposition and delivers strongly worded disappointment.

Whether it's energy policy, migration, net-zero, housing or government spending, many voters have concluded the gap between Labor and the Coalition is measured in shades rather than substance. The result is that voters are looking elsewhere.

For years, political insiders insisted One Nation had a ceiling. Now the party is leading major national polls while the Coalition edges closer to political irrelevance. It's still only one poll, and elections aren't won in May.

But when One Nation is on 31 per cent, Labor is losing support, the Coalition is stuck in the wilderness and nearly two-thirds of Australians think the country is heading the wrong way, it's becoming increasingly difficult to pretend this is just a protest vote.

The old two-party game is looking shakier by the week. And right now, one side of the uniparty looks nervous while the other looks completely expendable.

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