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05/08/2025

Tshabang Appointed BERA CEO

The Board of the Botswana Energy Regulatory Authority (BERA) is pleased to announce the appointment of Dr. Never Tshabang as Chief Executive Officer, effective 1st August 2025.

Dr. Tshabang brings over two decades of leadership experience in academia, public service, and corporate governance. He holds a PhD in Chemistry from the Australian National University and an MBA from the University of Botswana. His previous roles include Senior Lecturer at the University of Botswana, Member of Parliament for Nkange, and Chairperson of the Parliamentary Committee on State-Owned Enterprises.

This appointment aligns with the national drive under the Botswana Economic Transformation Programme (BETP) and the vision of President Advocate Duma Boko to reposition state-owned enterprises to better serve their mandates and support the country’s economic diversification.

“This appointment marks the culmination of a rigorous and thoughtful process by the Board. It has been a lengthy journey one guided by our unwavering commitment to find a leader capable of steering BERA into a new era of excellence and public value. We are confident that the nation will soon begin to reap the benefits of this decision, as BERA strengthens its role in driving Botswana’s energy transformation agenda.” The Board Chairperson Ms Tidimalo Poonyane said when welcoming Dr Tshabang.

Dr. Tshabang’s unique blend of technical expertise, governance experience, and public service makes him well-suited to lead BERA through its next phase. His leadership will focus on strengthening regulatory oversight, improving sector transparency, and accelerating Botswana’s transition to a secure and sustainable energy future. The Board is confident that under Dr. Tshabang’s leadership, BERA will continue to uphold its mandate and contribute meaningfully to Botswana’s energy and economic goals.

Honourable Bogolo Joy Kenewendo, Minister of Minerals and Energy is pleased to welcome Dr. Tshabang to the broader ministry team stating “ Dr. Never Tshabang’s appointment as CEO of BERA is a timely and strategic move. As we work to reposition the energy sector to support Botswana’s broader economic transformation, we need leadership that combines technical depth with policy insight. I am confident that under his direction, BERA will play a pivotal role in shaping a secure, transparent, and future-ready energy sector.”

Ends

01/08/2025

Jaco Hubona - The Baboon Without Hair

BY ANDREW THULO

The government has finally issued an apology to Bridgette Motsepe, Ian Khama, Isaac Kgosi and Wilheminah Maswabi for associating them with imaginary acts of money laundering. Of the alleged perpetrators of the fictitious P100 billion only Jaco Hubona has been mentioned. With this, the government hopes to pull the curtain over the matter. Only Hubona, therefore, has taken personal responsibility for his role if such has not been imposed on him. Let us review how it all came about.

Jaco Hubona was a member of what was notoriously called a Task Force. It ought to have been called a Task Farce. It was a vigilante unit formed by the DIS chief(s) for the purpose of pursuing Mokgweetsi Masisi's enemies real and invented. It was an unconstitutional entity that had usurped the mandates of key institutions of government in particular the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC), Botswana Unified Revenue Service (BURS), Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Financial Intelligence Agency (FIA) and the Botswana Police Service (BPS). Only Placid Segokgo of Botswana Defence Force (BDF) refused to be colonised by the DIS.

The DIS set up this unit and gave it a dedicated office where all officers harvested from these key institutions worked. The poaching of the officers was not the poaching of the officers though. It was in fact the poaching of the statutory mandates of the institutions from which they were unlawfully sourced. With the Task Force set, the DIS had the statutory powers of all these different institutions under one roof and under one person; Peter Fana Magosi. The DIS could prosecute, collect tax and investigate matters outside their mandate. They did not have to negotiate their ways around the government enclave. The DIS aggregated all government powers under itself and its head.

Weak leaders of these institutions could not restrain its imperious chief whose excesses were underwritten by presidential prejudice and incompetence. A handful of hand picked sycophants, bound together by a kindred spirit of sycophancy and intellectual vacuity, were chosen to staff the unit. They anticipated the masters commands and executed them unquestioningly and with glee. The privilege of being in the good books of the DIS chief and doing the departments bidding promised speedy promotions and in some cases actually delivered. Men and women who could not tell a firearm from a bar of soap were given handguns or detailed security for personal protection and criss-crossed the skies on DIS jets.

To the credit of the DIS and its chief all those who were in this Task Force were there willingly. No one was dragged into it jumping, kicking and screaming. For that reason all must take personal responsibility and accountability. This article is therefore not about absolving any specific individual.

The inherently corrupt and over-resourced Task Force doubled down upon innocent citizens and foreigners a la Netanyahu. While Isaac Kgosi's DIS ruled as DIS chief was defined by fear and suspicion Peter Magosi's rule was, until October 30, 2024, defined by the Task Force. They literally harassed citizens. To put it into context it was the same Task Force that seized Duma Gideon Boko's Range Rover and that removed him from airplanes to thwart opposition electoral chances. They chose fake prosecutions, arbitrary arrests, arbitrary tax assessments, character assassinations and police cells as a means of achieving his objectives. After all, with the Task Force, Peter Magosi has the de facto taxman, DPP, DG DCEC and a Police Commissioner. Mokgweetsi Masisi, blinded by petty prejudice was fed a daily dose of scary dracula stories dressed as intelligence. Decadent of any intellect, the President swallowed it all hook, line and sinker. That explains why we are here today.

Back to Jaco Hubona

The sins of the task force piled up day by day. Citizens were harassed and abused. Wilhemina Maswabi's docket, if it exists, is one of many, perhaps tens if not hundreds of that belong in the Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn section of the library shelf. Sadly for the many others they do not have names on their cover. I mean names that could ever be dignified with an apology. They cannot afford Cherie Blair and threaten private prosecutions by Rolls Royce Counsel like Unoda Mack. They are not sisters of billionaires and former presidents. African governments never apologise to men and women of straw. Keabetswe Makgophe retired under suspension without a farewell salute. He was acquitted and no apology has ever been tendered. No restitution was made.

In time the sins of the Task Force became too unsustainable. Unoda Mack, and his billionaire clients played the long game. They waited the fake prosecution of Wilheminah Maswabi out while exerting political and diplomatic pressure. Khama mobilised his tribal
base and political capital while Motsepe weighed in with her wealth and status to vindicate their names. The writing was on the wall. Some day the State would have to play its last card and it would be a Joker. The wait took six long years. The demons of the Task Force began to haunt the Masisi government. Butterfly would not fly away. Ultimately a solution had to be found; a baboon without hair.

"Jaco Hubona signed the affidavit after all", they must have said. "Let's give him to the gods. The loss won't be all that much. He is a man of straw with no fixed place of abode."

And so Jaco hubona was put to the sword.

But the case was not his and she surely did not originate the false intelligence that the prosecution was based upon. Hubona was not DIS. He was DCEC. It was originated by Peter Magosi's DIS and Peter Magosi's name is not mentioned in the apology let alone his DIS. Whatever the UDC government owes this man only the birds know. Whatever it is it is big.

The decision to go to court was taken by the DPP and the Task Force specifically headed by Peter Fana Magosi. A key member of the Task Force was Priscilla Israel of the DPP and there were other lawyers in it from the same office. It is in fact another senior DPP officer who signed the charge sheet and she was not part of the Task Force. That is irrefutable proof that the DPP and the Task Force were working together at least on the prosecution. None of these people are mentioned by name in the apology; only Jaco Hubona. Yet the DPP ethically does not take matters to court if she has not assessed the credibility of evidence. The decision to publish the defamatory affidavit to court was not of Hubona. It was of the DPP and the DIS specifically and the Task Force in general. The DPP is not mentioned by name either. Stephen Tiroyakgosi and his men and women are mentioned by the department. The government has taken responsibility on behalf of these key players.

In the end the nation is essentially being told that Jaco Hubona came up with fake intelligence, ran it through the Task Farce, prevailed upon the DPP to arrest Maswabi and to publish it. We are told Hubona misled the entire government machinery into error. Yet we know the truth. Hubona was used and yes he allowed himself to be. The key perpetrators had it all gamed out from day one. It is from the old DIS playbook. The DIS characteristically used other departments of government to commit their crimes. Then they stand back or disappear into thin air when time for accountability arrives. Thankfully for them there is an endemic integrity crisis in the civil service and there is an excessive pool of sycophants at any level. They would write the script, they would direct it but someone would act it. Their names would, however, never appear in the credits. Today they are gleefully sipping on choice whisky while Jaco Hubona's life is ruined. The DIS uses government institutions and civil servants like condoms.

Moral of the story: Beware civil servant of DIS requests veiled as inter departmental cooperation. Do not commit crimes for the DIS. Follow the example of the BDF chief, Placid Sekgokgo. Refuse to be colonised by them or you might one day be the baboon without hair. Remember Jaco Hubona.

29/07/2025

PRESS RELEASE
APOLOGY TO AMBASSADOR BRIDGETTE MOTSEPE

29/07/2025

Tobera Community activist Hepuru Splash Moronga calls for the Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) bill to re withdrawn and there be further consultation. He says some elements in the bill work will only empower those already in power and in government and disadvantage the very communities it’s supposed to benefit.

27/07/2025

Rail Deal Cancelled Amid Boardroom Power Play at Botswana Railways [Part 2]

BY JOSEPH LEGAU

In a dramatic twist at Botswana Railways (BR), the recently appointed Board has reportedly cancelled a major infrastructure partnership with Life Compass, despite clear evidence that the project was being supervised at the highest levels of government.

Acting Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Chelesile Malele has been suspended, allegedly for failing to inform the board about the deal, valued at over P25 million, but fresh information from government sources suggests a far more complex situation. In a recent radio interview on Gabz FM, Shadrack Baaitse, Director of Life Compass, confirmed that BR Board chairperson Plato Gaoboi personally invited him to Kasane. According to Baaitse, during that meeting, Gaoboi informed him that he had given the BR team the green light to proceed with signing the contract.

Long before the current board was appointed, the Ministry of Transport and Public Works and the Office of the President had authorised and supervised Botswana Railways to work with investors who had submitted proposals to assess BR’s rail system. A multi-person team of BR staff worked on the project, yet only Malele has been suspended. This publication is reliably informed that it was the board chair who authorised the contract to be signed, even though such authorisation was not required. The Board has since moved quickly to cancel the agreement, and the chairperson, less than two months into the role, is reportedly preparing to report Malele to the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC), calling for a lifestyle audit.

The fact that the Head of BR Projects remains untouched has raised questions about fairness and motive. Observers note that this is not the first time the board chair has faced scrutiny involving procurement matters. In 2011, Sunday Standard reported that attorney Plato Gaoboi was accused by an aggrieved client of misconduct in a separate legal matter involving a tender. The article noted that the Law Society of Botswana later conducted an independent audit and cleared him of wrongdoing, finding no evidence of collusion or fraud.

Under Botswana’s procurement law, a CEO has full delegated authority over procurement matters, including the award of tenders. The Board, by contrast, is an oversight and policy body, not an operational organ. That its chair, a lawyer by profession, is reportedly circumventing these legal frameworks has unsettled many.

“This is a clear case of scapegoating,” said one insider. “If there’s a misunderstanding about procurement authority, the Board should start by reading the law and respecting the chain of command. It’s unsettling that this Board did not even seek the advice of the Ministry procurement entity.”

Questions now swirl around how the BR Board was appointed and whether adequate governance training was provided by the Public Enterprises Evaluation and Privatisation Agency (PEEPA). What is beyond dispute is this: Gaoboi and his Board knew of the Life Compass contract. He discussed it with Baaitse and assured him that it had his blessing, despite this being outside his official mandate. The suspension of Malele, and the sudden cancellation of a state-backed initiative, risks setting a dangerous precedent where public servants are punished for following executive orders.

26/07/2025

Minister Micus Chimbombi Passes On

"Dumelang betsho. We just got bad news from our Chairman in Kgalagadi South Rre Chimbombi that MP and Minister Rre Marcus (sp) Chimbombi has passed on. MHSRIP. It's sad."

26/07/2025

Railways Board Overreach Sparks Procurement Law Crisis [Part 1]

BY JOSEPH LEGAU

Just two months after their appointment, the new Botswana Railways (BR) Board has found itself at the centre of a growing governance storm. Their decision to suspend Acting Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Chelsie Malele over a P25 million contract has exposed not only a potential breach of procurement law, but a serious misunderstanding of their role, and of the law itself.

The controversy centres on a tender awarded to Life Compass for the provision of outsourced operational services. According news reports, the the board claims the CEO did not inform them about the contract and moved swiftly to suspend her. But here’s the problem: she did not have to inform them. The Public Procurement Act of 2021 gives the Accounting Officer (in this case, the CEO) full authority to oversee procurement processes within a procuring entity.

This raises a critical question: does the BR Board understand its legal mandate? Or worse, is it choosing to ignore it?
At the core of the procurement law is the principle of independence. Section 41 of the Act is unequivocal:
“An Accounting Officer shall have the overall responsibility for the ex*****on of a procurement process in a Procuring Entity in accordance with the provisions of the Act.”
What the BR board has done, by attempting to retroactively insert itself into tender processes, is not only unlawful, but potentially destabilising. A memo from BR’s own Head of the Procurement Oversight Unit, dated 23 May 2025, clearly warned the board that its decision to review and approve all transactions exceeding BWP 1 million violates Sections 41, 45, and 46 of the Public Procurement Act.
The board was advised in writing that it risked dragging BR into non-compliance, exposing it to fines, debarment, and even criminal prosecution.

The most baffling part of this saga is that the Board Chairperson, Plato Kabelo Gaoboi, is a lawyer by profession. As someone expected to guide the Board with a firm grasp of statutory boundaries, his leadership in what appears to be a clear violation of the law raises serious doubts. Did he not read the Act? Or is this about power and control, not governance?
Either scenario is deeply unsettling. Boards of parastatals are not operational arms; they are oversight bodies. Their job is to ensure compliance, strategic alignment, and executive accountability, not to micromanage procurement decisions, especially not retroactively. In this case, the Board suspended a CEO for doing her job.

Boards like the one now running Botswana Railways are appointed by Public Enterprises Evaluation and Privatisation Agency (PEEPA). One wonders what criteria were used in this round of appointments. Was procurement governance competence even considered?
More troubling is the silence from other key actors; the Ministry of Transport, PPRA, and PEEPA itself. These institutions are supposed to provide checks and balances. Their refusal to speak up or take corrective action risks setting a dangerous precedent: that parastatal boards can flout procurement laws with impunity and punish executives who act within the law.

It’s a slippery slope; one that threatens to undermine the very safeguards meant to protect the public interest.

BOTTOM LINE:

The Botswana Railways Board has overreached; and in doing so, exposed a deep misunderstanding of their legal and governance role. By suspending the Acting CEO over a contract she was legally mandated to approve, they have thrown both BR operations and procurement compliance into turmoil. The Public Procurement Act is clear: the Accounting Officer runs procurement. Not the board. Not the Chair. Not a collective vote at a roundtable. This was not a grey area. It was a power grab. Until PEEPA, PPRA, or the Ministry of Transport steps in to clarify roles and enforce accountability, Botswana’s parastatal governance will remain vulnerable to the same threat: Boards that confuse power with purpose.

24/07/2025

Botswana Seeks Control of De Beers, Presses Anglo American for Openness

By Mpho Majatsie

Botswana’s government is actively pursuing a majority stake in De Beers, according to Mining.com, which referenced reporting from the Financial Times.

This move complicates Anglo American’s ongoing effort to sell De Beers, its diamond division, Mining Technology reported. Botswana already holds a 15% stake in De Beers, in addition to a 50% share in Debswana, a joint venture between the two entities that forms the backbone of De Beers’ diamond production.

Minerals and Energy Minister Bogolo Kenewendo stated that President Duma Boko is committed to securing a larger share in De Beers, aiming to take full control of the company and its operations—particularly its downstream activities such as marketing.

Although De Beers had earlier acknowledged in February that Botswana was considering a larger stake, recent declarations by government officials indicate a stronger and more urgent stance.

With Anglo American’s early August deadline for offers drawing near, Kenewendo warned that any transaction lacking Botswana’s endorsement would likely face major hurdles.

“Our partners at Anglo American have, regrettably, failed to manage the process transparently or in coordination with the government and with our support,” Kenewendo said.

This firm position by Botswana could seriously disrupt Anglo American’s divestment plans. The company is currently pursuing a dual-track strategy—evaluating both private bids and a possible stock market flotation in case no buyer emerges.

Anglo’s urgency to offload De Beers stems from wider restructuring plans, particularly after it rejected a £39 billion (approximately $52.8 billion) takeover bid from BHP in 2024.

Nevertheless, the diamond sector is under strain, with sluggish demand from major markets like China and rising competition from synthetic diamonds. These challenges have forced De Beers to build up substantial unsold inventories.

No 1 source of global mining news and opinion

24/07/2025

Botswana Editors' Forum on BNF Congress

23/07/2025

Motshegwa Appreciates Media

23/07/2025

Full System Derailment: Inside the Boardroom Power Plays Wrecking Botswana Railways

Sources close to the Botswana Railways (BR) Board have hinted that Acting CEO Chelesile Malele is set to be suspended this afternoon; making her the latest in what appears to be a systematic purge of women leaders in key parastatals under the new administration. Her removal would come just days after an internal fallout over a five-year technical support contract signed during her tenure, now at the center of a politicized storm.

This latest development threatens to worsen institutional instability at BR, a parastatal already battling leadership confusion, board interference, and reputational damage that could cripple its modernisation agenda. At the heart of the storm is a contract with Life Compass Botswana (Pty) Ltd; portrayed by critics as a backdoor privatisation, but in truth, a technical assessment and advisory agreement.

The contract, valued at approximately P25 million for the initial system audit phase, was signed between BR and Life Compass during Malele’s acting leadership. Contrary to media headlines and internal smear campaigns, the agreement did not transfer BR’s operations or statutory authority to the contractor. Legal provisions explicitly stated that “nothing in this Agreement shall be construed as transferring any statutory function, legal authority, or operational responsibility reserved for Botswana Railways.” Furthermore, no final financial terms had been agreed upon at the time of signing; any further work required BR board approvals through additional addenda or work orders.

The narrative that this deal amounted to a “privatization through the backdoor” appears to be driven more by internal political power plays than actual contract violations. Despite this, the contract was cancelled almost immediately upon the appointment of a new BR board in May, led by lawyer Plato Gaoboi, who insiders say has been presiding over board affairs in a manner resembling day-to-day management. The new Board has reportedly been holding closed-door meetings without BR executives present, and acting far beyond their governance mandate. While board protocols dictate that members convene twice a year, this board has met numerous times in less than two months, with a P8, 500 seating allowance each time.

The lack of internal alignment between BR’s executive leadership, board, and the Ministry of Transport has created a dangerous vacuum. New Minister Noah Salakae has inherited a broken system with conflicting loyalties and legal baggage. While the BR Board may suspend Malele with her junior, head of engineering, observers view this as an attempt to reverse the disciplinary actions of the previous board.

The unfolding BR saga reveals what many now see as a broader pattern: the ongoing politicization of state-owned enterprise leadership. The timing of Malele’s removal, combined with union hostility toward her, points to a deeper game of loyalty and retribution.

Malele’s troubles started when former CEO Paul Masena’s, nicknamed “Conductor”was originally appointed without what insiders call due process by former Minister of Transport Eric Molale. Despite failing his probation and refusing to sign a formal employment contract, Masena allegedly remained in office until the former board suspended him in early 2025. He was seen by many within BR as a rogue CEO, operating with high-level political protection. The subsequent media campaign against Malele and her removal now raises concerns that BR is being run not by professional management, but by proxy political actors.

Ironically, the Life Compass agreement which has now been cancelled under suspicion, was designed to respond to the very issues former Minister Molale had warned about. In a 2023 interview, Molale openly decried the fact that “Botswana Railways is operating at 15% of its network capacity.” He emphasized the need for new capital, rolling stock, and technical expertise to revive the railway sector. The Life Compass project proposed a roadmap to deliver precisely that, through strategic advisory, asset assessment, and institutional strengthening.

The contract also aligned with Botswana Railways’ 2023 Memorandum of Understanding with Korea Railroad Corporation, which aimed to inject South Korean technical expertise into BR’s long-overdue infrastructure overhaul. But that vision is now in jeopardy. What was supposed to be a professional services agreement has become the subject of misinformation, factionalism, and reckless governance.

The implications extend far beyond BR. At stake is not just a P25 million contract, but the future of Botswana’s rail infrastructure and its reputation as a stable investment destination. With the contract torn apart and the woman who signed it facing suspension, the message sent to future partners is chilling: even legally sound, professionally scoped agreements are not safe from politics.

19/07/2025

Court Stops Government from Using Side Deal to Set Public Servants’ Salaries

BY JOSEPH LEGAU

Botswana’s Industrial Court has stopped the government from going ahead with a salary deal it signed with just one union, saying the process was unfair and excluded six major unions representing public servants.

The court order came after the unions representing teachers, nurses, doctors, and other government workers filed an urgent case. They argued that the Directorate of Public Service Management (DPSM), led by Director Gaone Macholo, had walked away from official negotiations and made a separate deal with the Botswana Landboards & Local Authorities Health Workers Union (BLLAHWU), behind their backs.

The judge, Dr. G. G. Makofi, agreed that the situation was serious and needed urgent attention. He issued a temporary court order to stop the government from using the side agreement for salary payments starting in August. The judge also ordered that the government must return to the negotiating table with the six unions and finish the talks fairly.

The unions also raised concerns about a meeting that took place on 27 June, claiming it was held without proper notice, didn’t have enough members present, and went against normal procedures. The court agreed that the meeting was invalid and ordered the minutes from that meeting to be ignored. The judge said the minutes from the previous meeting on 26 June must be corrected to reflect what actually happened.

Some parts of those minutes must now be deleted, reworded, or updated to show the real record of the talks. The government is also required to explain why it acted the way it did and why its actions shouldn’t be seen as negotiating in bad faith.

The government has until 23 July to file its full response. A final decision will be made at a follow-up court session on 14 August 2025.
For now, the court's temporary order means the salary agreement with BLLAHWU cannot be used to pay public servants unless the talks with the six unions are properly concluded—or reach a legal deadlock. This decision gives the six unions a stronger position to push for fairer treatment in salary negotiations.