Adal Post

Adal Post Adal Post is a social media platform that showcases the stories and experiences of the Afar People in the Afar triangle.

It focuses on social, political, economic, and cultural issues, fostering community connection and amplifying the Afar voice. Amolladih qafar ayyunti bisô maxcoh doori leh tan caagiida elle ugsak ayyuntah aynabaabad elle abnah nan gali. Connect with us: Facebook=https://m.facebook.com/adaapost/ Youtube= https://youtube.com/c/AdalEntertainment Website = https://adalpost.blogspot.com https://www. Adalpostment.wordpress.com Telegram= https://t.me/adalpost

  City Adminstration      Region, Ethiopia
27/04/2025

City Adminstration
Region, Ethiopia

   daqar
21/04/2025


daqar

Djibouti: the marginalization of the Afars, a system of institutionalized exclusion©Afar Times 2025.Structural and polit...
15/04/2025

Djibouti: the marginalization of the Afars, a system of institutionalized exclusion

©Afar Times 2025.
Structural and political marginalization
In Djibouti, the issue of community marginalization—and particularly that of the Afar—cannot be reduced to simple social or economic dynamics. It is part of a profoundly unequal political system that, for several decades, has reproduced and reinforced exclusionary practices of a tribal nature. The Afar, an indigenous people and a historical pillar of Djiboutian society, continue to be excluded from strategic spheres of power, despite their demographic weight and their contribution to the country's history.

The exclusion they suffer is neither accidental nor circumstantial. It is the result of a deliberate choice by the central government, which has institutionalized a policy of underrepresentation within decision-making structures. The current political system is based on a deliberate imbalance that marginalizes certain communities in favor of a dominant ethnic elite.

Biased recruitment: the indicator of an unequal system
In January, the National Police announced a major recruitment campaign to train new officers. The event, widely publicized and welcomed by some in the public, aimed to strengthen the National Police force. However, behind the official euphoria, the revealed figures have caused consternation: of the 350 young people selected, only three are of Afar ethnicity.

This scandalously low figure illustrates the reality of a selective system based not on merit or fairness, but on community affiliation. This blatant imbalance has sparked outrage within Djiboutian society, as it reveals systemic exclusion disguised under the guise of a supposedly neutral administrative process.

At the end of 2022, the specific case of discrimination suffered by police lieutenant Oumma Ibrahim Mohamed had stirred Djiboutian society. A graduate of the Judicial Police Officer (JPO) training course in 2013, Oumma, the only Afar in her class, was assigned to the juvenile brigade at the Hodan police station. While all the officers in her class would benefit from rank advancement, Oumma would be the only one not to experience any professional advancement. This blatant injustice, perceived as a silent punishment, illustrates the systemic blockages faced by Afars within state institutions.

An arbitrary and biased state
Make no mistake: this policy of exclusion is neither the result of one-off errors nor the symptom of a malfunction. It is the product of a planned strategy , orchestrated from the highest levels of government since 1977. Far from acting as a neutral arbiter, the central government actively participates in the invisibility of the Afars, by locking down decision-making circles and blocking access to any professional advancement.

This communitarian management of power prevents the emergence of true national representation . It favors the concentration of power in the hands of an elite from a minority ethnic group, to the detriment of any idea of equity or unity. The Republic, in this context, is emptied of its substance, betrayed by a governance that institutionalizes discrimination.

Exclusion through invisibility: the status of "incompetents," a tool of silent relegation
Among the most underhanded methods used by the state to neutralize the Afars is the practice known as "broken arms ." This term, now institutionalized, refers to civil servants who are not assigned any tasks, any responsibilities, or any real role. These civil servants, sometimes senior officials who have selflessly served the country, are kept in a state of enforced idleness, receive a salary but are excluded from any professional dynamic.

More than 250 Afars are now in this situation at the Prime Minister's office alone , victims of an administrative system that, beneath the appearance of normality, hides a deep contempt. It is a strategy of collective shelving, where these employees become invisible, useless in the eyes of the State, and socially devalued. The "broken arm" becomes a humiliating catch-all, a lever of control through relegation, which renders the very principle of active citizenship meaningless.

This practice, far from harmless, serves a clear purpose: to psychologically weaken an entire community, denying it any usefulness and maintaining it in a state of sterile dependence. It fuels a sense of humiliation and alienation, while diverting valuable skills, sacrificed on the altar of ethnic favoritism.

The consequences of a tribalist system: national cohesion in danger;
The marginalization of the Afar is not without consequences. It gradually erodes national cohesion and threatens the country's long-term stability. When an entire segment of the population is deprived of access to power, economic opportunities, and social recognition, the feeling of exclusion becomes structural. It fuels a deep distrust of the state and can, over time, generate more radical forms of protest.

Young Afars, deprived of prospects, find themselves in a dead end. The despair engendered by this discriminatory policy is pushing them to lose confidence in institutions, and even to reject the very idea of a common future within the Republic of Djibouti.

Collective indignation: towards awareness?
For the first time in a long time, voices have been raised to publicly denounce the discrimination in hiring observed within the National Police. The majority MP Ouma Mohamed Hamid, as well as the former Minister of Culture Rifki Abdoulkader, expressed their indignation at the extent of this discrimination. These stances, although rare, reflect the beginnings of a collective awareness in a society long anesthetized by cronyism and nepotism.

But this isolated outrage is not enough. It is imperative that this issue be brought to the public debate, freely and courageously. Because as long as tribal logic continues to dictate state policies, as long as entire communities are treated as second-class citizens, the Djiboutian nation will be unable to aspire to either justice or lasting peace.

©Afar Times 2025.

 # Caxxale-qeeláBallaaqe/darriiti-kalalih taama.Gersi Daqorti Caxxaleqeelak Abak raag beytam faxxinta.Photo Credit:  Afa...
07/04/2025

# Caxxale-qeelá
Ballaaqe/darriiti-kalalih taama.
Gersi Daqorti Caxxaleqeelak Abak raag beytam faxxinta.

Photo Credit: Afar

    🍃
05/04/2025


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We ask the Minister of the Interior to clarify the definitions of "legality" and "illegality" in the context of Djibouti...
04/04/2025

We ask the Minister of the Interior to clarify the definitions of "legality" and "illegality" in the context of Djiboutian citizenship.

We wish to know whether "legality" applies to individuals such as I.O.G. and Ilays Dawaleh, who obtained Djiboutian nationality after arriving from Dire Dawa and now hold high-ranking positions in the state, or whether it applies to native-born Djiboutians, such as Abdikarim Aden Cher, unjustly imprisoned in Gabod, or to men like Med Kassim Med, who are actively resisting the regime.

We are also concerned by the recent recruitment of Afars into the police force, where only three Afars were selected out of 300 individuals. This situation raises questions about the fairness and transparency of the Ministry of the Interior. While legality is determined by nationality documents, it is important to remember that, from Doumeira to Moussa Ali, from Moussa Ali to Siyarou, from Siyarou to Obno/As-Ela, and from Obno/As-Ela to Djibouti City, the Djiboutian regime has refused to issue nationality cards to Afars residing in these regions since 1977.

Therefore, we advise Afars to resist if law enforcement officers ask them to show their identity cards. All Afars are Djiboutians by right. Anyone who harms an Afar, whether the one who gives the order, the one who carries it out, or those who remain passive, is a criminal and guilty.

A4A

Eid Al Fitri in Afar Region.✨ Celebrating Eid al-Fitr in the beautiful Afar Region! From Samara to Ab'ala, Asaita to Awa...
30/03/2025

Eid Al Fitri in Afar Region.

✨ Celebrating Eid al-Fitr in the beautiful Afar Region! From Samara to Ab'ala, Asaita to Awash, Dubti to Logya the spirit of togetherness fills the air. Today, heartfelt prayers were Performed in open fields and mosques, expressing gratitude for blessings.

The rich cultural heritage shines through in every tradition, reminding everyone of the joy found in unity and diversity. May this Eid bring peace, happiness, and prosperity to all! 🌙💖

Qiid Mubaarak!!Eid Mubarak! Wishing you love, happiness, and success always.
29/03/2025

Qiid Mubaarak!!
Eid Mubarak! Wishing you love, happiness, and success always.

    saalo.Photo: Osman wade
28/03/2025

saalo.
Photo: Osman wade

23/03/2025
ዶ/ር ያእቆብ እንዳለው የአፋር ባለባት ራሱን ችሎ ስለአሰብ ጉዳይ በወቅቱ መደራደር  አይችልም  ነበር ? የሚኒሊክ ፍቃድ ወይም ይሁንታ  ያስፈልግ ነበር ?የኢትዮጵያ የታሪክ ሙሁራኖች አብዘሀ...
23/03/2025

ዶ/ር ያእቆብ እንዳለው የአፋር ባለባት ራሱን ችሎ ስለአሰብ ጉዳይ በወቅቱ መደራደር አይችልም ነበር ? የሚኒሊክ ፍቃድ ወይም ይሁንታ ያስፈልግ ነበር ?

የኢትዮጵያ የታሪክ ሙሁራኖች አብዘሀኛው የአንድ አካባቢ ሰዎች በመሆናቸው ከሰሜን ህዝቦች ንጉሶችና ባለባቶች ውጭ ለሚገኙ ለሌላው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦችና ብህረሰቦች ያላቸው ንቀትና ጥላቻ ገደብ ያለፈ ነው።
ቀጥታ ወደ ጉዳዩ ሲገባ እውነታው ዶ/ር ያእቆብ እንዳለው ሳይሆን የአፋር ባለባቶች በወቅቱ ስለአሰብ ጉዳይ የመደራደር ሙሉ መብት ነበራቸው። ሚኒሊክም ስለአሰብ ጉዳይ በወቅቱ ምንም አይነት ስልጣን አልነበረውም። የመናገር መብትም አልነበረውም። ይሄ ደሞ ተረት ተረት ሳይሆን ትክክለኛ ታሪክ ነው። አሁን ጎግል ገብታችሁ የምታገኙት ታሪክ ነው። ግልጽ ለማድረግ ያህል;-
1. ሰለአሰብ ጉዳይ የአፋር ባለባት ከጣሊያን ሮባቲኖ ከተባለ ንግድ ካምባኒ ጋር ስለመርካብ ማቆምያና ክሰል ማንደጃ ቦታ ስምምነት ያደረገው እ.አ.አ በ1869 ነው። ሚኒሊክ ከ1865 ድረስ በአጼ ቴዎድሮስ በምርኮኝነት ተይዞ በመቅደላ አምባ እስር ቤት ውስጥ ነበር። በሆላ በወሎዉ ንጉስ መሀመድ አሊ( ራስ ሚካኤል) አማካኝነት ከእስር ቤት እንዲያመልጥ ተደርጎ በ1866 ሸዋ ንጉስ ሆነ። በወቅቱ የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ሲባል የነበረው የላስታው ንጉስ ተክለጊዮርጊስ ወይም (ዋግሹም ጎበዜ ንጉስ ከመሆኑ በፊት የነበረው ስም ነው) ነበር ። ንጉስ ተክለጊዮርጊስ ደሞ እንኳን ስለአሰብ ሊጠይቅ ቀርቶ እዛው ጎጃሞ; ወሎ; ትግራይ ና ሸዋ ያሉት ባለባቶችን መቆጣጠር አቅቶ በ1872 የትግራይ ባለባት ካሳ በዝብዝ (ቦሃላ አጼ ዮሃንስ) ተገለበጠ።
2. አጼ ዮሃንስም እንኳ ስለአሰብ ጉዳይ ሊያወራ ቀርቶ በሀገር ውስጥ ባለባቶችና በወጭ ደሞ በመሀዲስትና በግብፅ ጦርነቶቾ ፈታ ሳያገኝ በ1889 መተማ ላይ በመሃዲስቶች አንገቱ ተቀላ።
3. አጼ ሚኒሊክ እንግዲህ የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ የሆነው በ1889 ሲሆን ሰለአስብ ጉዳይ የአፋር ባለባት ከተፈራረመ ከ20 አመታት በሃላ ነበር። እና ዶ/ር ያእቆብ የአፋር ባለባት ስለአሰብ ጉዳይ ሚኒክን አላማከሩምና ወይም የሚኒሊክ ይሁንታ አላገኙም ብሎ የዘባረቀው በወቅቱ ከመቅደላ አምባ እስር ቤት በወሎ ንጉስ እርዳታ አምልጦ ገና በሸዋ ተረጋግቶ ያልተቀመጠ ሚኒልክ ነበር።
4. ሚኒሊክ ራሱ የተረጋገው ከ1875 በሃላ ሲሆን ,ዮሃንስ በሱዳን መሃዲስቶች; በምጽዋ በኩል ግብፅና በጣሊያን ጦርነት በጉንደትና በጉራ ወዘተ ግንባሮች ጦርነት ውስጥ በነበሩበትና ፋታ ማገኘት ባልቻለበት ወቅት ነበር። ሚኒክን ይህን አጋጣሚ ተጠቅሞ ከግብፅ ጋር በድብቅ በመገናኘት አጼ ዮሃንስን ከጀርባው እያጠቃው ነበር። ይህም ራስ ብሩ የተባለው መልክተኛ ወደ ግብፅ በመላክ በአውሳ አፋር በኩል ዮሃንስን የመስጠቃት እቅድ በአፋር አርበኞች የሚኒሊክ መልክተኛ ራስ ብሩን ጨምሮ የግብጽ ጦር መሪ ወርነር ሙንዚንጀርን ጨምሮ ደመሰሳቸው። ማስረጃው ከታች አያይዛለሁኝ።
5. ዮሃንስም በጉንደትና በጉራ የግብፅ ጦር ከደመመሰሰ ቦሃላ ወደ ሚኒሊክ ተመልሶ ዘመቻ ተከፍቶበት ሚኒሊክም እጅ ሰጥቶ ድንጋይ ራስ ላይ ተሻክሞ ተንበርክኮ ይቅርታ ጠይቆ አርፎ እንዲቀመጥ አደረገው። እና በወቅቱ የአፋር ባለባቶቾ ስለአሰብ ጉዳይ ሚኒሊክም ሆነ የማንንም ፍቃድ አይጠይቁም ነበር በግዛታቸው ሙሉ መብት ነበራቸው።
6. በስተመጨረሻ መናገር የሚፈልገው የአፋር ህዝብ ኢትዮጵያዊነትን ወደውና ፈቅደው የተቀበሉት ነው እንጂ የአፋር ህዝብ በጉልበት ያስገበረነ የገዛ የኢትዮጵያ ገዥዎች በታሪክ የሉም።

mohammed Hassen

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Markale Buuri
Logya

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