15/04/2025
Djibouti: the marginalization of the Afars, a system of institutionalized exclusion
©Afar Times 2025.
Structural and political marginalization
In Djibouti, the issue of community marginalization—and particularly that of the Afar—cannot be reduced to simple social or economic dynamics. It is part of a profoundly unequal political system that, for several decades, has reproduced and reinforced exclusionary practices of a tribal nature. The Afar, an indigenous people and a historical pillar of Djiboutian society, continue to be excluded from strategic spheres of power, despite their demographic weight and their contribution to the country's history.
The exclusion they suffer is neither accidental nor circumstantial. It is the result of a deliberate choice by the central government, which has institutionalized a policy of underrepresentation within decision-making structures. The current political system is based on a deliberate imbalance that marginalizes certain communities in favor of a dominant ethnic elite.
Biased recruitment: the indicator of an unequal system
In January, the National Police announced a major recruitment campaign to train new officers. The event, widely publicized and welcomed by some in the public, aimed to strengthen the National Police force. However, behind the official euphoria, the revealed figures have caused consternation: of the 350 young people selected, only three are of Afar ethnicity.
This scandalously low figure illustrates the reality of a selective system based not on merit or fairness, but on community affiliation. This blatant imbalance has sparked outrage within Djiboutian society, as it reveals systemic exclusion disguised under the guise of a supposedly neutral administrative process.
At the end of 2022, the specific case of discrimination suffered by police lieutenant Oumma Ibrahim Mohamed had stirred Djiboutian society. A graduate of the Judicial Police Officer (JPO) training course in 2013, Oumma, the only Afar in her class, was assigned to the juvenile brigade at the Hodan police station. While all the officers in her class would benefit from rank advancement, Oumma would be the only one not to experience any professional advancement. This blatant injustice, perceived as a silent punishment, illustrates the systemic blockages faced by Afars within state institutions.
An arbitrary and biased state
Make no mistake: this policy of exclusion is neither the result of one-off errors nor the symptom of a malfunction. It is the product of a planned strategy , orchestrated from the highest levels of government since 1977. Far from acting as a neutral arbiter, the central government actively participates in the invisibility of the Afars, by locking down decision-making circles and blocking access to any professional advancement.
This communitarian management of power prevents the emergence of true national representation . It favors the concentration of power in the hands of an elite from a minority ethnic group, to the detriment of any idea of equity or unity. The Republic, in this context, is emptied of its substance, betrayed by a governance that institutionalizes discrimination.
Exclusion through invisibility: the status of "incompetents," a tool of silent relegation
Among the most underhanded methods used by the state to neutralize the Afars is the practice known as "broken arms ." This term, now institutionalized, refers to civil servants who are not assigned any tasks, any responsibilities, or any real role. These civil servants, sometimes senior officials who have selflessly served the country, are kept in a state of enforced idleness, receive a salary but are excluded from any professional dynamic.
More than 250 Afars are now in this situation at the Prime Minister's office alone , victims of an administrative system that, beneath the appearance of normality, hides a deep contempt. It is a strategy of collective shelving, where these employees become invisible, useless in the eyes of the State, and socially devalued. The "broken arm" becomes a humiliating catch-all, a lever of control through relegation, which renders the very principle of active citizenship meaningless.
This practice, far from harmless, serves a clear purpose: to psychologically weaken an entire community, denying it any usefulness and maintaining it in a state of sterile dependence. It fuels a sense of humiliation and alienation, while diverting valuable skills, sacrificed on the altar of ethnic favoritism.
The consequences of a tribalist system: national cohesion in danger;
The marginalization of the Afar is not without consequences. It gradually erodes national cohesion and threatens the country's long-term stability. When an entire segment of the population is deprived of access to power, economic opportunities, and social recognition, the feeling of exclusion becomes structural. It fuels a deep distrust of the state and can, over time, generate more radical forms of protest.
Young Afars, deprived of prospects, find themselves in a dead end. The despair engendered by this discriminatory policy is pushing them to lose confidence in institutions, and even to reject the very idea of a common future within the Republic of Djibouti.
Collective indignation: towards awareness?
For the first time in a long time, voices have been raised to publicly denounce the discrimination in hiring observed within the National Police. The majority MP Ouma Mohamed Hamid, as well as the former Minister of Culture Rifki Abdoulkader, expressed their indignation at the extent of this discrimination. These stances, although rare, reflect the beginnings of a collective awareness in a society long anesthetized by cronyism and nepotism.
But this isolated outrage is not enough. It is imperative that this issue be brought to the public debate, freely and courageously. Because as long as tribal logic continues to dictate state policies, as long as entire communities are treated as second-class citizens, the Djiboutian nation will be unable to aspire to either justice or lasting peace.
©Afar Times 2025.