Critical Thinking Times, Basildon (2025)

20/10/2025

The Federal Government has reaffirmed that Mathematics and English Language remain compulsory subjects for all secondary school students in Nigeria, clarifying confusion sparked by recent reforms to tertiary admission requirements.

The clarification, issued on Sunday by the Federal Ministry of Education, followed widespread misinterpretations of a new admission policy that appeared to relax the credit requirements for some art and humanities courses.

According to the ministry’s Director of Press and Public Relations, Boriowo Folasade, while the reforms allow universities and colleges to show flexibility in their entry criteria, they do not exempt candidates from registering or sitting for Maths and English during their O’Level examinations.

Earlier reports suggesting that art students could now be admitted without credit in Mathematics triggered heated debate among educationists, parents, and policymakers.

Critics argued that such a move could dilute academic standards and produce graduates with weak numeracy skills, at a time when global competitiveness increasingly depends on cross-disciplinary competence.

Addressing the controversy, Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa, explained that the reform was designed to promote inclusivity and correct long-standing inequities in Nigeria’s admission system, which has often locked out capable candidates over deficiencies in subjects unrelated to their chosen disciplines.

“The streamlining ensures that deserving students are not denied access to higher education due to credit deficiencies in subjects that are not directly relevant to their chosen fields,” Alausa said.

He, however, stressed that all students must still register and sit for both subjects in the Senior School Certificate Examinations, as they remain “vital components of a sound educational foundation.”

The Ministry reiterated that the framework aligns with global best practices and reflects the government’s push for equitable access, inclusivity, and human capital development, without sacrificing quality or integrity.

Questions That Matter:

If Mathematics and English are universally required, how can Nigeria’s education system balance inclusion with the need for high academic standards?

Does flexibility in admission criteria translate to fairness, or merely to a lowering of the bar?

How can tertiary institutions innovate without undermining foundational learning in literacy and numeracy?

Should “relevance to field of study” determine what subjects are compulsory, or should some subjects remain compulsory as tools for lifelong competence?

And ultimately, what does this policy debate reveal about how Nigeria defines quality education in a rapidly changing world?

20/10/2025

Security operatives in Abuja on Monday dispersed protesters demanding the release of Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), as his legal team filed a new motion challenging the jurisdiction of the Federal High Court hearing his case.

The protesters, who converged at the Federal Secretariat and parts of the city centre, chanted solidarity songs and carried placards bearing inscriptions such as “Free Nnamdi Kanu Now” and “Justice Delayed Is Justice Denied.” Police operatives fired tear gas to disperse the crowd after the demonstration reportedly disrupted traffic for several hours.

Inside the courtroom, Kanu’s lawyers argued that his ongoing trial contravenes previous rulings discharging him of similar charges, and urged the court to strike out the case for lack of jurisdiction.

The prosecution, representing the Federal Government, opposed the motion, maintaining that the state retains the authority to continue the case under national security grounds.

Monday’s events mark another tense moment in a case that has divided public opinion and sparked recurring protests across the Southeast and the capital. Supporters view Kanu’s detention as politically motivated, while authorities insist that his activities threaten national unity and public peace.

The Lagos Police Command and other security agencies have since placed their officers on alert, warning that any escalation of protests will be treated as a breach of public order. The court has adjourned further hearing till October 23.

Questions That Matter:

If the court truly lacks jurisdiction, what happens to every decision already made in Kanu’s case?

Are protests like this proof of democratic vitality, or symptoms of institutional failure?

How should the state balance its duty to maintain order with the citizens’ right to dissent?

When justice drags for years, does it still count as justice?

17/10/2025

Late last week, the University of Lagos (UNILAG) unveiled what many are calling Africa’s first OpenAI Academy, in partnership with OpenAI. The announcement has stirred excitement, curiosity, and a fair share of caution.

The grand reveal took place during UNILAG’s 2025 International Week, under the theme “Equitable Partnerships and the Future of AI in Africa.” UNILAG was selected because of its track record in research and digital innovation, and its leadership says Nigeria must move from technology consumption to technology authorship.

The academy promises free courses and access for students, researchers, and creatives to engage with AI tools like ChatGPT, in a context-sensitive way. OpenAI’s Africa lead, Emmanuel Lubanzadio, confirmed that local governance, creative, and education applications will form part of the curriculum. Notably, Adebayo Ogunlesi, a Nigerian on OpenAI’s board, is aligned with this expansion, strengthening the Nigeria–Africa connection in this effort.

On social media, UNILAG posted: “We just witnessed the beginning of the first ever OpenAI Academy in Africa held here at the University of Lagos.”

This is a bold move, not just one full of promise, but also full of risks. Students in Africa often train on globally designed AI models, and in this academy, they may gain the power to localize tools; civic tech, education bots, health analytics specific to Nigeria. A free academy lowers the barrier to AI knowledge, potentially reducing the gap between elite research institutions and those in less-resourced regions.

It also provides for an innovation ecosystem. As graduates emerge with AI fluency, new startups may arise, employing solutions tailored to African challenges rather than adapting foreign technology.

However, here are some challenges to be considered:

Oversight, bias and misuse: Who ensures ethical AI deployment in fragile systems? Without robust oversight, “AI for good” can turn into surveillance or exclusion.

Sustainability: Maintaining infrastructure, computing power, and course updates is expensive. Will the academy survive long-term without becoming a gated privilege?

Brain drain: As learners get advanced skills, some may leave Nigeria for greener pastures. Will this academy strengthen local capacity or feed external demand?

Questions That Matter
If AI is the future, who gets to write it? Will Nigeria’s new generational coders reflect local culture, needs, and ethics, or serve foreign agendas?

Can a single academy in Lagos shift the balance, or will we see decentralization, replicating this model in the North, South, East, West?

What checks and governance must be in place to guard against misuse, especially in politically volatile environments?

If this succeeds, will it encourage governments and institutions to invest more in scientific infrastructure, or will it remain a symbolic headline?

17/10/2025

A Lagos-based inDrive driver, James Oluwatosin, has publicly denied allegations of colluding with robbers after a viral post by an X user, Nevermind (), accused him of staging a robbery attempt during a Sunday night ride.

The story first gained traction when Nevermind posted the driver’s inDrive profile, warning users to “avoid him like a plague,” claiming he pretended that his vehicle broke down near Onipanu, Lagos, before armed men emerged from the darkness to rob her and a friend.

“If you order a ride and you see him, please cancel. He’ll pretend something is wrong with his car and park so his gang can rob you,” she wrote in her viral post, shared thousands of times across X and WhatsApp groups.

In a lengthy X thread and follow-up video, James Oluwatosin countered the accusation, describing the post as a malicious attempt to destroy his reputation. He explained that his car, recently repaired by a mechanic, had stalled unexpectedly along the pedestrian bridge at Onipanu.

“The car engine went off, and I had to park on the service lane. I called my rewire, checked the wires, and the car started again. Some area boys came out demanding ₦20,000, and the passengers offered ₦5,000. Nothing was stolen, no one was attacked,” he said.

Oluwatosin also claimed that he completed the trip, dropping off one passenger in Oshodi and another in Mafoluku, and only discovered the viral post days later.

In a follow-up post, Nevermind maintained her version of events, saying she and her friend feared for their lives as three men approached them while the driver remained in the car.

“They said I should choose between making a transfer or getting robbed. You sat in your car while they surrounded us,” she wrote, adding that she struggled to open the doors because “three of them had no inside handles.”

She challenged the driver to resolve the matter at a police station if he maintained his innocence.

Confirming the viral report, Lagos Police spokesperson SP Abimbola Adebisi urged both parties to appear at the command headquarters for investigation.

“The command is aware of the incident. Both parties are invited to present their sides of the story,” she stated, adding that the police were treating the case seriously.

inDrive has since issued a brief statement acknowledging awareness of the situation and reaffirming its commitment to user safety pending police findings.

Questions That Matter:

As the story unfolds, Nigerians online have begun reflecting on the viral wildfire that often follows unverified posts. No doubt, this incident also reveals the depth of media illiteracy in the country, because we tend to swallow everything we see online, hook, line and sinker, and only question what we are told way after the fact.

Does this story expose the extent of our media gullibility, and how easily we can be deceived if we don't learn to question and think critically?

How often do we pause to question what we share before hitting “repost”?

How many reputations have been destroyed in the court of social media before the facts were clear?

And when outrage becomes reflex, what happens to the truth?

In an era where a screenshot can become a sentence, digital responsibility isn’t just moral; it’s survival.

16/10/2025

After weeks of protests led by Gen Z in Madagascar, the nation has been rocked by a military takeover that ousted President Andry Rajoelina.

Reacting swiftly, the African Union suspended Madagascar’s membership, warning against unconstitutional power grabs.

The protests began on September 25 2025, triggered by chronic failures in water and electricity supply. But they quickly grew into broader demands: better governance, an end to corruption, and economic opportunity.

The turning point came when units of CAPSAT (known as Corps des Personnels et des Spécialistes des Armées et de la Gendarmerie or Corps of Army and Gendarmerie Specialists), an elite military force, refused to fire on protesters and instead sided with them.

In a mutiny led by Colonel Michael Randrianirina, the military announced the dissolution of key institutions while retaining only the National Assembly.

Rajoelina, doubly ousted, denounced the takeover as “illegal and forceful.” He had attempted to dissolve Parliament and resisted calls to step down, but lawmakers moved forward with impeachment anyway.

Randrianirina says he will be sworn in as president on October 17, leading a transitional government set to last 18 to 24 months before elections.

Questions That Matter:

How can a society trust a government born from a military takeover, even if it claims to be “on the side of the youth”?

What safeguards will exist to prevent the new rulers from turning their own power into tyranny?

Will Rajoelina’s supporters seek return? What becomes of political dissent under a military regime?

How do you restore constitutional order after dismantling the constitution itself?

Can this be a moment of renewal for Madagascar, or will it mark another cycle of power grabs legitimized by unrest?

16/10/2025

Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri has officially left the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and joined the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), in what is being described as a major political shift in the South-South region ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The announcement came on October 15 from the Government House in Yenagoa, where Diri, flanked by key members of his administration including the Speaker and several state assembly members, confirmed his resignation. A total of 23 lawmakers from the Bayelsa State House of Assembly defected alongside him.

In his statement, Diri said the decision came after “extensive consultation.” He did not, however, until the time of his announcement, explicitly declare APC as his new party, but multiple reports from credible sources confirm that he is defecting to the APC.

Diri’s defection is part of a growing trend in 2025 where governors elected on the PDP platform have abandoned their party for APC. Some of the most notable include:

Peter Mbah (Enugu State) — defected to APC in October 2025.

Umo Eno (Akwa Ibom State) — also left PDP for APC earlier in the year.

Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta State) — another PDP governor who followed the same route.

The scale of defections suggests not only internal crisis within the PDP, but also that APC is becoming increasingly attractive as the party of leverage, proximity to federal power, and possibly political survival.

Questions That Matter:

How much of this shift is about ideology, and how much is about access to resources that flow from being aligned with the ruling party?

What do these defections mean for the federal-state power dynamic, especially for states that historically expected patronage or federal support as part of being opposition strongholds?

Will governance outcomes in Bayelsa improve (or be perceived to improve) now that its governor is aligned with the APC? Or will ordinary citizens see this simply as political grandstanding?

What does this do to the identity politics in Bayelsa and the South-South region? Many people there have long strong ties to PDP; will this weaken those ties, shift loyalties, or create new divisions?

Can the PDP salvage its image or structures? If governors keep leaving, how will the party rebuild credibility ahead of 2027?

16/10/2025

Islamic cleric Sheikh Ahmad Gumi has renewed his call for the Nigerian government to open peace talks with bandits and armed groups operating across the country, a position that has triggered widespread outrage and disbelief.

In a recent post on Facebook, Gumi urged President Bola Tinubu’s administration to “learn from Israel and Hamas” by engaging with armed groups instead of fighting them, saying dialogue could end years of bloodshed.

In his own words, “Peace between Israel and Hamas, whom they term terrorists, was brokered by the USA. Who says there can be no peace with terrorists? Make peace with bandits and let us have peace,”

He argued that many of the bandits were Nigerians with grievances, not foreigners, and therefore should be given a chance to return to society through negotiation and rehabilitation. Gumi also insisted that his past mediation efforts had always involved government officials, police representatives, and traditional leaders, not private deals “in the forest.”

Gumi’s comments have drawn sharp criticism from Nigerians online and offline who believe such a proposal amounts to rewarding crime and betraying victims of years of violence.

Human rights advocates and religious leaders warn that negotiating with bandits could encourage further kidnappings and deepen insecurity.

Primate Elijah Ayodele cautioned the government not to “hand over national security to private clerics,” while the Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) described Gumi’s advocacy as “a dangerous moral collapse,” arguing that banditry in Nigeria is not a political struggle but a campaign of terror and extortion.

For years, large parts of northern Nigeria have faced relentless attacks, school abductions, killings, and extortion. Thousands have died, and entire communities have been displaced.

Many Nigerians now ask:
How can the state negotiate with men who have turned violence into livelihood, when so many victims are still in mass graves, and survivors are yet to find justice?

Questions That Matter:

How do you talk peace with people who have slaughtered civilians, abducted children, and burned villages, when their victims are still crying for justice?

What kind of peace are we negotiating if the same men return home without remorse, without rehabilitation, without facing their crimes?

Is comparing Nigeria’s bandits to Hamas fair; or a dangerous distortion of two entirely different realities?

Should the state ever choose amnesty over accountability?

15/10/2025

The National Assembly says it will complete amendments to the Electoral Act 2022 before the end of December 2025.

This signals its attempt at an accelerated push to finalise rules that will shape the 2027 general elections.

Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele (Ekiti Central) made the timeline public on October 15, 2025, after the Senate received President Bola Tinubu’s transmission proposing Professor Joash Amupitan for confirmation as INEC chairman. According to Bamidele, the Committee on Constitution Review is finalising the draft and will present it to both chambers before the bill is forwarded to the President for assent.

Key proposals now under consideration include:

Making PVCs non-compulsory. The draft would allow other accepted IDs; NIN, international passport, birth certificate, to be used at the polls, reflecting the argument that the BVAS (Bimodal Voter Accreditation System) does not depend on the PVC microchip.

Mandatory electronic transmission of polling-unit results by amending Section 60(5), pushing for real-time, or near real-time, publication of results.

Criminal sanctions for distribution of unstamped/unsigned ballot papers and result sheets, with suggested penalties such as at least one year imprisonment and/or ₦1 million fine for offending presiding or collation officers.

Other items discussed at recent public hearings include voter registration reforms, protections for persons with disabilities, and measures to tighten party primary management.

Bamidele said lessons were learnt from the previous attempt in 2022, when last-minute amendments were transmitted too close to the elections and thus not signed, and vowed to avoid a repeat.

He also said governors and state legislative leaders have been engaged, and expressed confidence that presidential assent would follow once the National Assembly completes its work.

Completing the bill by December is intended to give INEC and other stakeholders time to operationalise changes ahead of the 2027 cycle. But the promise of speed raises practical and political questions about implementation, clarity, and trust.

What To Watch Out For Next:

Presidential assent and implementation schedules. Passing a law is one step; resourcing INEC, updating logistics (BVAS settings, training, result-transmission servers), and issuing clear voter guidance are operational steps that require time and money.

Legal clarity. Technical changes such as optional PVC use or mandated electronic transmission must be carefully drafted to avoid loopholes that cause litigation or unequal application across states.

Enforcement of new offences. Criminalising the distribution of unsigned ballot materials may deter malpractice, but enforcement capacity (investigations, prosecutions) will determine whether the penalties are meaningful.

Political buy-in. The National Assembly says governors and speakers are involved, but opposition parties and civil-society groups will watch for whether amendments are balanced or skewed toward short-term political advantage.

Questions That Matter:

If PVCs become optional, how will INEC prevent identity fraud while also ensuring millions who lack PVCs are not effectively disenfranchised by confusing alternative-ID rules?

Will mandatory electronic transmission strengthen transparency, or simply shift the battleground from polling stations to digital infrastructure that many Nigerians still distrust?

Criminal penalties for election officers sound tough on paper; who ensures those penalties are applied impartially, and not weaponised politically?

The amendment drive is now squarely on the 10th National Assembly’s desk. Whether it becomes a meaningful reform or a rushed patchwork will depend on drafting detail, stakeholder trust, and the political will to let law yield to legitimate process rather than political expediency.

15/10/2025

In a significant change to Nigeria’s tertiary admission rules, the Federal Government announced on Tuesday that Mathematics will no longer be a compulsory requirement for students seeking admission into Arts and Humanities programmes.

The move is part of the newly released National Guidelines for Entry Requirements into Nigerian Tertiary Institutions. Under the revised framework:

Prospective Arts and Humanities students will need five credit passes in relevant subjects, including English Language, but no longer require a credit in Mathematics.
Mathematics will remain mandatory for Science, Technology, and Social Science courses.

For polytechnics (ND level), non-science courses now require four credit passes including English Language, while only science programmes retain the Maths requirement.

At the HND level, five credits (including English and Mathematics) will still be required.
The policy also affects colleges of education: English remains compulsory for Arts/Social Science courses, while Mathematics is required for Science, Vocational, and Technical programmes.

According to the Ministry of Education, the reform seeks to expand access to tertiary education, particularly for students whose strengths lie in the Arts, and to remove unnecessary barriers that have long prevented qualified candidates from securing admission.

Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa, described the change as part of a broader push toward inclusion, affirming that the new policy aligns with efforts to admit more students who meet academic standards but were previously blocked by rigid requirements.

What This Means in Practice

Many students who excelled in literature, languages, history, and related arts subjects but struggled in Mathematics may now find hope for admission.

Admission dynamics in universities and other institutions may shift: faculties of Arts and Humanities might see increased competition and application volume.

Institutions may need to adjust their preparatory programmes, remedial classes, or orientation curricula, because new students might have varying levels of mathematics competency.

Some educators and critics may worry whether removing Mathematics will erode rigor or leave graduates underprepared, especially for cross-disciplinary demands.

Questions That Matter:

Is this policy revision a way to correct a structural barrier that disadvantaged many Arts students, or might it create new issues around skill gaps and academic quality?

How will universities manage the transition, especially in departments that sometimes overlap arts and social sciences where mathematics has been relevant?

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15/10/2025

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has granted a state pardon to Maryam Sanda, who was convicted in 2020 for the murder of her husband, Bilyaminu Bello.

Her case, one that captivated national attention, is now being reexamined in the court of public opinion.

Maryam Sanda was arrested in November 2017 following a domestic dispute in Abuja. The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court found her guilty of culpable homicide for stabbing her husband to death and sentenced her to death by hanging in January 2020.
On appeal, both the Court of Appeal (December 2020) and the Supreme Court (October 2023) upheld her conviction and the death sentence.

On October 11, 2025, President Tinubu included Maryam Sanda among 175 convicts granted clemency under the prerogative of mercy. According to Bayo Onanuga, the presidential spokesperson, the pardon was influenced by appeals from her family, citing concern for her two children, her good conduct in prison, remorse, and her “embracement of a new lifestyle” while in custody.

The family of Bello, the deceased husband, expressed outrage. They say the pardon reopens wounds that had begun to heal, calling the relief granted to Maryam Sanda “the worst possible injustice.” Critics argue the pardon undermines justice for domestic violence and sends a weak signal about accountability.

Supporters of the pardon frame it as an act of mercy, balancing punishment with compassion, particularly citing the welfare of her children and her behavior in detention.

Questions That Matter:
What support is expected post-pardon, not just legally, but socially, for both the person released and the victim’s family when the healing was anchored on the idea of finality?

Does this kind of pardon risk weakening deterrence, that is, does it make people less fearful of severe consequences, or lead to cynicism: “If you have friends in high places, your punishment might be short”?

When someone has been convicted, had their sentence upheld through all appeals, and justice presumed final, what does it do to public faith when that conviction is then overturned by pardon?

14/10/2025

Governor Peter Mbah of Enugu State has officially defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

He described the move as vital to more closely synchronizing his administration’s plans with the federal government’s development agenda.

In a televised address, Mbah, who has been in office for 28 months, praised the PDP for its role in his political journey but said the shift was necessary to leverage stronger collaborations. He stated that Enugu has already benefitted from federal projects and that his alignment with APC will accelerate progress.

He also reaffirmed that despite the party switch, “Enugu’s identity and Igbo heritage remain intact,” aiming to reassure citizens concerned that defection might blur state character.

Political watchers note that Mbah’s defection is part of a broader trend in which governors shift allegiances mid-term, often seen as strategic gambits ahead of general elections.

The move also carried political weight in Enugu: key commissioners, council chairpersons, and local party officials publicly backed his realignment.

As of now, the PDP in Enugu has begun organizing its response, with some leaders expressing surprise and disappointment. The APC, on the other hand, has welcomed Mbah’s entry, hailing it as a consolidation of federal-state cooperation and political unity in the Southeast.

Questions That Matter:

When a sitting governor defects, what does that tell us about the balance of political influence between federal and state levels?

Will this move reshape Enugu’s political landscape and its voting behavior in 2027?

More importantly, can such shifts translate into tangible development or is it mostly symbolic posturing?

14/10/2025

The Lagos State Government has re-arraigned convicted kidnap kingpin, Chukwudumeme Onwuamadike, popularly known as Evans, before the High Court sitting in Ikeja, over the alleged murder of two police officers in 2013.

Evans appeared in court alongside his long-time associate, Joseph Emeka, to face a five-count charge bordering on murder, attempted murder, and conspiracy to commit kidnapping. Both men pleaded not guilty before Justice A. O. Ogala.

According to the prosecution, the duo were involved in the killing of two officers, Peter Nweke and Chijioke Ngozi, during an attempted kidnap operation on August 27, 2013, in the Festac area of Lagos.

The victims, both members of a police surveillance team, were allegedly targeted while trailing Evans’ notorious syndicate.
The case, which had been before Justice Oluwatoyin Taiwo before her retirement, was reassigned for fresh trial proceedings.

Evans and Emeka remain at the Kirikiri Maximum Correctional Centre, where they are already serving separate sentences for kidnapping.

Evans, once dubbed “Nigeria’s billionaire kidnapper,” was arrested in June 2017 after a long police operation that exposed a sprawling ransom network. He was convicted in February 2022 for conspiracy and kidnapping, charges that cemented his name in Nigeria’s modern crime history.

The new charges filed in October 2025 mark a continuation of ongoing efforts by the Lagos State Ministry of Justice to revisit unresolved criminal counts tied to Evans’ earlier operations. The court has adjourned the matter till November 19, 2025, for hearing and witness summons.

For some Nigerians, this re-arraignment feels like déjà vu; another cycle of courtroom appearances with no closure in sight. But for the families of the slain officers, it is a fragile window of hope that justice, though delayed, might not remain denied.

Questions That Matter:

When justice takes twelve years to find its footing, is hope for closure anywhere near for those who lost their loved ones?

How does a justice system rebuild credibility when high-profile cases stretch beyond a decade?

And in reviving the “Evans era,” is Lagos sending a message of accountability,or exposing the fatigue of its own machinery?

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