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From State House to Exile: Why African Presidents So Often Become Political Refugees. A Gambian Reflection.Salifu Manneh...
14/12/2025

From State House to Exile: Why African Presidents So Often Become Political Refugees. A Gambian Reflection.
Salifu Manneh. Sunday, 14th December, 2025.
Across Africa, the presidency has become one of the most dangerous jobs not while in office, but after leaving it. Many African leaders rise to power amid celebration and expectation, only to exit through exile, asylum, or international courts. From State House to foreign refuge, the fall is often sudden and humiliating. This pattern is not accidental. It reflects a deeper crisis of governance, accountability, and political culture across the continent. What hopeful candidates tell the electorate before the catapult to the highest office in the land and how their whole character, behaviour, charisma and foresight takes a huge dip is remarkable.
The Gambia knows this reality too well. When former president Yahya Jammeh lost the 2016 election, he refused at first to accept defeat and plunged the country into a tense political standoff. Only regional pressure forced him into exile in Equatorial Guinea. That moment symbolised Africa’s leadership problem: presidents cling to power because they fear what happens when it ends. In systems where institutions are weak, power is safety. Losing it can feel like a death sentence. However, when sitting presidents are consumed with power, wealth and egoistic patterns of thinking they lose sight of tomorrow and when power is withdrawn by the people who made the president who he is, be where he is, reality strikes and the president is now faced with a new ball game.
But what are the issues?
The central problem is not African leaders alone, but African institutions. In many countries, including The Gambia under dictatorship, power was concentrated in one individual. Courts were weakened, parliaments reduced to ceremonial role-players, and security forces turned into personal protectors of the president rather than guardians of the state. Once leadership becomes personal, the nation becomes fragile. And when such power falls, the former president becomes exposed. They face the theory of fight or fear as in anxiety management. The perceived threats of losing power have now become a reality. A leader who destroys institutions cannot expect them to protect him in retirement.
This explains why many former presidents flee rather than stay and face the consequences of their rule. Leaders who silence the press, abuse the law, and weaken accountability understand better than anyone that the system has no fairness left in it. They rule by force and fear, so when power is gone, they expect the same from those who replace them.
Haunted by their ugly, brutal and at times inhumane legacy:
Not every exiled leader is guilty. But many are afraid of accountability for corruption, repression, or abuse. Meanwhile, in some cases, justice becomes selective. New governments sometimes use anti-corruption campaigns as tools to destroy rivals rather than repair systems. Courts become political battlegrounds. This blurs the line between justice and vengeance, convincing former leaders to flee even when wrongdoing is uncertain.
In this dangerous environment, exile becomes Africa’s silent political compromise. Instead of proper trials, leaders are granted safe passage abroad. Instead of accountability, a foreign address becomes the final chapter of leadership. This may avoid immediate bloodshed, but it creates long-term injustice. Victims are denied closure. Truth is buried. And corruption remains hidden. We become a nation in shock and grief. The trauma if not well managed could go on to affect us as a country for generations to come. I am old enough to recall having lived under the three presidents our country has produced so far. The late Jawara era was our yard stick.
Africa’s list of fallen leaders reads like a political obituary of failed governance:
Yahya Jammeh of The Gambia fled into exile after rejecting defeat.
Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso escaped after attempting to extend his rule.
Mobutu Sese Seko died rich and exiled after looting Zaire dry.
Mengistu Haile Mariam lives in Zimbabwe after overseeing mass killings.
Charles Taylor went from exile to international prison.
Omar al-Bashir fell from power and into prosecution.
Ben Ali fled Tunisia during the Arab Spring.
Hissène Habré ended his life in jail for crimes against humanity.
Each case is different. But the destination is always the same: disgrace, exile, or prison. How can we turn this unpleasant and at times distressing pattern?
The pattern reveals a continent trapped in leadership without legacy. African leaders rarely leave behind strong institutions. They leave behind chaos, debt, division, and fear. And once gone, those they ruled fear them no longer, but neither do they trust the systems meant to replace them. A country like ours got stuck and in limbo.
The Gambia today stands at a crossroads.
Having escaped dictatorship, the country must now decide what kind of political culture it wants to build. Removing a ruler is not democracy. Building institutions is. If courts remain vulnerable to political pressure, future leaders will not trust them. If investigations are selective, justice will be seen as political punishment. If corruption is tolerated, history will repeat itself.
A country where former presidents cannot safely remain at home is not a stable democracy but a suspended conflict.
If losing office equals exile, then winning office becomes war. That is why elections across Africa are tense, violent, and contested. Power is no longer public service; it is survival. The presidency becomes a shield from prosecution and poverty alike.
This reality harms ordinary people most. Public money meant for hospitals, schools, and roads is stolen by leaders who know they might not be around tomorrow. Leaders who expect exile govern recklessly. There is nothing to protect, so nothing is preserved.
The lesson from Africa is simple: strong institutions produce peaceful exits.
In countries where courts are independent, presidents retire quietly. Where institutions are weak, leaders flee loudly. The difference is not culture, race, or history, but it is accountability. No society tolerates chaos when the law works.
The Gambia must not allow exile to become its political tradition.
We must reject:
Immunity for criminals.
Selective justice.
Political witch-hunting.
Hero-worship of failed leaders.
We must demand:
Independent courts.
Professional security services.
Free media.
Equal treatment under the law.
Leadership should end in honour when deserved, and in accountability when required, not in asylum.
Africa does not need more former presidents in luxury exile abroad. It needs leaders who return home when their time ends, not run from it. And it needs citizens who defend institutions more than personalities.
In Africa, leadership too often ends not in dignity, but in asylum.
The Gambia still has a chance to change that narrative. We need a huge, civic, social and political education throughout our schools and in society in general so future generations can understand better what it means to be given any sense of responsibility and how ones integrity and self-respect must be protected at all times.

14/12/2025

The Origin, Social and political structures of the Fulani people of Senegambia

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Our weekly history program will be back on Skypower today  UK and Gambian time.
14/12/2025

Our weekly history program will be back on Skypower today UK and Gambian time.

13/12/2025

Alangkokong Cultural group performing at the NUP mega rally in Gunjur

13/12/2025
13/12/2025

Arrival of The NUP Leader Lamin J Darboe at the mega rally in Gunjur

NUP Mega Rally in South Gambia , Gunjur
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NUP Mega Rally in South Gambia , Gunjur

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HUMAN RIGHTS DAY SPECIAL: POWER ACCOUNTABILITY AND THE GAMBIAN CITIZENS

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12/12/2025

Permissible and Impermissible Work in Islam ( Halal & Haram work)

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Our Weekly Civic Education Program will be back on Skypower Radio & TV Services this Saturday 13/12/25  UK and Gambian t...
12/12/2025

Our Weekly Civic Education Program will be back on Skypower Radio & TV Services this Saturday 13/12/25 UK and Gambian time.

12/12/2025

*Mai Ahmad Fatty’s Kerr Fatou Interview: A Dangerous Justification of Self-Perpetuating Rule and Corruption*

By Madi Jobarteh

The interview conducted by Mai Ahmad Fatty on Kerr Fatou on Thursday December 11 is deeply troubling given the kinds of arguments he advanced. His comments pose a clear and present danger to democratic consolidation and political stability in the Gambia. Anyone who defends self-perpetuating rule or downplays blatant corruption, especially a political leader, is not serving society. Unfortunately, this is exactly what Mai chose to do.

Mai engaged in a deliberate attempt to rationalize the abandonment of presidential term limits. He cited several countries, China among them to argue that term limits are unnecessary. This claim is factually wrong and politically misleading.

China did in fact have presidential term limit until Xi Jinping engineered its removal in 2018. It was Deng Xiaoping who first introduced presidential term limits in 1982 to prevent lifelong leadership to centralize power. Moreover, China is not a multi-party political system. The existence of eight so-called “parties” is purely symbolic. None of those small parties has independent power or the ability to challenge the Chinese Communist Party, which maintains total control. To use China as an example of a country without term limits is to distort reality to justify authoritarian tendencies.

Mai also asserted that no scientific study supports term limits. This statement is either reckless or profoundly uninformed. Political science is replete with research and historical evidence demonstrating why term limits emerged: to prevent self-perpetuating rule, curb incumbency abuse, strengthen democratic rotation, and guard against personalist dictatorship.

To claim that some countries do not have term limits, and therefore the Gambia does not need them, is a false equivalence. If Mai were sincere, he would also reference the dozens of countries including African nations that have adopted term limits precisely because of their painful experience with authoritarian entrenchment.

Presidential term limits are not an abstract ideological preference rather they emerged as a democratic necessity. The United States introduced term limits formally in 1951 after more than a century of adhering to the practice because they understood the risks of prolonged incumbency.
In contrast, Western European parliamentary democracies evolved socio-politically in ways that limit the dangers of entrenched executive power.

Africa’s history is different. Since independence, the continent has suffered from leaders who overstay, abuse office, and weaken institutions. Longevity in power has correlated directly with corruption, repression, and underdevelopment.

The Gambia is a textbook example. Pres. Jawara ruled for 30 years while poverty, weak institutions, and corruption remained pervasive. Next, Yahya Jammeh entrenched himself for 22 years, producing unprecedented autocracy, rights violations, and a legacy of institutional decay.

Given The Gambia’s low political awareness, widespread poverty, weak checks and balances, sociocultural deference to authority, and ready abuse of incumbency, term limits are not only relevant, but they are also essential. For Mai to dismiss them as unnecessary is either a demonstration of intellectual dishonesty or a willful disregard for the country’s political experience.

Equally alarming is Mai’s attempt to rationalize corruption in order to exonerate President Barrow. He conveniently ignores that the President is the chief enforcer of the law. When multiple state institutions including the National Audit Office, National Assembly, commissions of inquiry, and investigative journalists have exposed corruption, the president has a constitutional duty to act.

Instead, Barrow decides to promote or redeploy officials cited in corruption findings or ignored audit revelations. He has shielded allies implicated in malpractice thereby demonstrating no intention to enforce accountability. Yet Mai defended this behaviour, thereby enabling impunity and weakening democratic norms. This is the exact pattern seen across Africa where political elites use sophistry to justify governance failures.

Thus, Mai’s performance mirrors a disturbing tradition among sections of Africa’s political elite; those who use intellectual arguments to defend corrupt or authoritarian leaders. For example, in Cameroon, elites defended Paul Biya's 8th term with empty rhetoric. In Senegal, some intellectuals endorsed Macky Sall’s unconstitutional third-term bid. In Côte d’Ivoire, others rationalized Alassane Ouattara’s fourth-term extension. This behaviour fuels democratic collapse across the continent. The Gambia is no exception.

If President Barrow announced tomorrow that he wanted to become “King of The Gambia,” I can guarantee that Mai would almost certainly craft an argument to justify it, citing countries with monarchs as examples of “successful governance models.” His political reasoning is not driven by faith, conscience, or patriotism. It reflects opportunism wrapped in selective intellectualism.

Therefore, one may ask, what or who is driving Mai? Mai knows that Barrow is a failed leader. That the government is corrupt and incompetent. That institutions are collapsing, and the rule of law is routinely disregarded. In essence, Mai knows more than anyone that the Gambia is in a governance crisis. Yet he chooses to defend and sanitize these realities.

What, then, motivates him? Whose interests is he protecting? Certainly not the national interest, governance integrity, or democratic principles. No one can preach moral politics, claim religious conviction, or build a party on ethical foundations while simultaneously endorsing a regime marked by corruption, incompetence, and impunity. The contradiction is glaring.

I urge Mai Ahmad Fatty to return to the values he proclaims, and stand with the issues, concerns, and interests of his people. There is no choice between the people and a leader. Every citizen is expected to align his or herself with the best interests of the people and not betray one’s conscience and faith for a single leader. An intellectual does not sell his soul for a mess of pottage.

For The Gambia, Our Homeland

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