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 # General Tsadkan’s Contradictory Narrative on Accountability in the Tigray WarIn a recent interview, General Tsadkan G...
14/10/2025

# General Tsadkan’s Contradictory Narrative on Accountability in the Tigray War

In a recent interview, General Tsadkan Gebretensae made statements that reveal a striking contradiction in his assessment of responsibility for the atrocities committed during the Tigray war. On one hand, he asserted that “who has done what will only be clarified when proper investigation takes place,” suggesting a cautious, evidence-based approach to accountability. Yet, in the same interview, he claimed that “75% of the crimes committed were by Eritrean forces,” effectively pre-empting the outcome of any impartial investigation. This inconsistency exposes a deeper political motive — an attempt to shift the moral and legal weight of the Tigray conflict away from the Ethiopian government and towards Eritrea, thereby reframing the narrative of culpability.

General Tsadkan’s position appears to serve a dual purpose. By attributing the majority of atrocities to Eritrean forces, he implicitly absolves the Ethiopian government of its central role in orchestrating and enabling the war. However, as numerous scholars and reports have documented, the Ethiopian state bears the principal responsibility for initiating the conflict, inviting Eritrean troops into Tigray, and creating the conditions under which mass atrocities occurred. The United Nations Human Rights Council (2022) and Amnesty International (2021) both concluded that the Ethiopian government’s actions including the blockade of humanitarian aid, systematic targeting of civilians, and use of starvation as a weapon constitute grave violations of international law.

As historian Alex de Waal argues in *Mass Starvation: The History and Future of Famine* (2018), state-led wars in the Horn of Africa often involve deliberate strategies of collective punishment and resource deprivation. In this context, the Ethiopian government’s decision to ally with Eritrea was not a mere tactical choice but a calculated act of aggression that magnified the scale of human suffering in Tigray. To suggest, as General Tsadkan does, that Eritrea bears the majority of responsibility is to overlook the structural and political agency of the Ethiopian state in orchestrating the war itself.

Moreover, General Tsadkan’s framing reflects a broader pattern of selective accountability that has long plagued Ethiopian political discourse. As Christopher Clapham notes in *The Horn of Africa: State Formation and Decay* (2017), regional elites often manipulate narratives of blame to preserve their legitimacy and deflect scrutiny. By portraying Eritrea as the primary perpetrator, Tsadkan positions himself and by extension, elements of the Tigrayan leadership as victims of external aggression rather than as participants in a complex web of political miscalculations and internal divisions.

This rhetorical manoeuvre also undermines the principle of impartial justice. Genuine accountability requires acknowledging the shared and layered nature of responsibility. While Eritrean forces undoubtedly committed widespread atrocities including extrajudicial killings, s*xual violence, and looting, as documented by Human Rights Watch (2022) these crimes occurred within a framework established by the Ethiopian government’s invitation and coordination. As legal scholar Mark Drumbl explains in *Atrocity, Punishment, and International Law* (2007), the hierarchy of responsibility in international crimes extends beyond direct perpetrators to include those who plan, facilitate, or enable such acts. By this measure, the Ethiopian government remains the primary architect of the Tigray war and thus bears the lion’s share of accountability.

General Tsadkan’s attempt to externalise blame onto Eritrea risks distorting the historical record and impeding the process of truth and reconciliation. A credible investigation must therefore examine the full chain of command from the political leadership in Addis Ababa to the allied Eritrean forces and regional actors. Only through such comprehensive scrutiny can justice be served and the moral integrity of Tigray’s struggle for survival be preserved.

In conclusion, while Eritrean forces are indeed culpable for heinous crimes committed in Tigray, the Ethiopian government cannot escape ultimate responsibility for initiating and sustaining the conflict. General Tsadkan’s contradictory statements reveal an effort to reshape accountability for political convenience, yet history and international law are clear: the orchestrator of war bears the greatest burden of guilt.

Addis-Alem Belay (PhD)

General Tsadkan’s Conspiracy to divide TigrayThe recent leak of a telephone conversation allegedly between General Tsadk...
13/10/2025

General Tsadkan’s Conspiracy to divide Tigray

The recent leak of a telephone conversation allegedly between General Tsadkan Gebretensae and Bisrat Amare has ignited widespread discussion across Tigray, exposing the deepening fractures within the region’s political and military elite. The content of the conversation, now circulating widely online, appears to reveal the extent to which General Tsadkan’s political outlook has shifted from one of strategic leadership to one coloured by resentment and personal grievance. What was once viewed as the voice of a seasoned commander and reform-minded thinker now seems increasingly driven by revenge politics and disillusionment.

General Tsadkan, long respected for his military acumen during Tigray’s liberation struggle and his later role in shaping post-conflict governance, has in recent years adopted a tone that many perceive as divisive and reactionary. The leaked exchange suggests a fixation on settling old scores rather than addressing the pressing needs of post-war Tigray reconstruction, social healing, and political reconciliation. Instead of articulating a forward-looking vision, his words reflect frustration with former allies and a determination to assert dominance in a rapidly changing political environment.

This shift has disappointed many who once saw General Tsadkan as a pragmatic figure capable of guiding Tigray through its most turbulent chapter. His apparent descent into revenge politics mirrors the broader crisis of leadership described by scholars such as Alex de Waal in *The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa* (2015), who argues that personal networks and survival strategies often override institutional integrity in the region’s political culture. Similarly, historian Gebru Tareke, in *The Ethiopian Revolution: War in the Horn of Africa* (2009), highlights how the legacy of militarised politics continues to shape the behaviour of former commanders long after the battlefield has fallen silent.

Bisrat Amare’s role in the conversation further illuminates the complex web of loyalties and rivalries within Tigray’s political scene. His responses, though cautious, expose the persistence of informal power structures that operate behind official institutions. The discussion between the two men underscores the erosion of trust among former comrades and the absence of a coherent strategy for Tigray’s recovery. It also reflects a broader malaise — a political culture still dominated by suspicion, pride, and the pursuit of personal vindication rather than collective progress.

Public reaction to the leak has been divided. Some critics condemn the act of leaking private communications, arguing that it violates ethical boundaries and deepens political polarisation. Others, however, see it as a revealing moment a candid glimpse into the mindset of those who continue to shape Tigray’s fragile post-war order. For many Tigrayans, the conversation confirms long-standing concerns that elements within the leadership remain more focused on internal rivalries than on rebuilding the region.

Ultimately, the leaked conversation marks a defining moment in how General Tsadkan is perceived within Tigray. It illustrates the peril of allowing personal grievances to overshadow the collective mission of reconstruction and reconciliation. As scholars like Christopher Clapham have noted in *The Horn of Africa: State Formation and Decay* (2017), sustainable peace requires visionary leadership grounded in humility and inclusion. For Tigray to move forward, it must prioritise healing, accountability, and renewal not the politics of revenge.

Addis-Alem Belay (PhD)

An Open Letter to General Tsadkan GebretensaeGeneral Tsadkan,  Your recent remarks accusing the Tigray regional administ...
12/10/2025

An Open Letter to General Tsadkan Gebretensae

General Tsadkan,

Your recent remarks accusing the Tigray regional administration of preparing for renewed conflict with the Ethiopian federal government have raised serious moral and political concerns. Many who once respected your leadership and your role in defending Tigray during its darkest and most uncertain days now find it difficult to reconcile those memories with your current position. The government you now advise is the very same one issuing inflammatory and fear‑driven statements about a possible second invasion of Tigray.

How, then, can you claim the moral authority to condemn Tigray for alleged militarisation while standing alongside those who openly threaten its people? This contradiction is not simply political it is ethical. It undermines the credibility of your words and casts doubt on whether your present actions serve the cause of peace or the ambitions of those intent on reigniting conflict.

The federal government’s recent rhetoric represents a clear act of scaremongering by portraying Tigray as an aggressor, it seeks to justify pre‑emptive military action under the guise of national security. Yet the people of Tigray still reeling from years of war, displacement, and deprivation are not seeking confrontation. They are seeking recovery, dignity, and the chance to rebuild their lives. Your participation in this narrative, whether through direct endorsement or silent complicity, lends legitimacy to a dangerous agenda that risks plunging the region back into turmoil.

Equally concerning are reports that **training camps have been established in Afar**, allegedly with the involvement or approval of individuals close to you. These camps are said to target young Tigrayans, persuading them to take up arms not to defend their homeland, but to serve interests that undermine their own community. If such reports are accurate, they represent a profound betrayal of the very people whose courage and sacrifice once defined your reputation. To mislead the youth of Tigray into fighting their own brothers and sisters would be an unforgivable act of manipulation and moral failure.

No responsible government can be expected to “fold its arms” and wait passively while threats of invasion loom. The Tigray administration, like any legitimate authority, has both the right and the duty to protect its citizens. To demand otherwise is to deny Tigray its most fundamental right to self‑defence. Peace cannot be achieved through submission; it must be built upon mutual respect, dialogue, and a shared commitment to justice and accountability.

General Tsadkan, if you truly wish to be remembered as a statesman rather than a partisan actor, your path is clear. Use your influence to **advocate for dialogue, transparency, and restraint**.

Speak out against those who promote fear and division. Stand once again with the people whose trust you once earned through courage, clarity, and sacrifice.

History will not only remember the battles you fought, but also the choices you make in this fragile moment. The people of Tigray deserve leaders who embody consistency, integrity, and moral conviction. It is not too late to reclaim that legacy but doing so requires the courage to stand for truth, even when it challenges the power you now serve.

Respectfully,
Addis-Alem Belay (PhD)

04/10/2025

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