Open Gambia

20/12/2025

PRESS RELEASE

ECOWAS Election Observation Mission Assesses Preparedness Ahead of Guinea’s Presidential Elections

CONAKRY, GUINEA — As part of its support toward safeguarding the integrity of the upcoming democratic process in the republic of Guinea, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Election Observation Mission (EOM) has commenced stakeholder engagements in Conakry ahead of the Presidential elections scheduled for December 28th. Upon arrival, the delegation was received by the ECOWAS Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea, H.E. Louis-Blaise Aka Brou, who reaffirmed the Commission’s commitment to the mission and pledged full diplomatic and logistical support for its successful ex*****on.

Recognizing the critical role of grassroots monitoring, the 15-member EOM team held consultations with key regional and national civil society actors. Initial discussions were held with representatives from the West Africa Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP), followed by a visit to the headquarters of the Network of Civil Society Organizations of Guinea (CNOSCG). During these briefings, civil society leaders announced a massive mobilization effort, revealing plans to deploy 8,000 trained observers across the country. This large-scale deployment aims to monitor the electoral process before, during, and after the polls to guarantee a free, fair, and transparent outcome. Representatives of the civil society network described the current political climate as calm, reporting zero incidents of violence leading up to the vote. They emphasized that the Guinean citizenry is highly motivated and looking forward to a seamless transition back to a democratic dispensation and long-term national development.

In his remarks, Mr. Serigne Mamadou Ka expressed his gratitude for the warm reception and the detailed briefings provided by the stakeholders. "We are encouraged by the level of preparedness and the collaborative spirit of the civil society organizations," said Mr. Ka. "Gaining first-hand information from those on the ground is vital for our mission to support a credible and peaceful electoral process in Guinea." The ECOWAS EOM will continue its engagements with other stakeholders as the December 28th election approaches.

20/12/2025

The National Assembly Must Uphold the Constitution and its Standing Orders.

UPHOLD THE CONSTITUTION: National Assembly's Constitutional Duty Calls by Madi Jobarteh!

The cry of protest from Hon. Modou L. Bah, Member for Banjul North, reverberates far beyond a mere procedural quibble. His public critique of the National Assembly’s decision to adjourn a session without holding the compulsory adjournment debate signals a more profound constitutional and democratic concern for the legislative integrity of our country. According to The Standard, Hon. Bah described the omission as “unjustifiable and unacceptable,” noting that it was the third time in succession the Assembly had adjourned without affording Members a platform to raise pressing national and constituency issues.

At the heart of this controversy is Member for Saloum Alhagie Mbow’s motion under Standing Order 54(b) and (c) to adjourn without debate. In itself, such a motion may sound plausible to those unfamiliar with the legal architecture of our parliamentary rules. But legal and procedural plausibility is not the same as legality. In this instance, the motion runs counter to the precise, unambiguous requirements of the Standing Orders of the National Assembly.

Parliamentary procedure is law, and not convenience. Under the Assembly’s Standing Orders, the adjournment debate at the end of a Session is not optional. Instead, it is a compulsory procedural obligation. Two interlocking provisions underscore this.

Standing Order 11(2)(b) mandates that “on the completion of business at the last sitting of each Session, there shall be a debate on the motion on the adjournment of the Assembly.” This language is not permissive; it is prescriptive.

Standing Order 54(1) further provides that this motion must be moved by specified office holders such as the Majority or Minority Leader, or in their absence, any Member.

Taken together, these clauses make one point unmistakably clear: the adjournment debate at the end of a Session is a substantive, standalone part of the legislative calendar, not a negotiable add-on. It is compulsory. The adjournment debate is the only scheduled space where NAMs, particularly from minority parties and smaller constituencies, can raise matters of urgent public interest that may not be on the formal Order Paper.

Hon. Bah highlighted some of these issues, citing energy tariffs, environmental concerns related to sand mining and wildlife protection, and other constituency matters that would have benefited from the Assembly floor. When the opportunity for such debate is repeatedly denied, the effect is to silence voices and shrink democratic space inside the legislature.

Mbow’s motion to adjourn without debate, even if couched in the broad language of Standing Order 54, cannot override the specific, mandatory directive of Standing Order 11(2)(b). Under established rules of statutory and procedural interpretation, a particular mandate cannot be nullified by a general or subsidiary provision. If lawmakers intend to dispense with a compulsory adjournment debate, the only lawful means to do so would be to suspend the relevant Standing Orders in accordance with the Assembly’s own rules. No such suspension was recorded.

By allowing a pattern of adjournments without debate to take hold, the National Assembly has set a dangerous precedent. If procedure becomes subject to convenience rather than obligation, then the very mechanisms designed to ensure robust oversight and accountability are undermined. This is not just bad practice, but it also erodes trust in the institution and weakens the representative function of Members who serve as the voice of their constituents.

I hereby call on the Speaker to ensure that the adjournment debate is never shelved. Equally, I urge Alhagie Mbow in particular and all NAMs not to ever suggest or take any decision to suspend the adjournment debate again. I urge the Clerk and Table Office to provide proper guidance to the Speaker and NAMs to realise and fulfil their obligations in line with the law.

The repeated skipping of required adjournment debates is not merely a procedural lapse but also a constitutional concern that warrants immediate corrective action. NAMs must ensure total adherence to the Standing Orders and demonstrate commitment to debate as a tool of accountability, which can only strengthen the Assembly, honour the voices of all NAMs, and affirm The Gambia’s democratic aspirations.

For The Gambia, Our Homeland!

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20/12/2025

BARROW ADMINISTRATION UNDER FIRE: Whistleblower Uncovers Alleged Cover-Up!

The IMF Governance Report: The Gambians Are Not Allowed to Read!

On 9 December 2025, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) published the Sierra Leone Governance and Corruption Diagnostic 2025. The report was direct and uncompromising. It quantified the economic cost of corruption, exposed deep structural governance failures, and warned of long-term damage to national development. Most importantly, it was made public, with the consent of the Sierra Leonean government.

That decision now casts a harsh light on The Gambia.

Because nearly three years earlier, in January 2023, the IMF conducted a Governance and Corruption Diagnostic Assessment (GDA) for The Gambia. To this day, Gambians are not allowed to read it.

This is not speculation. It is not a rumour. The existence of the report is undisputed. Its recommendations are already shaping government policy. What remains hidden is the substance, the evidence, the institutional findings, and the analysis of corruption vulnerabilities inside the Gambian state.

And that should concern every citizen.

A Report That Exists, Is Used, but Is Hidden

In September 2024, the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs published an official document titled the Governance Diagnostic Assessment (GDA) Roadmap. The roadmap explicitly acknowledges that it is based on the IMF’s governance diagnostic. It lays out, in unusually blunt terms, serious weaknesses across state institutions, including:

• An anti-corruption framework that falls short of international standards.
• A weak and ineffective asset declaration regime.
• Gaps in access to information and transparency laws.
• Limited independence and capacity of oversight and enforcement institutions.
• Judicial delays and governance vulnerabilities within the justice system.
• Corruption risks in land administration.
• Poor oversight of state-owned enterprises.
• Weak public financial management and procurement controls

In other words, the roadmap confirms what many Gambians already know from lived experience: governance failure is not accidental; it is structural.
Yet while the recommendations drawn from the IMF diagnostic are public, the diagnosis itself is not.

This raises a fundamental question that has never been answered: Why is the government willing to publish the medicine but hide the medical report?

Selective Transparency Is Not Transparency
Governance reform depends on trust. Trust depends on openness. And openness requires full disclosure, especially when reforms are justified by external assessments funded by public and donor resources.

The refusal to publish the IMF Governance Diagnostic is therefore not a technical matter. It is a political decision.

Credible accounts consistently point to the highest levels of government as responsible for blocking publication, including President Adama Barrow and senior officials within the Ministry of Finance. Yet no formal explanation has been offered to the public. No legal justification has been cited. No timeline for disclosure has been provided.

Instead, Gambians are expected to accept reforms without access to the evidence that supposedly necessitated them.

That is not accountability. It is performance.

Why the Sierra Leone Comparison Matters

Sierra Leone’s experience matters because it removes the usual excuses.
The IMF diagnostic published this month found corruption losses exceeding the country’s total revenue over three years. It linked governance failures to inequality, instability, and long-term economic fragility. It was politically uncomfortable, and yet it was released.

So were the IMF's similar governance diagnostics in other countries, including Mali.

The Gambia is not unique. Its report is not unprecedented. Its suppression is.

Where Is the National Assembly? Where Is the Opposition?

Equally troubling is the silence.

Why has the National Assembly not formally demanded the release of the report?
Why have opposition parties not made this a central accountability issue?
Why are journalists quick to amplify IMF press releases while ignoring the one report the government refuses to publish?

If oversight institutions and political actors cannot demand transparency on a report that directly assesses corruption and governance, then the problem is deeper than any single administration.

A Test of Credibility, Not a Request

This is no longer a matter for polite appeals or procedural excuses. It is a test of credibility.

The Government of The Gambia must publish the complete IMF Governance and Corruption Diagnostic Assessment conducted in January 2023, without redactions and without delay. Anything less confirms that the issue is not capacity, timing, or technical clearance, but fear of scrutiny.

The National Assembly must do its job. Opposition members must table formal motions, demand explanations on the floor of Parliament, and insist that no governance reform agenda can proceed. At the same time, its foundational evidence remains hidden from the people.

The media must stop treating this as a side issue. Journalists and editors should repeatedly and publicly ask: What is the government afraid Gambians will see?

And the IMF itself must clarify its position. If it did not object to publication, it should say so. Silence only reinforces the perception that secrecy is being normalised.

Transparency is not optional in a democracy. It is not granted at the convenience of those in power. It is an obligation.

Until this report is published, every anti-corruption speech, every reform roadmap, and every claim of accountability stands on weakened ground.

The choice is simple and unavoidable:
Publish the report, or admit that transparency in The Gambia has limits set by those it should be restraining.

The Gambian people deserve the truth. Not summaries. Not roadmaps.
The full report. Now.

Your support means the world to us! Please follow our page to keep up with our latest posts, and don't forget to hit that like button and share our content with your friends. Thank you for being a part of the OPEN GAMBIA PLATFORM community! Anon on 20 December 2025! Views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of TheOpenGambiaPlatform!

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20/12/2025

Moderation or Muzzling? Barrow’s Dangerous Framing of Press Freedom!

By Ndey Jobarteh!

"While acknowledging that differences between government and the press are inevitable, he urged moderation in how criticism is expressed, warning that hostile narratives could have broader consequences. “We may have divergent views, but the way we moderate our differences can enhance our diplomatic and networking efforts, attract investments, and stimulate economic growth,” he said, calling on media owners, editors and broadcasters to adopt a more constructive tone." President Barrow at the Presidential Media Dinner, State House. The Fatu Network reports!

President Adama Barrow’s remarks at the Presidential Media Dinner reveal a familiar, and deeply problematic, framing of press freedom in The Gambia. Calling on journalists to “moderate” criticism in the name of diplomacy, investment, and growth subtly shifts responsibility away from those in power and onto the press. It implies that scrutiny, exposure, and adversarial reporting are impediments to development rather than essential safeguards of it. This logic is flawed.

Independent media does not repel investment; corruption, opacity, and impunity do. Credible investors look for strong institutions, predictable rules, and accountability, not a compliant press. Economic growth is not built on silence or “constructive tone,” but on truth, transparency, and the rule of law.

Differences between government and the press are not merely “inevitable”; they are necessary in a democracy. The media’s role is not to harmonize with power, but to interrogate it, especially when public resources, governance failures, and abuse of authority are at stake.

When a president warns against “hostile narratives,” the concern is not diplomacy; it is control of the narrative. History, particularly our own, shows that once leaders begin policing tone, content soon follows.

The press does not owe the government moderation. The government owes the people accountability.

Picture credit: Network

19/12/2025

https://askanigambia.com/

Free Mr. Abdoulie Sanyang.

2026 Presidential Election Countdown: 350 days left.

Theme: Mile2 Prison in the Spotlight: Unpacking ECOWAS’ role amid the Jammeh-Barrow Saga.

Guest: Bun Dawda.

Date: Friday, December 19, 2025.

Time: 10:00 p.m. in Banjul, 10:00 p.m. in UK, 11:00 p.m. in Stockholm.

Our guest this evening is Bun Dawda. He will provide insights into the sale of Mile2 Prison, a decision by the government that left many Gambians astonished and questioning the rationale behind the sale of another piece of national heritage.

Bun Dawda will also share his perspectives on the role of ECOWAS in the West African region. It seems that President Adama is concerned that Jammeh's numerous WhatsApp audios could jeopardize his campaign for a third term in the upcoming elections next year.

Following a complaint made by President Adama Barrow at the ECOWAS, Yahya Jammeh was cautioned to cease and refrain from such deliberate actions that disrupt Barrow's peace at night. Bun Dawda will provide his insights.

AG Host: Salieu Njie.

www.askanigambia.com
WhatsApp Phone numbers:
+46 725 442288 / +353 833 520335.

Repeal the draconian colonial Public Order Act.

Respect Section 25 of the constitution of The Gambia.

"The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy." Dr. Martin Luther King.

19/12/2025

https://www.eurasiareview.com/15122025-the-gambias-democratic-crossroads-how-barrow-squandered-the-authority-that-made-him-analysis/

Mandinkas have a concept for the kind of authority Adama Barrow once had: fang majiyo aniƞ horromo niƞ boo-ñaa: the quiet legitimacy that accrues to someone humble, respectful, sociable. This is not the theatrical magnetism that Western political theory calls charisma. It is authority grounded in...

19/12/2025

PUBLIC STATEMENT 19th December 2025

*EFSCRJ Welcomes Supreme Court Ruling on the Minister of Finance for Violation of Constitution on Budget Submission*

The rule of law is the foundation of any civilized and democratic society. It is the basis upon which rights are protected and fulfilled, justice is administered, and public office holders are required to exercise authority in a predictable, accountable, and lawful manner. Where the rule of law is disregarded, personal whims and caprice prevail, leading inevitably to underperformance, abuse of office, corruption, and widespread human rights violations.

In the Gambia, the rule of law is firmly established in the Constitution and other statutes, which all public officials without exception are duty-bound to uphold at all times. Peace, security, stability, and sustainable development can only be achieved within the confines of constitutionalism and legality. Without the rule of law, anarchy and impunity take root.

It is against this backdrop that the Edward Francis Small Centre for Rights and Justice welcomes the ruling of the Supreme Court on December 18, which held that the Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs Seedy Keita violated the Constitution by failing to submit the 2025 budget estimates to the National Assembly within the constitutionally stipulated timeframe. This landmark decision sends an unambiguous message that public officials are not above the law and that constitutional obligations are mandatory, not optional.

Crucially, the ruling also affirms that when citizens stand up to demand accountability through lawful means, the courts will hear and adjudicate their claims accordingly. This reinforces public confidence in the Judiciary and underscores the importance of litigation as a legitimate and powerful tool for promoting good governance, constitutionalism, and human rights protection in the Gambia.

By this decision, the Minister of Finance and indeed all public officials must recognize that public office carries not only legal obligations but also the duty to perform with the highest standards of professionalism, efficiency, diligence, and integrity. The failure to comply with clear constitutional timelines in the submission of the national budget constitutes gross misconduct and underperformance, for which accountability must follow.

EFSCRJ therefore calls on the President and the National Assembly to take appropriate action against Minister of Finance, Seedy Keita, in line with their respective constitutional oversight and accountability responsibilities. The Supreme Court has discharged its constitutional duty. The responsibility now rests squarely with the Executive and the Legislature to act decisively and send a clear signal that violations of the Constitution and impunity will not be tolerated. No citizen regardless of status, office, or political affiliation should be allowed to breach the law without consequences.

As an accountability and governance organization, EFSCRJ will continue to monitor the conduct of public institutions and officials at both central and local government levels to ensure consistent compliance with the Constitution and the law.

In this regard, EFSCRJ commends veteran activist Pa Samba Jow, the Executive Director of Centre for Research and Policy Development Sait Matty Jaw, activist Baboucarr Nyang, and our Executive Director, Madi Jobarteh, together with their legal representatives, Salieu Taal, Lamin J Darboe and Abdoulie Fatty, for demonstrating vigilance, courage, and active citizenship by pursuing this matter to the highest court of the land. Their action has significantly strengthened constitutional accountability, the rule of law, and democratic governance in The Gambia.

EFSCRJ remains committed to defending constitutionalism, promoting accountability, and ensuring that public power is exercised strictly in the interest of the Gambian people.

2025 – The Year of Transparency and Accountability

19/12/2025

PRESS RELEASE
ECOWAS Deploys Medium-Term Observers to Guinea Ahead of the Country’s Presidential Elections

ABUJA, NIGERIA – As part of its support toward restoring constitutional order in the Republic of Guinea, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has deployed a Medium-Term Election Observation Mission (MTEOM) to Guinea.
The fifteen-member technical team arrived in the Guinean capital on Thursday, December 18, 2025, to begin their assessment ahead of the presidential election scheduled for December 28, 2025. Approved by the President of the ECOWAS Commission, H.E. Dr Omar Alieu Touray, the mission is led by Mr Serigne Mamadou Ka, acting Head of the ECOWAS Electoral Assistance Division. The delegation comprises specialists across several critical thematic areas such as electoral administration and logistics, constitutional and legal affairs, Conflict management and prevention, gender mainstreaming and media monitoring, to ensure a comprehensive evaluation of the electoral process.

The Medium-Term team will soon be bolstered by the arrival of 120 Short-Term Observers (STOs), who will monitor polling-day activities and the immediate post-election environment. This deployment is conducted in strict accordance with the ECOWAS Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. The protocol mandates the Commission to provide technical and observational support to Member States during primary elections to ensure transparency, credibility, and peace.

The December 28 polls represent a pivotal moment for Guinea, marking the end of a transition period that followed the military takeover on September 5, 2021, led by Colonel Mamady Doumbouya. Following the 2021 coup, ECOWAS suspended Guinea from its decision-making bodies. However, the Commission has maintained a sustained and constructive dialogue with the authorities in Conakry to facilitate a peaceful return to a democratic dispensation. The presence of the ECOWAS Observation Mission underscores the regional bloc's unwavering commitment to supporting the Republic of Guinea in its quest for a stable, civilian-led government.

18/12/2025

Re-Electing Barrow: Duty or Dereliction? The Gambia's 2026 Election Dilemma!

Opinion Article by Salifu Manneh.

Voting is not merely a ritual of participation; it is a moral and civic responsibility anchored in accountability, performance, and the defence of democratic values. When citizens knowingly endorse failure, impunity, and regression, voting ceases to be a civic duty and becomes an abdication of responsibility to the nation and future generations. In the case of President Adama Barrow, a third mandate would symbolise precisely that. Basically, I have repeatedly thought about 10 reasons why Barrow should not return to the State House as our president in the 2026 presidential elections.

1. Betrayal of the 2016 Social Contract: Barrow came into power with a very popular majority, high expectations and hopefulness in the general population, having wrestled and flattened dictatorship on its back and shown him his way out of the country. Barrow’s rise to power in 2016 was not built on charisma or ideology but on a collective promise:
 To dismantle the dictatorship.
 To restore institutions.
 To uphold justice.
 To serve as a transitional leader, not a career politician.

That promise was broken almost immediately. Instead of leading democratic renewal, Barrow entrenched himself in power, abandoned coalition agreements, and gradually adopted the very authoritarian habits Gambians rejected in 2016. A third-term vote would validate betrayal as acceptable governance behaviour.

2. Legislative Capture and the Normalisation of Dictatorship Enablers:
The appointment of Fabakary Tombong Jatta as Speaker and Seedy Njie as Deputy Speaker was not accidental. It was a calculated political decision and a legacy that aggravates the country's mood.
These are individuals who:
• Served as key pillars of Jammeh’s dictatorship.
• Attempted to manipulate constitutional provisions to nullify election results.
• Actively worked to extend authoritarian rule.
• By elevating them to the leadership of the National Assembly, Barrow:
• Rehabilitated dictatorship enablers.
• Undermined transitional justice.

Sent a message that loyalty to power matters more than democratic values.
Voting for Barrow again would endorse the institutional recycling of authoritarianism.
3. Sabotage of Transitional Justice and Rule of Law.
a) TRRC Recommendations Ignored.
The Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission was meant to:
 Deliver justice.
 Offer closure to victims.
 Ensure non-repetition.

Barrow selectively accepted recommendations while shielding politically advantageous perpetrators. Justice became negotiable. The victims became marginalised entirely as if they had no say or voice at all in the whole matter. While the alleged perpetrators continue to enjoy life to the fullest, the victims have been left on their own, abandoned by a government that was delegated the roles and responsibilities to protect them.

Humiliated by the dictator, neglected by Barrow and his administration, their post-traumatic experiences continue to flare unabated.
b) Janneh Commission Findings Undermined.
Despite clear evidence of economic crimes:
Assets recovery stalled
Prosecutions were limited
Political allies were protected

c) 2020 Draft Constitution Betrayed
• The draft constitution represented:
• Term limits.
• Stronger checks and balances.
• A break from personalised rule.
Barrow actively campaigned against it because it threatened his political survival. That act alone disqualifies him from any democratic legitimacy.
4. Corruption Without Consequence.
Corruption scandals under Barrow have become routine, not exceptional:
• Public procurement irregularities.
• Unexplained wealth accumulation.
• Abuse of office.
• Lack of serious investigations.

There is no credible anti-corruption drive; it is only performative rhetoric. When corruption goes unpunished, it becomes state policy. Voting for Barrow again would normalise impunity as governance.

5. Human Catastrophe: Youth, Health, and Social Collapse at such an unimaginable rate and time.
We have a youthful population, and to think that the youth unemployment rate is significantly high and got worse under Barrow’s clock is extremely disheartening. Our youthful population are marginalised. Barrow and his administration reject them. To think that, even after 10 years in power, Barrow and his administration have not been able to create as few as 1,000 new jobs for the youth is a national disgrace and a colossal failure.

a) Youth Migration and Deaths:
 Young Gambians continue to:
 Die in the deserts.
 Drown in the Mediterranean.
 Risk everything due to hopelessness.
This is not a migration crisis but a governance failure.

b) The Poisoned Syrup Tragedy:
 Over 70 innocent children died, yet:
 No meaningful accountability.
 No transparent prosecutions.
 No systemic reform.

A government that cannot protect children or deliver justice when they die has forfeited moral authority, lost dignity, lost respect, lost passion & compassion and should not deserve any support from the people for re-election into office.

c) Maternal Deaths and Health System Decay.
 Rising maternal mortality reflects:
 Poor investment.
 Weak infrastructure.
 Lack of political urgency.

Healthcare has not improved despite years of donor support.

6. Economic Hardship and Elite Enrichment.
Barrow’s:
Astronomical salary.
Lavish benefits.
Expanding presidential privileges.
Stand in obscene contrast to:
Rising cost of living for the average Gambian
Mass unemployment
Informal survival economies
Leadership without sacrifice is exploitation. A third term would entrench elite comfort amid mass suffering.

7. National Assets and Institutional Decay.

 Sale of national assets without transparency.
 The controversial sale of Yahya Jammeh’s assets recovered from the Janneh Commission.
 Weak parliamentary oversight.
 Decline of public institutions.
Even symbols of national pride, such as the country’s main football stadium, have deteriorated under Barrow’s watch, reflecting broader institutional neglect.

8. Security Failures and State Fragility.
Internal security is visibly weakened:
• Rising crime.
• Poor intelligence coordination.
• Politicisation of security forces.
A government unable to guarantee basic security cannot claim legitimacy.

9. The Moral Cost of a Third Term.
• Voting for Barrow again would mean:
• Accepting broken promises as usual.
• Endorsing injustice.
• Rewarding incompetence.
• Teaching future leaders that failure has no consequences.

• That is not a civic duty. It is civic surrender.
Conclusion: Democracy Requires Courage, Not Comfort.

True democracy is not about familiarity or fear of change. It is about moral courage, accountability, and collective self-respect.
A third term for Adama Barrow would:
Undermine democratic renewal.
Institutionalise impunity.

Cement mediocrity as governance.
To vote against Barrow is not to reject democracy; it is to defend it.

Your support means the world to us! Please follow our page to keep up with our latest posts, and don't forget to hit that like button and share our content with your friends. Thank you for being a part of the OPEN GAMBIA PLATFORM community! Salifu Manneh on 18 December 2025! Views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of TheOpenGambiaPlatform!

You can now write for the Open Gambia Platform, share information anonymously, and join the community. Please share your stories!