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20/08/2025

THE ORIGINS AND CONTINUITIES OF ASANTE–DORMAA HOSTILITIES

The rivalry between Asante and Domaa is one of the longest-standing political and cultural antagonisms in Akan history. Rooted in the military conflicts of the late seventeenth century and carried into the chieftaincy politics of modern Ghana, the Asante–Domaa relationship illustrates how history, identity, and memory continue to shape contemporary institutions.

Early Rivalries: The Seventeenth-Century Foundations

The origins of this rivalry date back to the reign of Kwaamanhene Nana Obiri Yeboah (c.1660–1680). At this time, Kwaaman (later Kumasi) was a rising polity determined to resist Denkyira overlordship. Obiri Yeboah sought to build alliances with neighboring states to form a common front, but Domaa—then based at Suntreso—consistently opposed the idea.

The opposition escalated into five successive wars, in which Domaa prevailed on each occasion. The fifth conflict proved fatal when Obiri Yeboah was killed in battle against the Domaa forces, led by Dei K**i. This event left a deep imprint in Asante oral traditions as the moment that revealed both the vulnerability of Kwaaman and the necessity of broader unity.

Osei Tutu I and the Birth of Asante Unity

After Obiri Yeboah’s death, leadership passed to his nephew, Kofi Tutu (later Osei Tutu I, r. c.1698–1717) of the Oyoko clan. His rise to power was secured through the patronage of Akwamuhene Nana Ansa Sasraku, who supplied 300 musketeers as bodyguards, and through the spiritual and political guidance of Okomfo Anokye.

Osei Tutu’s first major campaign was directed against Domaa. In this war, Domaa was defeated, their ruler Domaa K**i was beheaded, and the people expelled from Suntreso. Forced to migrate westward, they eventually resettled in the Bono area, where they continued to launch retaliatory campaigns. To contain them, Asante established a garrison at what later became Berekum, originally a military post of Asokore warriors.

On this foundation of conquest, Osei Tutu and Komfo Anokye forged a unifying spiritual-political ideology. The Golden Stool (Sika Dwa Kofi) was revealed in the 1690s, symbolizing the unity of Asante. Shortly thereafter, Asante defeated Denkyira at the Battle of Feyiase (1701), marking the full emergence of the Asante Confederacy.

Longstanding Points of Conflict

Domaa’s relocation did not end their tensions with Asante. Several enduring disputes characterized their relationship:
1. Exile and Relocation: Domaa’s present location is the result of their expulsion by Asante; at one stage, they were even forced further toward Gyaman.
2. Wars Against Neighboring States: Domaa waged campaigns against states like Sampa, Seikwa, and Berekum when these aligned with Asante.
3. Status in Manhyia: Traditionally, the Domaahene was assigned the ritual role of Kra Dwarafoɔ (soul washer) to the Asantehene, a duty perceived as humiliating.
4. 1935 Confederacy Restoration: When the Asante Confederacy was reconstituted under British indirect rule, Domaa opposed the move, though the majority of chiefs voted in favor.⁵
5. Brong-Ahafo Region Creation: In the 1950s, Domaa and Techiman lobbied Kwame Nkrumah for a separate region. In 1959, the Brong-Ahafo Region was formally created, cutting away the Western Asante area.
6. National House of Chiefs Disputes: Domaa and allies opposed the Asantehene’s life presidency of the National House of Chiefs, leading to Prempeh II’s withdrawal—a precedent still followed.⁷
7. Chieftaincy Rivalries: Domaa resisted the elevation of Sampa to paramountcy under Asantehene’s authority.
8. Bono Kyempem: Domaa and Techiman encouraged other Bono states to form Bono Kyempem, challenging Asante’s influence and pressing for the renaming of Western Ashanti to Brong-Ahafo.
9. Regional Reconfigurations: By contrast, Ahafo chiefs swore allegiance to the Golden Stool and later succeeded in creating Ahafo Region in 2018.
10. Persistent Loyalties: States such as Banda, Nkoranza, Seikwa, Mo, and Sampa continue to look to Manhyia rather than Bono Kyempem.

The Cultural Dimension of Pain

Beyond politics, cultural memory sustains the rivalry. During the great durbars at Manhyia, the ex*****oners (abrafoɔ) recite the victories of Asante history. These chants include the names of defeated rulers—Domaa K**i, Gyaamanhene, and King Adinkra of Bono-Manso.

In recent years, the Dormaahene Osagyefo Oseadeeyo Agyemang Badu II has publicly lamented the pain these recitations bring, but Asante custom forbids their removal. The reason lies in a sacred covenant: before the decisive Denkyira War of 1701, Kumawuhene Nana Tweneboah Kodua I sacrificed his life on condition that Asante would forever remember the names of its vanquished foes.⁸

From the death of Obiri Yeboah in the late seventeenth century to the Brong-Ahafo debates of the twentieth century and the chieftaincy rivalries reported in Ghanaian newspapers today, the Asante–Domaa relationship exemplifies the persistence of historical memory in shaping political identities.

As The Africa Report (2024) noted, contemporary clashes between Otumfuo Osei Tutu II and Dormaahene Agyemang Badu II are not merely personal disagreements, but echoes of centuries-old rivalries rooted in war, ritual, and contested authority. This is a living history—where the past continues to define the present.

[KOOKOspqs!

14/07/2025

The seeming conflict btn Azuma and E&P is a decoy, it is staged to prepare our mind for a future judgement debt against the state!

25/05/2025

Is Price Control unlawful, if no then what stops Government from amending the Capitalist Policy of a Free Market Economy?
LetItBe!

ISRAEL HAS ALWAYS BEEN A LONE RANGER, SO DAWN YOU HYPOCRITES!Hey UK, last time I checked your mandate ended 77 years ago...
22/05/2025

ISRAEL HAS ALWAYS BEEN A LONE RANGER, SO DAWN YOU HYPOCRITES!

Hey UK, last time I checked your mandate ended 77 years ago, so what you think or don’t think about Israel’s right to defend itself is of absolutely zero relevance or importance.

Wanna go to economic war with Israel? Good luck not using Israeli intelligence or Israeli tech.

You can start by powering off the phone you’re reading this on because many of its components were built in Israel. Do the same for your computer, for your drip irrigation, for your cherry tomatoes, and for your cancer treatments. Say goodbye to them all.

Do me a solid and pass on this memo to Canada and France.

You guys have lost the plot long ago.

If there’s a store in your area that repairs moral compasses, go pay them a visit.

By the way, open a history book to see what happened to those who stand against the Jews.

It’s not a good ending for ya.

NETANYAHU

14/05/2025

Ei yi! So Anas has once again lose an El Classico against Ken? $500 for Hala Madrid is painful than a defeat! Kafra! O Sey Barca!!

THERE IS NO ORDER AGAINST THE SPEAKER.The Supreme Court decision released this afternoon is interesting. The majority de...
15/11/2024

THERE IS NO ORDER AGAINST THE SPEAKER.
The Supreme Court decision released this afternoon is interesting. The majority decision raises a number of legal issues. Since this is a public and not legal platform I will discuss the most basic but fundamental issue for debate.

In every case before the courts, the court’s final judgment is based on the case presented to the court contained in the original papers filed by the plaintiff before the court. If the facts on which the plaintiff initially presented their case to the court changes, and they want the court’s decision to reflect the changed circumstances, they must formally change their original case by way of an amendment. The Supreme Court rules allow the plaintiff to amend their statement of case.

Now the majority judgment unequivocally admits that at the time the Plaintiff filed his case, the Speaker’s response to the statement made by the Leader of the NDC caucus in Parliament HAD NOT BEEN MADE. Darko Asare JSC admits that the Plaintiff instituted his action on 15/10/2024 and the Speaker made his statement on 17/10/2024. The Plaintiff’s reliefs therefore did not pray the Supreme Court to declare the Speaker’s response to the statement null and void. Darko Asare JSC therefore conceded in page 4 [see especially paragraph 4 of his judgment] that on the facts on which the Plaintiff instituted the action before the Court, there was no issue on which the Supreme Court’s exclusive original jurisdiction was legitimately be invoked.

Darko Asare JSC also admitted that it is events after the Plaintiff instituted the action in the Supreme Court that was of concern to the majority. The Plaintiff however, did not formally, by way of an amendment to his case formally bring the new facts to the Court as part of the substantive case before the Court. The new facts came to the Supreme Court by way of an interlocutory ex parte application and the Court dealt with it. The substantive case however remained the same.

Darko Asare JSC therefore admitted that it is subsequent events occurring “two days after the issuance of” the writ which is the Speaker’s statement that the affected MPs “cannot be allowed by law, to continue to pretend to be representing their constituents” and Parliament was accordingly so informed that constituted the “act” that caused the Supreme Court to stay ex*****on of the Speaker’s said statement pending the determination of the matter by the Supreme Court. See page 5 of his judgment.

The Court however justified its decision to assume jurisdiction in respect of the Speaker’s subsequent response to the Leader’s statement on the ground that the decision had an “intimate connection with their jurisdiction and its inextricable link to the pleaded facts and issues.” See pages 10 and 11.

Darko Asare JSC who wrote the lead judgment of the Court therefore clearly admitted that there was no cause of action on which the Plaintiff sought and obtained the order for stay of ex*****on. The effect of this admission also is that at all times material to the judgment of the Court, the Plaintiff’s case before the Court disclosed no cause of action because the case was not formally amended to reflect the changed circumstances. It is acknowledging that this admission meant the certain perdition of the Plaintiff’s case before the Court that the majority decision had to take cognizance of a case that was not formally brought before it, to enable it entertain the Plaintiff before the Court.

In their judgments therefore, the majority decisions [both Darko Asare and Asiedu JJSC] only expressed their disagreements with the conclusion reached by the Speaker in his response to the Leader’s statement. Their final orders never pronounced that the Speaker’s response to the Leader’s statements are null and void and of no effect.

Darko Asare JSC’s parting words were as follows:
“An order declaring the interpretation placed on Article 97(1)(g) and (h) as inconsistent with the true meaning and import of Article 97(1) (g) and (h) of the 1992 Constitution.”

In effect all he says is that the constitutional provisions in controversy bear the meaning he has put on them without positively saying that he has declared the Speaker’s decision null and void. There is no repetition of the ex parte orders the Plaintiff magically obtained contrary to all and every rule of procedure in the final orders of the Court.

Asiedu JSC also concluded his judgment by disagreeing with the Speaker when he stated thus:
“In my humble view, therefore, it is incorrect and unconstitutional for the 1st Defendant to rule that the Members of Parliament concerned have vacated their seats in Parliament just for the reason that they have filed nominations to contest, as Members of Parliament, in the upcoming general elections on tickets other than those on which they were voted as members of the current Parliament. It is for these reasons that I grant relief one endorsed on the Plaintiff’s writ.”

His final words [order] however were that he only grants relief one of the Plaintiff’s reliefs. None of these reliefs to declare the Speaker’s response to the Leader’s statement null and void.

Now lets remember that after the Supreme Court has made a declaration in the exercise of its original jurisdiction it is required under the provisions of article 2 clause (2) of the Constitution to
“… make such orders and give such directions as it may consider appropriate for GIVING EFFECT, or enabling effect to be given, to the declaration so made.”

It is only where such orders and directions are made and the person to whom the orders and directions are made fails

“to obey or carry out the terms of … [the] order or direction made or given … [which] constitutes a high crime under … [the] Constitution…”

There is no order saying that the MPs must be allowed in Parliament or order directing that Parliament recognise the said MPs as earlier ordered by the Court contained in the majority decision of the Court. The order staying ex*****on of the Speaker’s ruling is NOW SPENT.

SO MR. PLAINTIFF, TANTALUS on my mind.

FOUNDERS AND EARLY SETTLERS OF BAWKU IN THE U.E.R OF GHANA - PART ONE  The Bawku township was founded by Naa Atabia betw...
08/11/2024

FOUNDERS AND EARLY SETTLERS OF BAWKU IN THE U.E.R OF GHANA - PART ONE
The Bawku township was founded by Naa Atabia between 1690-1741/2, the 10th Nayiri of Mamprugu in the early 1700s with his son Naa Ali Atabia as the first Bawkunaba. In the intro of a Book, 'THE KUSASIS-A SHORT HISTORY' [1932], SYME wrote "The Principal Town and Administrative headquarters is Bawku but it is common to refer to the whole District by that name. A corruption of the Mamprussi word 'BOKU' it means a "HOLE' or 'DEPRESSION ', and this is what the country looks like when viewed from the top of the Gambaga Scarp in Mamprussi". On page 53, he wrote again "The first chief of Bawku was Ali, son of Naa Atabia of Mamprussi who was probably one of the most outstanding figures who ever ruled at Nalerigu"
Secondly, another Anthropologist by name Cpt. R.S RATTRAY wrote on page 374-375 of his Book, 'TRIBES OF THE ASHANTI HINTERLAND' [1932], "Bawk (Bawku) are mainly Mampruse not Kusase being founded by the ruling class". The ruling class of Bawku has always been the Mamprusis since the 1700s with 15 Bawku Nabas (Chiefs) from the Mamprusi ethnic group starting from Naa Ali Atabia in 1721 to Naa Abagre Seidu Sheriga enskine in 2023 by the Nayiri. The Kusasis just like all the other tribes in the Bawku area, migrated from somewhere into the Bawku area. The Kusasis weren’t created by God on the Bawku land, neither did they fall from the sky nor emanated from the ground in the Bawku area.
Syme once again wrote, "Before migrating southwards, they had been concentrated for many years round Yuiga, Zawga and Biengu which places are just north of the present Anglo-French boundary. They're still thickly populated by Kusasis. It is mostly the Zawga and Biengu people whom we know in Toendema (Bawku West), the few real Kusasis of longstanding in Agolle (Bawku East) having come from Yuiga". Cletus Avoka and J.A Abanga also told the Col. MINYILLA COMMITTEE [1984] the same thing. In the written memorandum signed and submitted by C.A Avoka to the committee, the opinion leaders of the Kusasis stated that they migrated from Yuiga and Biengo in Burkina Faso (Upper Volta) in two main groups. They settled in Agolle and Toendema in the Bawku District". It must therefore be emphasized that the Kusasis indeed migrated from Yuiga, Biengu and Zawga in present day Burkina Faso and settled with the Mamprusis who migrated from the Gambaga-Nalerigu area in present day North-East Region and founded Bawku and other settlement areas like Sinnebaga, Tanga, Teli, Binduri etc. before the arrival of the Kusasis. These are verifiable historical facts. So, if you claim to be a Kusasi then your ancestors should hail from one of these towns in Burkina Faso unless you're a self-proclaimed Kusasi i.e a Yanga, Mossi, Bimoba, Mamprusi or Frafra turned Kusasi or unless you're a third generation Kusasi i.e descendants of Kusasi slaves turned Kusasis.
[KOOKOspqs!

04/11/2024

PART 4 - FOUNDERS AND EARLY SETTLERS OF BAWKU IN THE U.E.R OF GHANA
From the angle I see from, it seems the British colonialists used political structures to set us against Chieftancy rule by sponsoring smaller marginal tribes to fight against traditional authority and kingdoms. Similar was the case of the Asante kingdom in their wars with fellow Akanist tribes. It was the Europeans e.g. the Germans, the British and the French who came and partitioned the Mamprugu Kingdom and tried hard to limit the traditional authority of the Nayiri in some parts of his kingdom that fell under their jurisdictions. SYME wrote in page 42 of his Book, THE KUSASIS-A SHORT HISTORY, that “it is unlikely in those days either the French or Germans would’ve been pleased to see their chiefs paying tribute to the Naa of Mamprusi (Nayiri) who lives in English territory"
SYME wrote in page 47, “Bungwa (Gbewaa shrine) was placated by a semi-divine person appointed by the Naa of Mamprussi (Nayiri) and known as Pusiganaba” So, the caretaker of Pusiga and the Gbewaa shrine was first appointed by Tusugu, son of Naa Gbewaa and king of Mamprugu and such tradition was continued by the successive kings of Mamprugu until when Pusiga became a German colony and they decided to appoint their own Pusiganaba, limiting the authority of the king of Mamprugu because he wasn’t under them. But the Nayiri regained his authority after the Germans were defeated in the first world war and Pusiga came under British Togoland"
Again, the Yanga province of Sangha which is part of Mamprugu fell under French rule during the partitioning of the area between the British and the French. The Nayiri, who was under the British, tried his best to lobby for that part of his kingdom to all fall under the British to no avail. On page 43 of his Book, THE KUSASIS-A SHORT HISTORY, SYME wrote “The Naa of Mamprussi (Beriga) sent certain messengers with the troops to lead them to Sangha and asked that as it was his, it should not be allowed to fall to the French who were staking out their claims also at this time.” He continued “At this time, there was an old chief of Sangha named Wamnedi (enskinned by the Nayiri). On his death, the French made a man Noyankudugu chief, but his appointment was never confirmed by the Naa of Mamprussi (Nayiri)"
Presently, the lands that made up Naa Gbewaa’s Dagbamba kingdom and later became Mamprugu kingdom are located in three countries, Sangha and its environs in Burkina Faso, Timmu and its environs in Togo and Pusiga and its environs in Ghana. The Nayiri, King of Mamprugu, who is a successor to Naa Tusugu who also succeeded his father Naa Gbewaa, still holds traditional authority over these areas till date. It’s a tradition that the Europeans tried to break but couldn’t, Nkrumah and his CPP and Rawlings with his PNDC military regime all tried breaking it for their political benefits but the truth is one. Pusiga and its environs including Bawku will continue to be the land of Naa Gbewaa and his descendants and will continue to be traditionally governed by the Kings of Mamprugu who’re the direct descendants of Naa Gbewaa and current rulers of his Kingdom. The Nayiri, king of Mamprugu still enskins the paramount chiefs of Sangha and Timmu in Burkina Faso and Togo respectively. Pusiga and Bawku will not be an exception.
The Bawku issue in a nutshell is like the example of a man who builds a compound house and names it. Then a stranger comes along, and the man generously gives the stranger an accommodation to stay with his family. This stranger adopts more children in to his family and now sees his family to be larger than the family of the landlord and his language also becomes the most spoken language in the compound house. So, he decides to lay claim to the compound house citing his family’s numerical advantage and his language as the most spoken in the compound house. He says the landlord doesn’t own the house because his family is less and his language is the least spoken, so, how then can he be the owner of the compound house?
"When we say the stranger/usurper adopted more people into his family to become large, this is what we mean" SYME wrote, "The people of Kugri and Garu are mainly Moshies from Kugpella in present day Burkina Faso, the people of Tempane are mainly Nabdams, the people of Bugri are mainly Zabarimas, the people of Binduri/Sinnebag/Gumyoko/Nayoko/Gumbo/Missiga are mainly Mamprusis, the people of Pusiga are mainly the Pusigdema, Yangas and Bissas, the people of Sapelliga are mainly Bissas, the people of Worikambo are mainly Mamprusis and Bimobas but with time, most of these people are now considered Kusasis and countered as such" It is an undeniable fact that Naa Gbewaa existed and founded a kingdom known as the Dagbamba kingdom which covered Sangha, Timmu, Pusiga and their surroundings including inhabited and uninhabited lands with Pusiga as his capital. Naa Gbewaa as the king owned the lands, his Tendanas sorely engaged in spiritual matters of the land and kingdom. Sometime after his passing, his son Tusugu/Tohagu took charge and continued with the tradition of his father of enskinning chiefs in the villages that made up the Dagbamba kingdom, a legacy he also left behind for his successors, the Nayiris, kings of Mamprugu till date. Tusugu later moved the capital from Pusiga to Tiyyoko which was his maternal home, then it was later moved to Gambaga and finally later moved to Nalerigu by Naa Atabia, the 10th king of Mamprugu [1690-1741/2]. This is the sum of my collections of verifiable historical facts on the land and Chieftancy conflicts in Bawku, it may not be feasible to turn back the days but it can be mediated for amicably settlement even if the Kusasis should remain landlords while the Mamprusis takes over their Chieftancy role.
[KOOKOspqs!

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