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25/05/2026

He scared the hell out of the shoe maker

04/04/2026

Wonder why there are no good people

Shout out to my newest followers! Excited to have you onboard!Salam Seidu, Jacob NarteyThank you very match of joining t...
10/02/2026

Shout out to my newest followers! Excited to have you onboard!

Salam Seidu, Jacob Nartey
Thank you very match of joining the Twist golden family

18/01/2026

Sadio mane is a legend
Afcon 2x
Premier league 1x
Champions league 1x
Absolute legend

18/01/2026

Goal there Senegal

The Ato Forson Effect has once again reminded the nation that budgets are not ceremonies, but crossroads. He speaks in f...
14/11/2025

The Ato Forson Effect has once again reminded the nation that budgets are not ceremonies, but crossroads. He speaks in figures and forecasts, and the nation nods. Some nod out of hope, others out of confusion, and far too many out of quiet resignation. Budgets speak a language the ordinary Ghanaian is never taught, yet it is the ordinary Ghanaian who pays for every line, every promise, every decimal. So what does the 2026 Budget really mean? Not to the economists. Not to the political choir. But to the woman selling roasted plantain at Achimota, the mason pacing for work at Kasoa, the nurse on night shift at Tamale Teaching Hospital, and the young entrepreneur chasing a loan at Adum. So let’s cut to the core.

Government celebrates inflation falling to eight percent, the lowest in four years. That is not just a statistic. It means your rice, gari, milk, cooking oil, trotro fare will rise slowly, not violently. Last year, prices rose like they were angry with us. Today, they rise like they are tired. It is a relief, but not redemption. Sufaiya will still negotiate for tomatoes every Saturday, but she will no longer fear that the price will double by the next market day. The storm has calmed, not passed.

Government projects four point eight percent growth and talks boldly of jobs. Infrastructure, agriculture, and the 24-hour economy are powerful engines if they start, run, and do not suffer the familiar Ghanaian disease of talk plenty and do small. Kofi the mason will only work if the thirty billion cedi Big Push actually begins, if contractors do not take mobilisation and vanish, if payments do not delay, and if politics does not choke procurement. We have seen this movie before. We are praying for a new ending.

The budget allocates thirty-three point three billion cedis to education and one point one billion cedis to ending the double-track system. The hope is clear. Children should not be learning in shifts like factory workers. If the thirty abandoned E-Blocks are completed and forty SHSs upgraded as promised, a teenager somewhere will finally step into a classroom at seven thirty in the morning, not eleven. But this is Ghana. We must ask which contractors, which timelines, which supervision, which accountability.

The health sector receives nine billion cedis for NHIS, essential medicines, vaccines, and the daily machinery of health delivery. An additional two point three billion cedis goes to MahamaCares, a relief fund for chronic illnesses. To the ordinary Ghanaian, this means your mother’s hypertension drugs may not disappear from NHIS shelves. This means Kafui’s weekly diabetes expense may fall. This means simple medicines may not require pleading with a pharmacist. But it also means we must keep our eyes on the gatekeepers whose appetite for procurement deals can swallow entire allocations. A budget is good. A system is not. And budgets do not fix systems, people do.

Government admits Ghana inherited one point four billion dollars in energy debt. It promises three hundred and forty-five million dollars in payments to IPPs and more than fifteen billion cedis to cover shortfalls. If government pays on time, Nii’s cold store will not lose frozen fish to another quiet return of dumsor. If ECG reforms are real and consistent, the prepaid meter will not misbehave. But if arrears build again, if theft continues, and if ECG fails to clean its books, Ghana will slide back into the darkness everyone fears.

The budget also aims for a primary surplus of one point five percent. Ghana is budgeting like a parent who has learned from past waste and now wants to repay debt, not impress neighbours. This means less political spraying of money, fewer unnecessary committees, no overhiring into ministries, and stricter ceilings for MDAs. Some will be disappointed. But Ghana must save to survive.

Small businesses finally get breathing space. The VAT threshold rises from two hundred thousand cedis to seven hundred and fifty thousand cedis. The VAT rate reduces. Some levies disappear. Kukua the baker who makes four hundred thousand cedis a year no longer needs to file VAT. She saves time, avoids penalties, and sells cheaper bread. This is smart economics that frees the small to build the big. But again, this only works if GRA stops harassing entrepreneurs with needless demands.

Domestic borrowing will hit seventy-one billion cedis. Banks love lending to government. It is safe, guaranteed, and effortless. So when Kofi presents a business plan for a poultry expansion, the bank may simply say its liquidity has been taken up. The private sector may struggle for air if government consumes too much oxygen.

The Big Push infrastructure plan can transform Ghana or become a monument to waste. Thirty billion cedis is enough to reshape roads, hospitals, rails, water systems, and energy lines. Done well, Ghana becomes modern. Done badly, Ghana becomes a museum of abandoned projects. A budget is not transformation. Ex*****on is. And Ghana has always excelled at writing budgets and failed at executing them.

This is the heart of it. The 2026 Budget is disciplined and sensible. It is not reckless, not wasteful, and not disconnected from reality. It is a plan to rebuild a country that has limped out of turbulence. But the danger is not in the numbers. The danger is in the people who will implement those numbers: the procurement mafias, the agency gatekeepers, the contract chasers, the public servants who treat state money as family inheritance. If Ghana is to rise, the budget must be protected from Ghana’s worst habits. A good budget is like good seed. If you plant it in fertile soil, it grows. If you plant it in corruption, incompetence, or political interference, it dies.

This is where citizens matter. The Budget belongs to us. Not the Ministers, not Parliament, not the technocrats. Our role is simple. Watch them. Question them. Interrogate them. Demand delivery, not drama. Demand projects, not promises. If they overspend, ask why. If they underspend, ask why. If they delay, ask who benefits. If they hide, ask what they fear. The budget can reset Ghana, but only if Ghanaians reset their vigilance.

In a country where hope has been taxed for too long, the budget is not the victory. Our vigilance is.

Kay Codjoe
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10/11/2025
10/11/2025

Peter drury on the Goat debate

Ghana’s journey into e-health began with purpose and integrity. In 2010, under the Atta Mills and John Mahama administra...
31/10/2025

Ghana’s journey into e-health began with purpose and integrity. In 2010, under the Atta Mills and John Mahama administration, the National e-Health Strategy laid a strong foundation. It aimed to strengthen continuity of care. It aimed to protect patient information. It aimed to give every health worker reliable, real-time access to the data that saves lives. President Mills passed away, leadership transitioned, and Mahama continued the vision. By 2016, his first term as president was painfully over. The blueprint was ready. The potential was real. Ghana knew where it wanted to go.

Then the NPP happened.

Under Vice President Mahamudu Bawumia’s digital evangelism beginning in 2017, technology became a feeding arena for connected businessmen rather than a tool for national progress. Ministers rushed to commission platforms without asking the essential question. Who controls Ghana’s data tomorrow.

In March 2019, the NPP government awarded a contract worth $100,000,000 (One hundred million United States dollars) to a private vendor to digitize nine hundred and fifty health facilities nationwide. They called it transformational. They called it a national upgrade. They called it the future.

The future never arrived.

Today, the forensic audit confirms that only four hundred and fifty facilities have verified functional systems. Not even half the work is done. Yet the contractor has already collected $76,987,886.10 (Seventy six million, nine hundred eighty seven thousand, eight hundred eighty six dollars and ten cents). Almost seventy seven percent of the contract value vanished into an incomplete system.

The audit also reveals $10,600,000 (Ten million, six hundred thousand dollars) paid for work that simply does not exist. Meanwhile $18,913,947 (Eighteen million, nine hundred thirteen thousand, nine hundred forty seven dollars) worth of equipment cannot be found in any official inventory. Missing. Unverified. Gone. The project that was supposed to track equipment cannot even track itself.

Hospitals are stuck with hardware that does not work reliably. Software modules that crash. Billing and insurance systems that frustrate clinicians. Integration gaps that threaten real-time emergency response. The technology meant to save lives instead puts them in danger.

This was not a failure of computers. It was a failure of leadership.

Oversight was abandoned between 2019 and 2023 under Kwaku Agyemang-Manu who signed the contract, approved the payments, and extended the failures. In 2024, Bernard Okoe-Boye continued the same dangerous approach, treating red flags like background noise. No one demanded access control audits. No one insisted on guaranteed State ownership of data. No one protected the Republic.

The cost is more than financial. It is existential.

Health data is national security intelligence. It must satisfy the highest standards of cybersecurity, data integrity, and patient privacy. Digital health systems must guarantee three foundational obligations. Control of data. Authenticity of records. Survivability of life-saving information.

LHIMS failed every one.

Control has been lost. Ghana does not have full administrative access to its own servers. The vendor has refused lawful handover. That is not confusion. That is a seizure of sovereign property.

Authenticity is weakened. Faulty identity validation risks misdiagnosis. It feeds insurance fraud. It erodes public trust.

Survivability is threatened. If there is a dispute, a cyberattack, or a shutdown, access to patient history can vanish instantly. A single locked server can become a national tragedy.

The NPP did not only waste money between 2019 and 2023. They handed our sovereignty to a private contractor.

Political responsibility cannot be massaged. Bawumia wants Ghanaians to remember him for digital brilliance but the nation will remember him as the leader under whose watch our health data was held hostage. Agyemang-Manu signed every failure into law while pretending to modernize our hospitals. The NPP Cabinet approved reckless spending without demanding results. They gambled with Ghanaian lives and lost control over the information that keeps those lives safe.

The Ghana Health Service has now declared that GHIMS will replace this private stranglehold over our health data. A State-controlled system must now take back what belongs to the nation. It is a necessary step but one step cannot rewrite history. Redemption demands recovery.

Publish the forensic audit. Reveal the signatures. Recover the money. Retrieve the equipment. Charge those who traded national security for political theatrics.

Technology is not magic. It is governance connected to electricity. Those who misgovern cannot be allowed to hide in the dark while citizens suffer the consequences of their negligence.

Ghana’s health data belongs to Ghana. No contractor owns it. No minister can trade it. No politician has permission to gamble with it.

We were promised a digital revolution. We received a digital disaster. The sick should never pay for the luxury of political mistakes.

This is not politics. This is survival.

Kay Codjoe

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