The Fire Next Time

The Fire Next Time A place to share news of class struggle and solidarity

Verisheh Moradi, Kurdish activist was arrested in August 2023, held for months in solitary confinement in Tehran’s Evin ...
11/12/2025

Verisheh Moradi, Kurdish activist was arrested in August 2023, held for months in solitary confinement in Tehran’s Evin prison, and eventually tried by Branch 15 of the Islamic Revolutionary Court. In November 2024, that court sentenced her to death on the charge of baghi, “armed rebellion against the state”, based largely on her alleged links to Kurdish opposition groups, after a trial marred by torture and denial of defence rights.

On 10 December 2025, Iran’s Supreme Court overturned that death sentence. According to her lawyer, the court accepted her appeal because the case file was riddled with “investigative flaws” and basic legal procedures had not been respected, including the failure to clearly inform her of the exact charge that became the basis of the death penalty. The Supreme Court did not acquit her; it quashed the verdict and sent the case back to the same Revolutionary Court branch for a new review and retrial.

It is important to understand what this “overturning” actually means in Iran’s legal system. The Supreme Court in Tehran does have the power to review capital cases and annul verdicts when there are procedural or legal errors. But in political cases, it almost never questions the underlying laws themselves, only whether they were applied “properly.” When it quashes a judgment, the file usually goes back to the same lower court, often even to the same judge, who can in theory issue a lighter sentence, repeat the death sentence with better paperwork, or, more rarely, acquit. So Verisheh Moradi is no longer under an active death sentence, but she is still a political prisoner, still on trial, and still at risk.

All of this sits inside a judiciary that is explicitly built on Islamic law. Iran’s constitution defines the state as an Islamic Republic, declares Twelver Shia Islam the official religion, and requires that all laws be based on “Islamic criteria” and the official interpretation of sharia.

The Islamic Penal Code incorporates classical categories of Islamic criminal law, hudud (fixed religious punishments), qisas (retribution in kind), and ta’zir (discretionary punishments). A long list of offences can carry the death penalty, including not only murder but also certain drug crimes and several political-religious charges such as moharebeh (“enmity against God”) and baghi.

Baghi in Shia jurisprudence historically meant armed rebellion against a “just Islamic ruler.” In the Islamic Republic’s Penal Code it has been codified as article 287, a vague, elastic offence that allows Revolutionary Courts to treat dissidents, activists and members of opposition groups as rebels against God’s order and punish them with death.

Islamic Revolutionary Courts, operate with minimal transparency, rely heavily on intelligence-agency files and forced confessions, and are at the core of Iran’s machinery of political executions.

So the story of Verisheh Moradi’s case is not simply about one sentence being overturned; it shows how a theocratic legal system uses religiously framed categories to criminalize political opposition, and how even “good news” comes in the form of a technical correction inside a structure that still claims the right to kill her. The Supreme Court’s decision has bought her time and opened a crack for renewed legal and public pressure, but the law that allowed a women’s rights activist to be condemned as a “rebel against God” remains firmly in place.

On 10 Jan 2026, Iranian socialist and communist groups meet in Stockholm to discuss an alternative to both monarchy and ...
25/11/2025

On 10 Jan 2026, Iranian socialist and communist groups meet in Stockholm to discuss an alternative to both monarchy and the Islamic Republic: workers’ power, councils, and real equality. A rare chance to watch the exiled left rethink strategy with eyes on struggles inside Iran.

On 10 January 2026, a cluster of Iranian Marxist parties and organizations will gather in Stockholm under the banner of the “Council for Cooperation of Left and Communist Forces.” On paper it’s jus…

Who are they, and what have they done to be detained?
04/11/2025

Who are they, and what have they done to be detained?

In the past 24 hours, security forces carried out coordinated raids on the homes of several left-wing researchers and translators in Tehran, arresting Parviz Sedaghat, Mahsa Asadollahnejad, and Shi…

Ignorance is not harmless once it walks into the street. I learned that in 2004, watching Iranian football fans do a N**...
30/10/2025

Ignorance is not harmless once it walks into the street. I learned that in 2004, watching Iranian football fans do a N**i salute to German players, not out of ideology but out of emptiness — no history, no memory, no sense of what that gesture meant. Today I see a similar emptiness in parts of European solidarity with Palestine. Many people are sincere and right to oppose genocide, blockade, occupation. But around them there is a louder layer that repeats a second-hand story of “resistance” and ends up whitewashing a religious, authoritarian project. For people who have actually lived under clerical rule, Hamas is not a romantic underground — it’s religious fascism turned inward on its own society. The political illiteracy comes from confusing symbols with life. Flags replace civilians. Slogans replace women, workers, prisoners. Real solidarity is simpler and tougher: protect civilians unconditionally, end the blockade, stop settlement building, free prisoners and hostages — and at the same time draw a hard anti-fascist line. We can oppose Israeli state crimes and refuse to sanctify misogynistic, anti-union forces. That’s not a contradiction. That’s adulthood in politics....

Ignorance is not harmless once it walks into the street. I learned that in 2004, watching Iranian football fans do a N**i salute to German players, not out of ideology but out of emptiness — no his…

After “Woman, Life, Freedom,” Iran’s hijab law has neither changed nor been repealed; yet in social reality the state ha...
29/10/2025

After “Woman, Life, Freedom,” Iran’s hijab law has neither changed nor been repealed; yet in social reality the state has failed to enforce it effectively.

After “Woman, Life, Freedom,” Iran’s hijab law has neither changed nor been repealed; yet in social reality the state has failed to enforce it effectively. The streets of Tehran and other cities no…

At an event held in honor of courageous, resilient cinema, Iranian filmmaker Jafar Panahi and legendary director Martin ...
24/10/2025

At an event held in honor of courageous, resilient cinema, Iranian filmmaker Jafar Panahi and legendary director Martin Scorsese sat down for a deep conversation about obstacles, inspirations, and the power of film under extreme restrictions.

At an event held in honor of courageous, resilient cinema, Iranian filmmaker Jafar Panahi and legendary director Martin Scorsese sat down for a deep conversation about obstacles, inspirations, and …

On Friday, October 17, 2025, the secretary of Tehran province’s “Enjoining Good & Forbidding Wrong” headquarters, announ...
20/10/2025

On Friday, October 17, 2025, the secretary of Tehran province’s “Enjoining Good & Forbidding Wrong” headquarters, announced a new “Situation Room for Chastity & Hijab,” alongside the organization and activation of “more than 80,000 trained volunteers” plus 4,575 trainers and judicial auxiliaries.

On Friday, October 17, 2025, the secretary of Tehran province’s “Enjoining Good & Forbidding Wrong” headquarters, announced a new “Situation Room for Chastity & Hijab,” alongside the orga…

Nasser Taghvai, a renowned Iranian filmmaker and creator of enduring works, who for years resisted censorship and chose ...
15/10/2025

Nasser Taghvai, a renowned Iranian filmmaker and creator of enduring works, who for years resisted censorship and chose seclusion rather than making films under official policies, has passed away at 84. He was a pioneer of the Iranian New Wave and, at the same time, widely known to the public for his popular works. His legacy shaped my generation through “Captain Khorshid”—a creative adaptation of Hemingway—and the generation before mine through “My Uncle Napoleon.”

In Iran, Nasser Taghvai’s work cuts through the fog of easy explanations. “My Uncle Napoleon” skewers the reflex to blame a hidden enemy for every bruise in public life. When institutions of truth and collective action are weak, paranoia becomes a shared language—and responsibility evaporates. “Captain Khorshid” answers with another language: practice. The captain navigates a borderland where legal paths are blocked, risk is shared, and choices are stubbornly gray. He balances loyalty, livelihood, and care, paying the price of each decision. That, not slogan or hero-worship, is the ethic we need.

Today’s solidarity spaces—from Tehran to the diaspora—often inherit the Uncle’s mindset: single-cause stories that flatten local realities into geopolitical scripts. Taghvai points elsewhere. Organize many voices—workers, women, qu**rs, ethnic and religious minorities—in the same room. Translate pain both ways, not just toward Western attention. Replace types with characters and metrics: what changed, for whom, by when?

Standing on the desk, as in “Dead Poets Society,” is only the first move—changing the frame. The second is the captain’s move: translating the view into material action. Networks over heroes; outcomes over noise. That is how Iran moves past paranoia—by doing, together. Measure results, then repeat—quietly, persistently, with others, over time.

Nasser Taghvai, a renowned Iranian filmmaker and creator of enduring works, who for years resisted censorship and chose seclusion rather than making films under official policies, has passed away a…

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