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Explore the facts that matter and gain insights into the issues shaping Guyana, the Caribbean and your world.Visit us to...
27/11/2025

Explore the facts that matter and gain insights into the issues shaping Guyana, the Caribbean and your world.
Visit us today at theharpyeaglemedia.com to stay informed and engaged with the latest analyses of the current events happening in Guyana, the Caribbean, the USA and the world.

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13/10/2025

I've just reached 300 followers! Thank you for continuing support. I could never have made it without each one of you. 🙏🤗🎉

🇬🇾🛑Local Government Minister will decide Region 10 Chairman🛑🇬🇾The Minister of Local Government and Regional Development,...
11/10/2025

🇬🇾🛑Local Government Minister will decide Region 10 Chairman🛑🇬🇾

The Minister of Local Government and Regional Development, Priya Manickchand is set to decide who will be the Region 10 Chairman of the Region's Regional Democratic Council.
The decision rests between the We Invest in Nationhood (WIN) Mark Goring and A Partnership for National Unity (APNU) Dominique Blair.

Guyana recently concluded their General and Regional Elections on September 1, 2025. From the results of that election WIN party secured the majority of the Regional votes in Region 10.
The party was able to secure nine seats in the region whilst the APNU obtained five seats, the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) secured three seats and the Forward Movement Guyana (FGM) obtained one seat.

On Friday October 10, 2025 the parties met to decide by voting who will be the Region 10 Chairman. The results of the process was a tie with the APNU’s five councillors, the PPP’s three councillors and FGM’s one councillor voting in favour of the the APNU's Dominique Blair.

As a result, the final decision now rests with Minister Manickchand.

Abstract:
Some things require simple common sense.
If the WIN party got the majority vote of the people in the region then it's obvious, that party deserves the seat to represent the region.
It's that simple.
Give the people what they asked for.
No individual party leader of the FGM, PPPC or APNU should be allowed to deny the majority decision of the people.
If this is what will be done then the actual Constitutional will of the people will be ignored and violated by self-serving political dictators.

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10/10/2025

🇬🇾🛑APNU & FGM PARTIES VOTE FOR PPPC AGAINST WIN🛑🇬🇾
THE HYPOCRISY OF THE OPPOSITION PARTIES VOTING AGAINST THEMSELVES IN FAVOUR OF THEIR POLITICAL ENEMY.

The RDC Chairmanship Tie/Dispute has brought a new political dynamic of alliances to the forefront ahead of the convening of the National Assembly (Parliament).

Though WIN has the plurality in seats in Region 10’s RDC (9 seats), they "do not have an outright majority" among all councillors; hence, forming alliances is required for election of the Chairman.

The election for Chairman between WIN’s Mark Goring and APNU’s Dominique Blair ended in a tie.

Azruddin Mohamed (WIN Leader) expressed disappointment over how the RDC election process in Region 10 was conducted, especially given the tie between Mark Goring (WIN) and Dominique Blair (APNU) for Chairman. He was “surprised by the way APNU, PPP, and FGM councillors voted”, because the councillors from other parties may have crossed expected lines/unified to block his candidate or at least resulted in the tie.

Mark Goring is confident he can still secure the chairmanship by getting support from councillors outside of WIN, given that WIN does NOT have an outright majority of seats.

Here are the key facts and numbers from the 2025 Guyana General & Regional Elections and the Region 10 RDC issue, plus what is known publicly about reactions. If you want, I can try to dig up what Azruddin Mohamed has said more specifically about the tie.

Summary of the 2025 Guyana Regional, Region 10 (Upper Demerara-Upper Berbice) — Specifics & RDC Election

A. In the General Elections in Region 10:
âś“ WIN got 10,458 votes
âś“ APNU got 5,334 votes
âś“ PPP/C got 4,260 votes
âś“ Other parties FGM, AFC, ALP had smaller counts (FGM 662, AFC 210, ALP 85)

B. Number of electors vs turnout:
âś“ Of the 38,460 Electors on the list in Region 10, 21,195 actually voted.
âś“ Rejected/spoiled ballots: In Region 10
There were 186 rejected ballots, 8 destroyed, 91 spoiled

C. Seat allocations in the Regional Democratic Council (RDC) for Region 10:
1. WIN got 9 seats with 10,262 votes
2. APNU got 5 seats with 5,370 votes
3. PPP/C got 3 seats with 4,197 votes
4. FGM got 1 seat with 818 votes

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09/10/2025

🇬🇾🛑NO NEW INFRASTRUCTURAL INDUSTRY IN GUYANA SINCE 1992🛑🇬🇾
INDUSTRIAL STAGNATION UNDER THE PPPC: A FAILURE TO HARNESS TECHNICAL TALENT.

THE PPPC government of Guyana since 1992 to present has failed to timely, adequately and effectively create and implement new Infrastructural industries in the Cooperative Republic of Guyana.

However, the irony is that the PPPC government prides themselves on the basis of them executing numerous Infrastructural development projects, while there is no industry in Guyana that produces any of the raw materials for these projects.

This industrial production deficit has resulted in the overpricing of projects due to the importance of raw materials, equipment and services.
This has also resulted in increased corruption, unaccountability and BOOTS Projects.

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🛑🛑 WAR IN THE CARIBBEAN🛑 🛑US military influence in the Caribbean - Guyana's Sovereignty and Survival at risk and threate...
06/10/2025

🛑🛑 WAR IN THE CARIBBEAN🛑 🛑
US military influence in the Caribbean - Guyana's Sovereignty and Survival at risk and threatened.

In recent months, while Barbados Prime Minister has expressed some amount of dissatisfaction with foreign influence in the Caribbean region, Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago (TT) has openly endorsed the deployment of U.S. military assets into the southern Caribbean with the goal of dismantling “terrorist drug cartels.”
President, Mohamed Irfan Ali of Guyana and Prime Minister Kamla Persad‑Bissessar of Trinidad and Tobago have declared full support for the U.S. naval deployment, including destroyers, a nuclear submarine, and marines, as an inevitable response to escalating crime, especially violence tied to narcotics, arms, and human trafficking.

This posture marks a continuation of a long pattern in the Caribbean: post‑colonial states aligning with U.S. strategic and security agendas, sometimes willingly, often because they feel they have no viable alternative.

Endorsing U.S. Military Action Without Regional Consensus
Guyana's President and TT’s Prime Minister did not consult CARICOM on the matter. While TT's Prime Minister explicitly said she had “no intention of engaging” the regional integration grouping regarding U.S. military deployment, Guyana's president said, "The government of Guyana underscores the necessity for strengthened cooperation concerted efforts at the national. regional, hemispheric and global levels to effectively combat this menace." This signals a willingness to side with U.S. policy individually rather than with regional solidarity or joint decision‑making.

Framing Narratives in U.S. Terms
Guyana and TT’s leadership has adopted language familiar from U.S. counter‑narcotics framing: “terrorist drug cartels,” “narco‑trafficking,” invoking “law‑of‑conflict,” etc. The Prime Minister praised U.S. strikes and even said that all traffickers “should be killed violently.”

Dependence for Security
Guyana much like TT admits it lacks sufficient resources, capacity, or jurisdictional reach to police transnational crime, porous sea lanes, arms and drug smuggling, etc. Support for U.S. presence is justified in part by inability to manage these threats alone.

Aligning with U.S. Geopolitical Goals
While the explicit goal is counter‑narcotics, the presence of U.S. naval might in the Caribbean, especially near Venezuela, also carries the potential for pressure against regimes considered adversarial by the U.S. Some in the region perceive this not just as crime control, but as geopolitical positioning.

1. Compromised Sovereignty and Public Risk
When a small country like Guyana allows foreign military presence (or publicly supports foreign strikes in regional waters), it risks being drawn into conflicts or operations that impinge on its own sovereignty. Mistaken strikes, collateral damage, or diplomatic blowback are risks. Also, local populations (fishers, coastal communities) may suffer from disruption, dangers, or restrictions. Guyana has already begun to within and feel the blunt of such disruptions and danger within and along the borders of the rivers between them and Venezuela.

2. Erosion of Regional Solidarity and Voice
Guyana at the head of CARICOM has long maintained, or aspired to maintain, principles like the Caribbean as a "Zone of Peace" and non‑interference. Individual member countries supporting U.S. military deployment unilaterally weaken the ability of the region to negotiate from a unified front, impose collective conditions, or resist U.S. pressure. TT’s refusal to engage CARICOM on this matter weakens regional cohesion.

3. Legal Ambiguities and Potential Violations
Strikes in international waters, the question of whether U.S. operations respect international law, whether cartels are "terrorist organizations," etc., are contested issues. Caribbean governments may lack the capacity to independently verify or challenge U.S. claims, leaving them vulnerable to legal and moral criticisms.

4. Dependency and Weak Internal Capacity
Because states like Guyana and TT feel they cannot handle crime alone, they lean heavily on U.S. military, intelligence, funding, training. This dependency reduces incentives or opportunities to build internal capacity, judicial systems, policing, community resilience, etc. Over time, this can weaken sovereign governance.

5. Public Backlash and Domestic Political Costs
The Guyana government’s alignment may be unpopular with segments of the population who see foreign military presence as threatening or as undermining national dignity or sovereignty. It can also provoke opposition parties.

6. Geopolitical Vulnerability
By aligning closely with one superpower, Guyana and Caribbean countries might alienate other regional powers or neighbors (e.g., Venezuela), reducing diplomatic flexibility. They also may become pawns in larger U.S. geopolitical strategies (e.g. U.S. vs Venezuelan tensions) without direct benefits beyond security assurances.

Economic Dependency
Trade, foreign direct investment, remittances, aid, tourism—all of which often flow from or through the U.S. or U.S.‑tied markets—are crucial to many Caribbean economies. Governments fear economic consequences of opposing U.S. policies.

Security & Enforcement Gaps
With the recent resurfacing of a controversial border dispute between Guyana and Venezuela Maritime boundaries, law enforcement, customs, border control, intelligence gathering and auspicious aerial supervision are costly, and technically demanding. Guyana and very few Caribbean states can patrol large sea zones, monitor trans-shipment, or police organised crime alone. U.S. cooperation often offers capacity that otherwise doesn’t exist.

Debt and Aid Dependence
Like many other Caribbean countries, Guyana is indebted, rely on loans or grants from international institutions in which the U.S. has influence (e.g., World Bank, IMF, multilateral development banks). Thus, pushing back strongly against U.S. policy can risk aid suspension, economic penalties, or adverse treatment in multilateral forums.

Political and Institutional Constraints
Smaller island states have limited diplomatic corps, limited technical capacity to evaluate military/legal claims (about international law, rules of engagement), or to sustain prolonged diplomatic conflict with an external power.

Historical / Cultural Legacy of Colonialism
The institutions, alliances, legal systems, foreign policy orientations of Guyana and many Caribbean states were shaped during colonial rule by the British, French, Dutch, etc. Over time, these have created patterns of deference, foreign dependency, and norms that favor alignment with powerful external actors over regional assertiveness.

Lack of Unified Regional Mechanisms
CARICOM aims to provide collective bargaining power, but in practice its capacity to enforce unified foreign policy or security policy is weak. Member states often act independently. Disagreements, different threat perceptions, political ideologies, and domestic priorities make coherent regional opposition difficult.

Conclusion
Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago’s recent statements and policy choices are a case study in how post‑colonial Caribbean states grapple with imperfect sovereignty. On one hand, leaders publicly align with U.S. military actions and rely on U.S. capacity to counter threats they say they cannot handle alone. On the other hand, this alignment carries risks: loss of autonomy, legal, moral, and diplomatic exposure, domestic political costs, and potential erosion of regional unity.

For CARICOM and other regional bodies, the challenge is to find a way to assert collective decision‑making, strengthen internal capacities (judicial, security, border control), and negotiate terms with external powers from a position of greater leverage. But given the economic, security, institutional, and historical realities, full independence in decision‑making vis‑à‑vis a superpower like the U.S. remains difficult.

Story - A Cheddi Sepaul

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🛑PART 2. A LEGAL IMMIGRATION APPROACH TO DR. IAN ROBERTS ARREST - THE SOLUTION.🛑THE HARPY URGES GUYANESE & CARIBBEAN NAT...
01/10/2025

🛑PART 2. A LEGAL IMMIGRATION APPROACH TO DR. IAN ROBERTS ARREST - THE SOLUTION.🛑

THE HARPY URGES GUYANESE & CARIBBEAN NATIONALS IN THE U.S. WITH IMMIGRATION CHALLENGES TO SEEK IMMEDIATE LEGAL ADVICE

This presentation will dive into the legal parameters Dr. Roberts can explore to secure his stay in the USA.

Following the detention and criminal branding of Dr. Ian Andre Roberts, a Guyanese national serving as Superintendent of Des Moines Public Schools, by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), THE HARPY has previously released a public article highlighting the accomplishments and academic credits of Dr. Ian Andre Roberts detailing his contributions to the American Education System and general American society while also referencing his representation of his country of birth, The Cooperative Republic of Guyana.
(see it here, https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1XPgrjmsup/ )

Federal authorities alleged Dr. Roberts is residing in the U.S. “illegally” and were employed without work authorisation, among other claims. While the situation is a minor immigration matter the US federal department for Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), has criminally branded it and painted it as a grave matter despite knowing that Dr. Roberts and others in similar circumstances still have legal avenues to explore to resolve such issues.

This article will focus on those avenues, educating Guyanese and Caribbean nationals who may have inquiries while facing similar visa overstays, lapsed work permits, prior arrests, or other immigration vulnerabilities.

In light of this, THE HARPY strongly urges all Guyanese and Caribbean nationals living in the U.S. who face immigration challenges or uncertainty to immediately consult a qualified immigration attorney—especially those who have criminal records or visa complications.

Many municipal and nonprofit organizations (especially in New York City and elsewhere) offer free or low-cost immigration legal assistance through local congressional offices, legal aid clinics, or immigrant rights organizations.
We encourage you to use these resources—don’t wait until ICE contacts or detains you to address your status.

THE SOLUTION
What Dr. Ian Roberts Should Explore (and What You Should Too)?

• Roberts may seek to adjust status via family-based sponsorship if he has a qualified immediate relative who is a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident, provided he was ever lawfully admitted.

• He may pursue an INA § 212 waiver to overcome inadmissibility (for example, for unlawful presence or past criminal issues).

• If he was in removal proceedings, his attorney may file for cancellation of removal (if he meets the 10-year threshold and other criteria), or motions to reopen his case.

• Roberts might also raise due process, selective enforcement, or constitutional claims (e.g., equal protection) if evidence supports that ICE targeted him disproportionately because of his race, position, or nationality.

What Legal Paths Might Be Available For All — Even After Overstay or Permit Lapse.

Below is a non-exhaustive overview of some U.S. immigration laws, statutes, and relief mechanisms that may apply to persons who have overstayed visitor visas, student visas, or work permits. (Each person’s facts are different—only a licensed attorney can assess eligibility.)

1. Adjustment of Status & “Immediate Relatives” (INA § 245, § 201(b))
If a lawful permanent resident or U.S. citizen spouse or parent petitions for you as an “immediate relative,” you may be eligible to apply for adjustment of status in the U.S. under Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) § 245(a), even if you originally entered on a visa and overstayed (provided you were lawfully admitted at some point).
Note: Some grounds of inadmissibility or criminal history may bar this, and certain waivers may be required (see § 212).

2. Waivers of Inadmissibility (INA § 212(d)(3), § 212(h), § 212(i))
If you are inadmissible because of unlawful presence, criminal convictions, or fraud, you may be eligible for a discretionary waiver under INA § 212(a)/(d) (for nonimmigrant’s) or § 212(h) (for certain criminal grounds). Some waivers permit adjustment of status despite prior violations.

3. Cancellation of Removal (INA § 240A(b))
For non-permanent residents who have been in the U.S. continuously for at least 10 years, have good moral character, and can show extreme hardship to a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident spouse or parent, an immigration judge may grant cancellation of removal under INA § 240A(b).

4. Asylum, Withholding of Removal, & CAT Relief
If you fear persecution or torture in your home country, you may qualify for asylum, withholding of removal, or protection under the Convention Against Torture (CAT). These require timely application and a strong factual basis.

5. Special Programs & Relief (e.g. U Visa, VAWA, DACA, etc.)
Depending on your circumstances (victim of crime, domestic violence, etc.), there may be special visas or protected statuses (U Visa, VAWA self-petition, etc.) that provide a path to legal residency despite prior overstays.

6. Prospective Relief & Motion to Reopen / Reconsider
In deportation or removal proceedings, your lawyer could file motions to reopen or reconsider based on new evidence or changed conditions. In some cases, deferred action or prosecutorial discretion may be sought.

In closing, THE HARPY Call for Transparency and Accountability.
Today, more than ever, we must demand accountability—not only for Dr. Ian Roberts but for every immigrant in the United States.

As Representative Jasmine Crockett warns,
“There is no accountability. And it’s going after its American people, right?”
“It’s almost like you can just go grab them up — that is what they’re saying. And that is a problem.”

In PART 3 we will dive deeper into the statements and presentations of Congresswoman Jasmine Crokett on immigration matters and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), showing the correlation and contrast to Dr. Ian Andre Roberts case.

THE HARPY calls on ICE, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, and the Des Moines Public Schools to immediately release full records related to Dr. Roberts’ arrest, immigration status, employment screening, and any enforcement directives.

We demand transparency and the right to due process—not selective targeting and criminal branding.

To all Guyanese and Caribbean nationals facing uncertainty: know your rights, act with urgency, and never forfeit the power of legal counsel.
Story - A Cheddi Sepaul

🛑🇬🇾 LET'S NOT ALL FOCUS ON THE NEGATIVITY. LET'S HAVE A LOOK AT WHO DR. IAN ANDRE ROBERTS REALLY IS. 🇬🇾🛑Guyanese‑Born Dr...
28/09/2025

🛑🇬🇾 LET'S NOT ALL FOCUS ON THE NEGATIVITY. LET'S HAVE A LOOK AT WHO DR. IAN ANDRE ROBERTS REALLY IS. 🇬🇾🛑

Guyanese‑Born Dr. Ian Andre Roberts, Superintendent of Iowa’s Largest District Is a Learnt and Honourable Professional who has served his Country, his Guyanese People and the Government and people of the USA with impeccable stewardship.

Dr. Roberts was born in Georgetown, Guyana, and later moved to the United States, spending much of his formative years in Brooklyn, New York, as the son of Guyanese immigrants. He holds a Bachelor of Science degree from Coppin State University (after transferring from St. Francis College, New York), and completed master’s degrees at St. John’s University and Georgetown University.
Dr. Roberts later earned a Doctorate in Urban Educational Leadership from Trident University International, and completed additional educational certificates, including Harvard’s “Improving Schools: The Art of Leadership” program.

Before entering education leadership, Dr. Roberts was a world-class middle-distance runner representing Guyana. He competed at the 2000 Sydney Olympic Games in track and field and also participated in international meets such as the World Indoor Championships in Maebashi, Japan, and outdoor events in Seville, Spain.

Dr. Roberts’s career in education spans over two decades, with roles including special education teacher, principal, and school turnaround leader in Baltimore, Washington D.C., and the South Bronx. He served as High School Network Superintendent in St. Louis Public Schools, Chief Schools Officer for Aspire Public Schools, and Superintendent of the Millcreek Township School District in Pennsylvania before being appointed superintendent of Des Moines Public Schools in 2023. Under his leadership, the district served more than 30,000 students and emphasized culturally responsive instruction and equity-focused leadership.

Dr. Roberts is married and has spoken publicly about growing up in a single-parent household where his mother prioritized care and opportunity despite limited formal education. Friends and colleagues describe him as energetic, relational, and passionate about educational equity.

Supporters argue that his life’s work and deep roots in education belie the harsh labels assigned by ICE and DHS.
Jackie Norris, president of the school board, called him “an integral part of our school community” who has “shown up in ways big and small.” The Directors Council, a nonprofit representing Des Moines’s Black community, called him a “trusted partner” and “dedicated advocate for equity.”

Story - A Cheddi Sepaul

16/09/2025

🛑🇬🇾BREAKING NEWS🇬🇾🛑
Lo**ta Calendar famously known as "Lola Doll" went live on Facebook revealing details surrounding the assassination attempt on her life_Her page disappeared shortly after.

16/09/2025

🛑The Cobra Effect of Governance: How the PPP/C Administration Has Reshaped Guyana🛑

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