Sanhati

Sanhati Sanhati (www.sanhati.com) is a collective working in solidarity with peoples’ movements in India.

19/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/articles/20330/

Police Crackdown Across Mumbai Against the Protest Rally Called in Solidarity with Palestine

In the early hours of the morning, Mumbai police came to the houses of various Political Party leaders & Social Activists to detain them to prevent a peaceful protest that is scheduled to be held at the Azad Maidan in Mumbai today at 3.30 pm. The protests were part of the National Call issued by the Left Parties and were held across the country, but it’s only in Mumbai that the state decided to crackdown.
Those detained include Com. Prakash Reddy (CPI), Com. Charul Joshi (CPI), Meraj Siddiqui (Samajwadi Party, Com. Raju Korde (PWP), Com. Shyam Gohil (CPI-ML Liberation), Feroze Mithiborwala (India Palestine Solidarity Forum), Junaid Khan (PWP), and many Left Party cadres from across the city.
This unprecedented crackdown is being orchestrated under intense political pressure by rightwing forces and is part of a series of draconian measures wrought upon the organisers to prevent the protest from condemning the ongoing Israeli genocide in Gaza.
The protest in Solidarity with Palestine is scheduled to be held today, 18 June, at the Azad Maidan, Mumbai!
We further condemn the detention of our comrades & condemn the draconian action by the police. This is clearly an attack on our basic fundamental & democratic rights and further evidence of the rising authoritarian fascism that is taking over our country.
CONDEMN ISRAELI GENOCIDE OF GAZA
DEMAND CHANGE IN INDIA’S STAND
ORGANISERS:
CPI, CPI(M), CPI (ML) LIBERATION, SAMAJWADI PARTY, PWP, AIFB, RSP, RPI (SECULAR), ALL INDIA PEACE & SOLIDARITY ORGANISATION, INDIA PALESTINE SOLIDARITY FORUM

17/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/articles/20327/

Opinion: Savarkar’s Vision and the Hinduisation of Politics

This opinion piece was written in April 2025 by an activist in West Bengal.
Savarkar wanted to Hinduise politics and militarise Hindu society. But Hinduising politics doesn’t just mean doing Hindutva-based politics within the political sphere. It means transforming the very domain of politics into a Hinduized space. That is why the RSS is pleased when other political parties, even outside its own political wing (the Bharatiya Janata Party) begin to speak in the language of Hindutva. Rising above petty electoral calculations, they are working toward this long-term goal. Even if another party gains a few electoral advantages, it still ends up paving the way, rather than obstructing, to the formation of a Hindu Rashtra.
In fact, whenever they’ve succeeded in making forces outside of their political wing adopt their ideology, their power has grown. RSS chief Sudarshan once said that all political forces, as long as they believe in Hindu awakening, swadeshi (economic nationalism), and cultural nationalism, are equal in their eyes.
A month before the 1984 election, the RSS’s prominent ideologue Nanaji Deshmukh urged people to vote for Rajiv Gandhi. And it is no secret that the RSS mobilized its cadre in full force to bring Rajiv Gandhi to power in that election. After that historic victory, Jagjivan Ram even remarked that the outcome was a “vote for Hindu India.” There is a long history of how Indira Gandhi, since 1966, gradually diluted the secular legacy of Jawaharlal Nehru. And what benefit did the Congress gain from all that? We all know the answer.
The opening of the locks at Ram Janmabhoomi and the appeasement of Muslim fundamentalists in the Shah Bano case were twin blunders that began Congress’s decline. They could never recover from it. Thus, embedded within the historic victory of 1984 was the beginning of Congress’s long descent.
Take the recent example of Arvind Kejriwal. Even though playing the Hindu card helped him in one or two elections, in the end, even Lord Hanuman couldn’t save him.
Now consider the crores of public funds being spent in West Bengal to build places of worship for the majority religion. These will have long-term consequences. Perhaps it will help pave the way for Mamata Banerjee’s victory in the 2026 elections. But has she thought about how the Muslim community, who have kept the BJP out of Bengal and helped her win almost every election, must feel? How must it feel to witness the celebration of the majority religion with state money?
Why is it that people of other religions are barred from entering the sanctum of these temples? What logic allows Brahmins from other states to come and impose their Brahminical rituals? Mamata Banerjee, as an individual, has every right to believe in Hinduism. She can build temples with her personal funds or via a private trust. That falls within her right to practice religion. But taking an oath on India’s secular Constitution and then using public funds to construct temples for the majority religion does not promote communal harmony.
Dilip Ghosh, far closer to the Sangh than Suvendu Adhikary, is aware of this and rightly sees it as part of the broader Hindu awakening.
Will this directly help the BJP in the short term? Probably not. Unless something unexpected happens, this rudderless party is likely to falter in the 2026 election. But in the long term, the Sangh Parivar will benefit by pushing everyone in the ruling party to observe Ram Navami, perform Ganga Aarti, and similar acts, slowly Hinduizing Bengali society. And the BJP will eventually reap the rewards.
Mamata Banerjee had the opportunity to walk the open path of Bengal’s liberal and non-communal cultural tradition. Through that, she could have laid out a distinctive model of federal politics before her party’s supporters. She saw some success along that path in the 2021 election. But this is exactly where the RSS has succeeded: by transforming politics itself through its work, it has managed to Hinduize the entire political sphere. And it has influenced even parties outside the BJP with its ideology.
This is precisely the time to uplift and reclaim Bengal’s secular traditions, and, beyond personal religiosity or atheism, to actively embrace the currently vilified path of secularism in public life.

17/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/articles/20325/

Reports of mass r**e of Adivasis in Bastar

This news was conveyed by Himanshu Kumar on June 15.
Yesterday, Soni Sori and I had come to Chennai to attend a seminar. At the event, Soni Sori shared the story of a girl named Lakkhe.
Lakkhe had been killed and brought from Gampur village in Dantewada district. Her body was kept at the Dantewada police station.
The women of the village told Soni Sori that the police had dragged the girl from her home and taken her into the forest. There, a large number of policemen gang-r**ed her. The girl kept screaming in the forest, but they kept the villagers at bay at gunpoint, not allowing them to go near.
The girl cried out, “Mother, save me! Father, help!” A few hours later, her screams stopped.
Soni Sori asked the women: “Did you hear any gunshots?” The women replied: “No, there were no gunshots.” The girl had died due to r**e and brutal torture. Not from bullets.
Soni Sori then went to the Dantewada police station and questioned the officer in charge: “How did this girl die?” He replied: “She was a Naxal commander and was killed in an encounter.” Soni lifted the plastic sheet covering the body and asked, “Where is the bullet wound? Show me.” At that point, the officer began making excuses.
But this is not an isolated story. This is just one among thousands of similar incidents of state-sponsored violence against Adivasis in Bastar.

14/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/articles/20320/

Punjab: Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee Leader Bikkar Singh Hathoa Arrested

Mukesh Maloud, Zonal President of the Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee, issued a statement to the press stating that Dalits and landless people of Punjab have long been engaged in a struggle under the leadership of the committee. Their demand is the implementation of the Land Ceiling Act of 1972 and redistribution of surplus land as per the provisions of that law.
As part of this movement, hundreds of activists were recently taken into police custody while trying to settle in Begampura on the land of an abandoned village. Following further announcements of protest, all detained activists were released unconditionally—except for thirteen workers from the village of Shadihari.
After announcing a protest on June 2 for the release of these remaining comrades, a meeting was held with the Sangrur administration. They promised a meeting with three Punjab government ministers on June 18 and assured the release of all jailed comrades within three days.
However, the Sangrur administration broke its promise. A permanent protest was to begin today in front of the DC office in Sangrur. But police sealed off the villages, confining people within their homes. During a supposed negotiation with the administration, Zonal Leader Bikkar Singh Hathoa was deceitfully arrested.

https://sanhati.com/excerpted/20313/Foreword to ‘Apuroopa’ by Padmakumari, Association of Families and Friends of Martyr...
13/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/excerpted/20313/

Foreword to ‘Apuroopa’ by Padmakumari, Association of Families and Friends of Martyrs

All this happened before our eyes. If told through conventional essay writing, this history would be reduced to mere names, numbers, and places. But this is not just history – it is a tragic reality. Every person involved is a human being. Their emotions, relationships, anger, sorrow, anxiety, the grief of separation are not abstract concepts. Children who left their homes decades ago, hailed for their glorious contributions, suddenly return lifeless. They come back not as memories but as co**ses to the very homes where they were born, where they played, homes tied to a million memories.
This is a heartbreaking, unspeakable saga of sorrow. Yet within this ocean of grief lies a faint smile awakened by memory, a pride that even though they will not return, they will forever remain in living memory. Today’s dark sorrow is real, just as yesterday’s radiant joy is real. However beloved a person may be, the reality of their decomposing, foul-smelling co**se is also real. The patience to wait for hours or even days outside the mortuary is real. The physical need to drink a sip of water, to eat a few morsels in the midst of overwhelming grief is real. In one word, human life is an intricate layering of emotions, experiences, and contradictions.

12/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/articles/20308/

Do the Authorities Respect the People’s Right to Dignified Final Rites?

By Padmakumari, Amarula Bandhu-Mitrula Sangham (Association of Families and Friends of Martyrs)
After the failure of the 2004 peace talks, the state escalated its repression of revolutionaries, killing them in fake encounters and dumping their bodies in heaps. Parents and blood relatives risked their lives to retrieve these bodies, under constant threat of violence.
Until roughly 22 years ago, it was unheard of for families to retrieve the bodies of revolutionaries killed in encounters, especially those from other states. Following the 2004 talks, the police began requiring families to present written certification from the police station to prove their relationship to the deceased, even when the police themselves often had no record of the identities or deliberately withheld this information. In such circumstances, families relied on party announcements or personal suspicions and traveled to claim the bodies. Many lacked formal identification such as Aadhar cards; they used ration cards or driving licenses instead.
During these times, obtaining an identity letter from the local village panchayat became crucial. Given the rampant lawlessness fostered by Salwa Judum and government-backed vigilante groups, we were forced to notify our local police, who in turn would communicate with police in the destination areas, simply to ensure minimal protection from these armed gangs. This practice was primarily adopted when traveling to Chhattisgarh.
When revolutionary leader Mallojula Koteshwar Rao alias Kishenji was martyred, the authorities demanded DNA verification. His elder brother arranged this as required. I, along with Varavara Rao and Kishenji’s niece, traveled to Kolkata to secure the body. In other states, Aadhar was generally sufficient.

https://sanhati.com/articles/20302/Review of Caste and Revolution by N. RaviDuring the Naxalbari movement, when the firs...
11/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/articles/20302/

Review of Caste and Revolution by N. Ravi

During the Naxalbari movement, when the first Congress of the CPI (ML) was held under the leadership of Comrade Charu Mazumdar in 1970, 90% of the comrades selected for the Central Committee were from upper castes. By 2004, when the Maoist Party was founded, the proportion of upper-caste comrades had dropped to 49%. By 2016, this number had further decreased to just 31%, meaning that 69% of the Central Committee members were now from Adivasi, Dalit, and backward communities. Recently, the Maoist Party’s General Secretary, Comrade Keshav Rao alias Basava Raju – killed in an encounter on May 21 – also came from a backward community. After the arrest of Sitaramaiya, K.G. Satyamurthy, who came from a Dalit Christian background, became the General Secretary of the People’s War Party.
This important information is given in the book Caste and Revolution, published this year, written by N. Ravi. Comrade Ravi himself has been part of the Maoist movement and during his 7 years in prison, he met and held long conversations with many top leaders of the Maoist Party. As a result, the book offers a very objective and balanced review of the Maoist movement’s internal reflections on caste and its socio-political practices.

https://sanhati.com/excerpted/20280/The anti-Waqf Amendment movement in Murshidabad, the surge in communal violence, and...
10/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/excerpted/20280/

The anti-Waqf Amendment movement in Murshidabad, the surge in communal violence, and APDR’s fact-finding report

Murshidabad was once the capital of Bengal, Bihar, and Odisha. It was not only the seat of power but also a major center of trade and production. The French traveler François Bernier spent nearly twelve years in seventeenth-century Mughal India. In his travelogue Travels in the Mughal Empire, he wrote extensively about Bengal’s prosperity — and especially that of Murshidabad.
Bernier observed that Bengal’s wealth, production, and trade surpassed that of many European cities. Many historians have quoted him, noting that “Murshidabad’s economy was richer than that of London.”
But British colonialism seized everything from the hands of Murshidabad’s people. To serve imperial interests, the region’s thriving production systems were dismantled almost overnight. The British shifted the economic center of gravity from Murshidabad to Calcutta. Naturally, Murshidabad lost its prominence. This pattern continued even after Indian independence – successive governments steadily eroded Murshidabad’s economic, social, and political standing.

04/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/excerpted/20289/

Martyrdom and Comradeship – Remembering Martyr’s Day, Dalli-Rajhara

Let me tell you a story from long ago.
Even though it’s a story, it is not a stitched-together bundle of artificial words. The days of prettifying tales and peddling them like wares in the market are over. The age and time for selling cheap, rotten tales is nearly gone.
I used to live in the mining town of Dalli Rajhara in Chhattisgarh, then part of Madhya Pradesh. Though the incident occurred in 1977, I had been living there continuously since 1974, for about 8 or 9 years. I had bought a new bicycle from a shop on an installment plan. That cycle was very dear to me. Only those who have lost such a loyal friend can understand the bond.
From 5:30 in the morning till 10 at night, I went house to house giving tuitions. Most of my students were from the missionary-run Nirmala English Medium School. My daily break was from noon to 3 p.m., but this wasn’t idle rest – I cooked, bathed, and ate during this time. Sundays were my full day off, and I used to roam with a bag of bread, bananas, and biscuits through hills, waterfalls, forests, and tribal villages along narrow red-dust-covered mountain paths called pāiḍoṅrī in the local language.

04/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/excerpted/20283/

Remembering the Chargola Exodus (Muluk Cholo Dibas) of Tea Plantation Workers

This message was received from a comrade on May 20, 2025. It commemorates “the Chargola Exodus of 1921, one of the first organized and articulated labour protests against colonial oppression and the bo***ge labour system in tea plantations”.
Today is the historic “Muluk Cholo Dibas” (Return to Homeland Day) — a landmark day in the struggle of tea plantation workers. It is only fitting that today we release the full video of the new Hindi-language play by the cultural troupe (Laali Guraas) from the Darjeeling hills, Terai, and Dooars. The play is titled “New India Express”, and it was recently recorded at a cultural event in Elam, Shamli district, Uttar Pradesh.
This play is based on the lives of workers — filled with hope and despair — and the harsh reality of their forced migration in search of work from the past to the present. On Muluk Cholo Dibas, the play’s relevance becomes even more poignant.
But what is Muluk Cholo Dibas?
In 1921, tea garden workers from Sylhet (now in Bangladesh, but once a hilly region with tea plantations in undivided India) could no longer bear the exploitation and abuse of life on the plantations. They decided to return to their ancestral homeland — their muluk (native land). With this goal, they set out on foot for Chandpur.

https://sanhati.com/excerpted/20265/Dipanjan Rai Chaudhuri, the Sixties, and APDRBy Gautam Bhadra. The first memory is h...
01/06/2025

https://sanhati.com/excerpted/20265/

Dipanjan Rai Chaudhuri, the Sixties, and APDR

By Gautam Bhadra.

The first memory is hazy, with just a few lines or dots remaining.
The Presidency College of our time (1965–68) was filled with distinguished students and professors-genuinely awe-inspiring.
Coming from a school near the Adi Ganga in Kalighat, colloquially known as “St. Chetla,” I stepped onto the college campus in 1965 with great apprehension. Admission required passing an entrance exam. That year, Desh magazine published a piece by Narayan Gangopadhyay in Sunanda’s “Journal” about the college—sweet and sour in tone. I still remember the cartoon that accompanied it, drawn by Chandi Lahiri.
Its caption was sharp: “Dependency College, Liabilities Limited in U.K.”

29/05/2025

Opinion: Amit Shah, Cauliflower, and Left Unity

After CPI (Maoist) General Secretary Comrade Nambala Keshava Rao was martyred at the hands of the army and security forces, the Karnataka BJP’s X (formerly Twitter) handle posted a meme in response to a statement issued by another leftist party, CPI (ML) Liberation, condemning the killing. Many have seen that meme. In it, Home Minister Amit Shah is standing with a smiling face, holding a cauliflower in his hand, in front of a specific grave in a cemetery.

The gravestone bears the inscription in English: “Naxalism, Rest in Peace.” There is no doubt that this meme demonstrates a certain high-level artistic intent. It conveys many messages—there’s a cauliflower, a graveyard, Naxalism, the Home Minister himself, and above all, the meme is made in direct response to Liberation’s statement.

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