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AfriNews Channel, Nairobi (2026)

17/04/2026

ZAMBIA ON THE VERGE OF GOING BACK TO ONE PARTY STATE

By Kaikala Baingana
AfriNews Channel, Kenya

The Republic of Zambia is currently on the verge of sliding into a one party State - many footsteps into the past when the Southern African country was ruled by one party for 27 years.

Currently, this country is ruled under a multiparty democratic system. However, signs are visible that the current regime has redirected the country on the path of one party state. The government is actively preventing registration of political parties and destroying existing potential opposition parties through its institutions.

Zambia is ruled by Mr. Hakainde Hichilema who is party leader of the United Party for National Development (UPND). Although Mr. Hichilema was elected on the premise of democracy in 2021, his actions so far have shown that he is prepared to turn Zambia into a one party State and remain in power indefinitely.

Through the Judiciary , Parliament and other government institutions, opposition political parties have faced serious state sponsored internal "coup d'état" where little known individuals take over party leadership of opposition parties by mere press briefing and proceed to alter details of office bearers at the Registrar of Societies - a government body which registers political parties.

These changes are hastily effected by the Registrar of Societies who is appointed by a cabinet minsiter of Home Affairs and Internal Security. When aggrieved parties try to intervene and use the same format as the people who change office bearers, they are told by the Registrar of Societies to go to Court.

When cases of such nature are taken to courts, simple matters which involve interpretation of political party Constitutions on how office bearers are changed at the Registrar of Societies, take many years as has been the case with the former ruling party, the Patriotic Front (PF) .

A member of the former party Mr. Miles Sampa organized a sham general conference and was guarded by the State Police. He proceeded to take over the PF , and the Regustrar of Societies effected changes of office bearers on a holiday in the night. When the true party bearers intervened, the Registrar of Societies refused to change details and told them to take the case to Court. Judges at court who are appointed by Mr. Hichilema and some of whom were part of his legal team while in opposition , have been adjourning such cases indefinitely without proper reasons but it appears, such is designed that way to kill the former ruling party.

Another case in point is where Hichilema has blocked the registration of a political party the Movement for National Renewal (MNR) run by renowned Constitutional lawyer Mr. John Sangwa. The State through different institutions have been running away from Mr. Sangwa instead of registering his party, forcing him to withdraw from his intention to challenge Mr. Hichilema.

It is worthwhile to note that almost all opposition parties with potential to organize and mount a challenge to Hichilema have faced a same pattern of hostile takeover and have been dragged into courts. They all face same situations.

On the other hand, Hichilema is busy telling Zambians to vote for him , apparently, because there is no opposition in the country.

Another worse case noted by the European Union report on Human Rights in Zambia is where no opposition party has been allowed to mobilise or engage with party officials since 2021 by the Zambia Police. Whenever such permission is sort, the Police claim they have no enough man power to provide security. Ironically, when the opposition show signs of defiance, the Police sends armored vehicles and hundreds of Police officers to disperse crowds - rising questions as to why the very police who try to curtail such gatherings are not provided as security in the first place.

Further, the Zambian President has gone ahead to amend the Constitution dubiously and publicly admitted that he dribbled Zambians to achieve his goal. The biggest part of the dubious amendment is the introduction of a system of total control in the National Assembly and it is believed,in the future the Hichilema wants to remove the presidential term limits from the Constitution of Zambia, to allow himself run for President beyond his two term mandate. Already, cronies of Hichilema have started calling for amendments to allow Hichilema run for President for as long as he wishes.

Lately, the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) - a body which manages elections and is managed by at least the top four card carrying members of the ruling party, created more questionable Constituencies whose majority are in the regions Mr. Hichilema never loses elections. According to critics, when Hichilema manages to win the elections in August this year, he will have control over Parliament and this will give him power to change the Constitution to suit his intention to become a life President of Zambia.

11/04/2026

TANZANIAN DICTATOR TRYING HARD TO BE FORGIVEN BY USA

By Kaikala Baingana
AfriNews Channel, Kenya

Tanzania’s President, Samia Suluhu Hassan, is reportedly making urgent efforts to repair relations with the United States following a deeply contested election that has drawn sharp criticism from Washington and beyond.

According to sources and public statements, the Tanzanian government is now offering sweeping tax incentives to American businesses operating in the country, a move widely interpreted as an attempt to safeguard U.S. investments estimated at approximately $43.2 billion. This comes after the White House signaled that it was prepared to withdraw significant economic engagement in response to the disputed electoral process.

President Hassan’s re-election followed a vote widely described by critics as deeply flawed. The election period saw the detention of a prominent opposition figure, while other potential presidential contenders were sidelined under controversial circumstances, leaving a fragmented field of largely unknown smaller parties. Even within that weakened opposition landscape, the outcome has been described by observers as lacking broad-based legitimacy.

Reports from within Tanzania allege widespread irregularities, including pre-marked ballots and heavy-handed policing in opposition strongholds. Allegations have also emerged of significant loss of life, with claims that victims were buried in mass graves without the knowledge of their families—assertions that have yet to be independently verified but have nonetheless intensified international concern.

In Washington, bipartisan alarm has been unusually direct. Senior members of the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including Jim Risch and Jeanne Shaheen, issued a strongly worded statement describing the October 29, 2025 elections as a “sham.” They cited what they characterised as vote manipulation, abductions, and state-sponsored suppression of dissent.

The senators also highlighted the use of internet shutdowns during the voting period, which disrupted business operations and curtailed communication nationwide, effectively isolating citizens at a critical democratic moment. They warned that such actions not only undermine democratic norms but also pose risks to both national stability and regional security.

“For decades, the US-Tanzania relationship has been built on shared democratic values, global security, economic prosperity, and strategic investment,” the senators said, urging a reassessment of bilateral ties in light of what they described as a clear departure from the rule of law and good governance.

The criticism has contributed to Tanzania’s growing diplomatic isolation, with observers noting that President Hassan now finds herself under increasing international scrutiny at a time when economic partnerships are under threat. Her government’s recent overtures to U.S. investors, while pragmatic, underscore the stakes involved.

Analysts say the situation presents a striking contradiction: a government accused of presiding over one of the most violent and tightly controlled elections in the country’s recent history now seeking reassurance from the very international partners whose democratic standards it is accused of undermining.

In this shifting landscape, Tanzania’s leadership faces a delicate balancing act—attempting to retain foreign investment and international legitimacy while confronting persistent questions about the credibility of its electoral process. For now, Washington’s patience appears limited, and the cost of restoring trust may prove far higher than anticipated.

11/04/2026

NOW HICHILEMA IS BUILDING A VIOLENT, SHADOWY POLICE TO SAVE HIM FROM DEFEAT

…Sources allege intelligence and military reluctance to engage in controversial electoral measures

By Kaikala Baingana
AfriNews Channel, Kenya

Zambia’s President, Hakainde Hichilema, is facing intensifying scrutiny over moves to tighten his grip on the country’s security structures as he approaches what is shaping up to be a difficult re-election contest just four months away.

Zambia is scheduled to hold general elections in August, bringing to a close President Hichilema’s first term in office following his emphatic 2021 victory over his longtime rival, the late Edgar Lungu of the Patriotic Front. That victory was widely interpreted as a turning point, ushering in a leader celebrated for his democratic credentials and reformist promises. Those expectations, however, are now being tested against a markedly different political reality.

Sources within the Zambian government have told AfriNews Channel that an internal intelligence assessment presented to the presidency indicated that Mr Hichilema faces a steep challenge in securing a second term. Rather than reassuring the presidency, the report appears to have deepened mistrust within the very institutions tasked with providing him an objective picture of the country.

“The President does not trust the official Office of the President,” one source said, alleging that he believes elements within it remain more loyal to the previous administration than to his own. In a system where intelligence briefings are meant to anchor decision-making in fact, such distrust has reportedly produced an alternative arrangement.

According to multiple accounts, a parallel advisory group composed of retired intelligence personnel reportedly drawn from preferred regional loyalties has been established and is operating from Community House, the President’s residence. This informal structure is said to be competing with, and in some instances overshadowing, formal intelligence channels.

Under normal protocol, the Director General of Intelligence provides the President with a daily national briefing as a matter of priority. Sources now suggest that this routine has been quietly reordered.

“The official briefing is no longer the first voice the President hears,” one insider noted. “He listens to his own team first, and the formal intelligence leadership later—if at all.”

Such a shift raises uncomfortable questions about whether institutional intelligence is being sidelined in favour of more agreeable counsel at a time when political stakes are unusually high.

The same sources indicate that efforts to secure cooperation from Zambia’s intelligence services in politically sensitive strategies have met with resistance. Some officials within the intelligence community are said to refused to obey illegal orders and have insisted on adherence to constitutional obligations, an apparently inconvenient position under present circumstances. Similar accounts have emerged from within the Zambia Army, where certain junior officers are reportedly unwilling to be drawn into activities perceived as political.

Against this backdrop, attention has turned to the recruitment of 4,000 police officers, a process that initially proceeded without public disclosure. Details only emerged after leaks from within the police service itself—an outcome that, in hindsight, suggests not everyone involved was entirely comfortable with the secrecy.

The Zambia Police has since characterised the exercise as a routine replacement of personnel, a justification that has struggled to convince a sceptical public, particularly given both the timing and scale of the recruitment exercise so close to a general election. Government sources cited by AfriNews Channel offer a more pointed interpretation, alleging that the recruits are expected to play a defined role in ensuring the ruling party retains control during the electoral period. Authorities have not publicly addressed these specific claims.

Recent events have done little to dispel perceptions of inconsistency. At the launch of a government-backed job application platform known as “Imisepela,” President Hichilema encouraged young people to apply for public sector jobs without the need for connections or inducements, presenting the initiative as a break from past practices. Attendees, however, were reportedly given $25 each to participate—an unusual detail for an event promoting merit-based opportunity.

For some observers, the contrast is difficult to ignore: a public commitment to transparent, rules-based recruitment on one hand, and a large-scale, initially undisclosed police intake on the other. The “Imisepela” platform, which was presented as a gateway to fair access, has yet to feature in explanations surrounding the police recruitment process.

Sources further allege that the newly recruited officers are expected to play a role in limiting opposition mobilisation before, during, and after voting—an assertion that, if substantiated, would carry serious implications for the credibility of the electoral process. The government has not formally responded to these allegations.

As Zambia approaches a critical election, the emerging picture—of internal mistrust, reported institutional resistance, and controversial security decisions—poses an increasingly pointed test of the country’s democratic resilience. For a president once widely regarded as a standard-bearer for reform, the suggestion that state structures may now be viewed as instruments of political survival risks inviting precisely the kind of scrutiny he once promised to eliminate.

11/04/2026

KENYAN PRESIDENT SENDS POLICE TO PREVENT HIS FORMER VEEP RIGATHI GACHAGUA FROM ENGAGING VOTERS

11/04/2026

MALAWI FORMER PRESIDENT CONTINUES TO WASTE TAX PAYERS MONEY ON PLANES

By AfriNews Channel, Kenya

He lost the election. But he hasn't lost his appetite for the airport. Although he no longer holds the country's highest office, former President Lazarus Chakwera still carries a passport loaded with frequent flyer miles.

Chakwera, who was defeated by Professor Arthur Peter Mutharika in the September 2025 election, continues to crisscross the globe at a pace that would exhaust even a sitting head of state. The only difference now? He no longer has an official reason to go.

During his five-year tenure, Chakwera earned a reputation for lavish foreign trips that many called unnecessary. Detractors coined a phrase for it: a "hunger for travel." And if his post-presidency schedule is any indication, that hunger remains unshaken.

Since leaving office, the opposition leader has made at least four international trips:

· Dubai, United Arab Emirates
· Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
· Brussels, Belgium (returned just last week)
· Tanzania, again (he's there right now)

The back-to-back trips have left many wondering whether the former president is running a diplomatic mission or simply running on autopilot.

"Can this man please sit down for once… Eeesh," a weary observer summed it up.

As Chakwera jets from Brussels to Dar es Salaam and back again, the question writes itself: Who, exactly, is he traveling for now?

While President Peter Mutharika is busy running government affairs from his office, in the end saving forex that would have been spent on flights. Chakwera on the other hand is busy chasing boarding passes, draining Malawian taxes on flights as under the former President's privileges.

11/04/2026

Either Exile or the Grave for Namadingo

By AfriNews Channel, Kenya

Malawian music star Patience Namadingo has revealed that he once feared for his life amid mounting political pressure, drawing chilling parallels with the late Evison Matafale, whose death remains widely viewed by critics as politically linked.

In a candid disclosure on his page, Namadingo said the hostile environment he faced at the time forced him to confront a grim reality: flee the country or risk death. The artist, known not only for his music but also for outspoken advocacy and philanthropic work, suggested that his calls for accountability and readiness to challenge authority placed him directly in harm’s way.

According to Namadingo, the pressure reached a breaking point during the rule of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), when dissenting voices were increasingly viewed as threats. He described a climate of fear in which his influence and public stance made him a target, echoing concerns long raised by rights observers about shrinking civic space.

He further stated that relief only came following a shift in political power, citing the electoral victory of Peter Mutharika over Lazarus Chakwera, which he claims eased the tensions that had pushed him to the brink.

Namadingo’s remarks are likely to reignite debate over political tolerance, freedom of expression, and the safety of public figures in Malawi. His account underscores the precarious position faced by artists and activists who challenge authority in politically charged environments, where the line between influence and vulnerability can become dangerously thin.

10/04/2026

ANOTHER TINPOT DICTATOR RISES IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

By Kaikala Baingana
AfriNews Channel, Kenya

Concerns are mounting that democratic backsliding is taking root once again in Zambia, where President Hakainde Hichilema—elected in 2021 on a platform of reform—now faces growing criticism over his government’s handling of civil liberties and state institutions.

Hichilema’s rise to power was widely viewed as a democratic milestone. Having endured years of political pressure and legal challenges under the Patriotic Front, he campaigned as a reformist committed to dismantling repressive systems and restoring democratic norms. His victory was welcomed both domestically and internationally, with many Western governments portraying him as a symbol of democratic renewal in the region.

However, four years into his presidency, critics argue that Zambia is experiencing a reversal of those early promises.

One of the most cited concerns relates to the Cyber Security Law, which Hichilema had previously opposed while in opposition, describing it as a threat to freedom of expression. Since assuming office, his administration has not repealed the law but has instead strengthened its enforcement. Observers say this has contributed to a climate in which dissenting voices—particularly on social media—face increasing scrutiny and legal risk.

In addition, the reactivation and application of colonial-era legislation, including the Seditious Practices law, has drawn criticism from civil society groups. There have been reported cases of individuals being arrested and prosecuted under these provisions, including for questioning the President’s whereabouts or raising concerns about his health—developments that rights advocates say raise serious questions about freedom of speech and political tolerance.

Institutional independence has also come under scrutiny. Critics allege that key appointments within the judiciary and other state bodies have favored individuals with close personal, political, or business ties to the President. While the government has not formally responded to all such claims, the perception of partiality has fueled debate about the autonomy of institutions tasked with upholding democratic governance, including the electoral system. The concentration of influence across multiple arms of government has further intensified these concerns. Analysts warn that the alignment of the executive, law enforcement, and judicial structures whether real or perceive, risks undermining the system of checks and balances essential to a functioning democracy.

Speaking to AfriNews Channel, U.S.-based development activist Warren Warden expressed concern over the trajectory of governance in Zambia. He stated that “Hichilema now has dangerously weaponised all government institutions to suit his long-term political ambitions,” adding that there are growing fears this could be aimed at extending his stay in power beyond the constitutionally mandated two-term limit.

Such assertions remain contested, but they reflect a broader unease among sections of the international observer community regarding Zambia’s democratic trajectory. Hichilema’s global reputation has also shifted. Once regarded as a reform-minded leader in a region often challenged by authoritarian tendencies, he now faces increasing scrutiny from analysts and governance experts who question whether his administration’s actions align with its initial commitments.

The Zambian government continues to maintain that it is operating within the law and in the interest of national stability. Nevertheless, the contrast between pre-election rhetoric and current policy direction has become a focal point of both domestic and international debate. As Zambia approaches the end of Hichilema’s first term, the direction of its democracy remains under close watch. Whether the country consolidates its democratic gains or slips further into contested governance practices may have broader implications not only for its citizens, but for a region where democratic resilience is increasingly being tested.

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