01/05/2025
OPINION: WILLIAM RUTO’S KINGPIN DOCTRINE — A CALCULATED BLUEPRINT FOR POWER, SUCCESSION, AND CONTROL
By Correspondent
History will record that William Samoei Ruto did not stumble into power. He studied it, mastered it, and eventually engineered it with precision. One of his boldest political strategies—both as Minister during Kibaki regime and later as Deputy President during Uhu-Ruto government, was his deliberate creation of regional kingpins, tailored to secure his hold on power, manage dissent, and shape a post-Ruto succession matrix centered on loyalty rather than legacy.
In the Rift Valley and Central Kenya—his two most critical constituencies in the lead-up to the 2022 General Election, Ruto adopted a quiet but strategic approach: neutralize traditional power brokers and replace them with young, loyal, politically agile operatives. These were not just surrogates. They were replicas of himself—cut from the same mold, drawn from modest backgrounds, and empowered with visibility, resources, and narrative.
THE THREE FACES OF RUTO: MURKOMEN, SANG AND CHERUIYOT
In 2013, Ruto backed Kipchumba Murkomen (Elgeyo Marakwet) and Joshua Sang (Nandi) to be among the youngest senators in Kenya’s history. By 2017, Murkomen remained in the Senate as a Majority Leader and extended his political longevity with a third term, while Sang transitioned to the Nandi governorship, securing a two-term stint in 2022. These two became Ruto’s first-born kingpins—moulded for the North Rift. Murkomen’s journey from constitutional lawyer to Roads CS and now Interior CS reflects both trust and long-term design. His visibility, wealth, and ability to speak across Kalenjin dialects – Pokot, Marakwet and Nandi, makes him a possible heir to Ruto’s mantle.
Then came Aaron Cheruiyot, the third-born in Ruto’s political dynasty. Handpicked to replace Charles Keter as Kericho Senator after the latter joined the Cabinet, Cheruiyot’s initial victory over Paul Sang—backed by Gideon Moi and KANU—was not just a win for Uhu-Ruto’s Jubilee Party but a signal to Moi’s legacy that the ground had shifted. Unbeknownst to many, Cheruiyot also shared business interests with one of Ruto’s daughters. His elevation to Senate Majority Leader and rise as the Kipsigis spokesperson sealed the South Rift chapter of Ruto’s kingpin trinity.
With Murkomen in the North Rift, Sang in Central Rift, and Cheruiyot in the South, the President had effectively reproduced himself in each Kalenjin sub-region—young, eloquent, fiercely loyal, and with ambitions nurtured in his political nursery.
SELF-MADE CHALLENGERS: MANDAGO AND NG’ENO CARVE THEIR OWN PATHS
However, not all strongmen in Rift Valley were Ruto’s design. The Ruling Class has leant that Jackson Mandago and Johanna Ng’eno have taken alternative paths—self-made kingpins who have often operated at the edges of Ruto’s inner circle.
Mandago, from Ruto’s own Uasin Gishu backyard, nearly lost his second term as governor to billionaire Buzeki, a man widely believed to have had the then Deputy President’s quiet support. Mandago’s surprising alliance with Raila Odinga in 2017 helped him survive, and from there, he grew bolder—no longer dependent on Ruto’s approval.
His famous “weka siasa kwa lungs” statement during the annual Turkana Cultural Festival in 2021, became a national catchphrase, propelling him into mainstream political relevance. After clinching the senatorial seat in 2022, Mandago began fashioning himself as a future power broker in the Rift—perhaps even a post-2032 presidential contender.
Johanna Ng’eno, on the other hand, comes from Narok, where the Kipsigis are a numerical minority. A shrewd political operator, Ng’eno has switched allegiances with the tides—KANU, Jubilee, and eventually UDA—always positioning himself as the voice of the minority Kipsigis in the Maa region. His real game, insiders believe, is to stake a claim to the larger Kipsigis vote, especially in Kericho and Bomet, where he sees an opportunity for regional consolidation.
NIXON KORIR: THE QUIET STRATEGIST BEHIND RUTO’S POLITICAL MACHINERY
Another critical yet often understated figure in Ruto’s inner circle is Nixon Korir, the current Principal Secretary for Lands, a former MP for Lang’ata, and one of Ruto’s longest-serving political protégés.
In 2016, Ruto publicly vowed to make him the first Kalenjin MP elected in Nairobi, a promise he delivered on in 2017. But Korir’s story with Ruto runs much deeper. He was mentored by the president during his university days, where he rose to become one of the most influential student leaders at the University of Nairobi in 2009/10.
Ruto later absorbed him into his ministerial office in the twilight years of the Kibaki government. A lawyer by training, Korir went on to become the Secretary-General of the URP Party in 2012, and later the Executive Director of Jubilee Party after the URP-TNA merger. Known in political circles as a master strategist, especially during elections, Nixon is seen as one of Ruto’s most trusted lieutenants behind the scenes.
Though he has gone quiet politically in recent years, insiders say this is by design. His current role at the Ministry of Lands—one of the most powerful and well-resourced dockets—offers him the opportunity to build a strategic resource base, a critical asset in the succession politics of 2032. His low-profile presence masks a calculated and long-term positioning, typical of Ruto’s inner circle.
While his roots straddle both Baringo and Nakuru counties, his influence extends well beyond — positioning him as a quiet but powerful architect in Ruto’s broader power equation.
FAILED PROJECTS: THE CHELUGUI-GACHAGUA MISCALCULATION
But not all of Ruto’s experiments bore fruit. Simon Chelugui and Rigathi Gachagua—once favored—are now considered failed kingpin projects.
In 2017, Ruto convinced Chelugui to abandon his gubernatorial bid and run for Senate in Baringo. The idea was to checkmate Gideon Moi and balance out the county’s volatile succession politics. Chelugui was rewarded with a Cabinet post under the Uhuru-Ruto regime and retained in Ruto’s first Cabinet. However, his aloof style, perceived arrogance, and loss of grassroots touch cost him dearly. By the time Gen Z protests swept through in 2024 and Ruto dismissed his Cabinet, Chelugui was expendable—with celebrations reported across Baringo.
His close ties to the impeached Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who had fallen out of favor with Ruto, only deepened his isolation. The Chelugui experiment had run its course.
CENTRAL KENYA: DIVIDE, EMPOWER, CONQUER
In Central Kenya, Ruto’s strategy was even more radical. Facing resistance from former President Uhuru Kenyatta and his Jubilee Party, Ruto opted to split the mountain rather than climb it. Leaders like Nyeri Town MP Hon Ngunjiri Wambugu accused him of sowing division—and they weren’t entirely wrong.
He bypassed the old guard and handpicked younger, hungrier allies—Rigathi Gachagua (Nyeri), Ndindi Nyoro (Murang’a), Moses Kuria (Kiambu), Cecily Mbarire (Embu), Kimani Ichung’wah (Kiambu), Kithure Kindiki (Tharaka Nithi), Irungu Kang’ata, among others —giving them platforms, resources, and media access. These leaders didn’t just deliver votes in 2022; they built a counterweight to Uhuru’s grip and are now frontline soldiers in the Ruto succession project.
THE FORECAST: CRAFTING HIS LEGACY WITH CALCULATED PRECISION
President Ruto’s kingpin doctrine is neither accidental nor reactive. It’s a deeply calculated political blueprint—a strategy to ensure continuity, suppress opposition, and create a loyal second generation of power holders.
His method is surgical: identify talent, nurture loyalty, provide visibility, offer resources, and eliminate threats. The result? A web of young, regionally rooted leaders who owe their political lives to him—and are unlikely to challenge him without consequence.
As 2032 inches closer, the question won’t just be “Who will succeed William Ruto?” but rather: “Which of his kingpins will he anoint—and which will revolt?”
In Rift Valley and beyond, the future is already being scripted. And once again, William Ruto is holding the pen.
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