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Khmer Historian, Chbar Ampov 2, Chbar Ampov, Phnom Penh (2025)

12/08/2025

Press Briefing – Update on the implementation of the immediate and unconditional ceasefire agreement between Cambodia and Thailand

11:00 AM, August 11, 2025

Keynote Address by H.E. Chum Sounry, Spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (MoFAIC):

1. Cambodia Inform UN of Growing Risk Facing Ceasefire
H.E. Deputy PM Prak Sokhonn, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, wrote separate letters to the President of the UN Security Council and the UN Secretary General informing them of the growing risk facing the present extremely fragile truce between Cambodia and Thailand. In both of his letters dated 11 Aug 2025, Deputy PM Prak Sokhonn said that:

“As you are fully aware, Cambodia and Thailand reached a ceasefire agreement in the Special Meeting hosted by Malaysia on 28 July 2025. It has spared many lives and offered hope to tens of thousands of displaced individuals, raising expectations that they might soon return home and can look forward to thriving in lasting peace and harmony. We deeply appreciate the Security Council convening an urgent meeting to deliberate on the Cambodia-Thailand armed conflict on 25 July 2025, which has helped to encourage this positive development.” The Deputy PM underlined that “Today, I find it relevant to bring to your urgent attention that the present extremely fragile truce is now facing a growing risk, while the armed forces of the Kingdom of Thailand have continued escalating breaches of Cambodia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, in violation of international law and binding bilateral agreements, as well as the terms of the agreed ceasefire.”

“Since the entry into force of the agreed ceasefire on 28 July 2025, Thai military units have repeatedly entered Cambodian territory. They have illegally laid barbed wire and constructed roads at multiple locations therein. In deliberate and aggravated breach of the ceasefire agreed on 28 July 2025 and the Agreed Minutes of the Extraordinary Meeting of the General Border Committee of 7 August 2025, Thai forces illegally entered and escalated their activities in the An Seh area of Preah Vihear Province. They proceeded from laying barbed wire to demolishing Cambodian villagers’ homes and deploying heavy machinery to build fortified bunkers.” “These actions are well corroborated with the public statement made on 10 August 2025 by the Commander of Thailand’s 2nd Army Region, who vowed Thai soldiers will reclaim Ta Krabey Temple and plans to close Tamone Thom Temple,” he continued.

Deputy PM Prak Sokhonn highlighted that “the situs of each and all of these violations lies wholly within the territory of the Kingdom of Cambodia, as defined and delimited by the 1:200 000-scale maps prepared by the Franco-Siamese Mixed Commissions pursuant to the Convention of 13 February 1904 and the Treaty of 23 March 1907. These maps—mutually accepted by the governments of Cambodia and Thailand—were expressly determinative in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) judgments of 15 June 1962 and 11 November 2013 in the Temple of Preah Vihear case, both final and binding pursuant to Article 60 of the Statute of the ICJ and Article 94 of the UN Charter.”

The Deputy PM continued that “The aforementioned acts constitute serious and continuing violations of:
• the Ceasefire Arrangement of 28 July 2025;
• the Agreed Minutes of the Extraordinary Meeting of the General Border Committee of 7 August 2025;
• the Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Kingdom of Cambodia and the Government of the Kingdom of Thailand on the Survey and Demarcation of Land Boundary of 14 June 2000, under which both sides commit to jointly demarcate the land boundary between the two countries based on the Franco-Siamese Convention of 1904, the Treaty of 1907,and the maps that are the results of the demarcation works of the Commissions of Delimitation of the boundary between Indo-China and Siam; and

• The fundamental principles of international law, including the prohibition of the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity of another State, as enshrined in the UN Charter and in the ASEAN Charter.”
“The Royal Government of Cambodia therefore demands that the Royal Thai Government and the Thai armed forces:
1. Immediately cease all incursions, illegal occupations, and any other activities in violation of Cambodian sovereignty and territorial integrity;
2. Withdraw all Thai military personnel and equipment from the territory of the Kingdom of Cambodia to positions fully consistent with the legally established boundary; and
3. Comply fully and unconditionally with all binding bilateral and international obligations, including the Ceasefire Arrangement of 28 July 2025 and the Agreed Minutes of 7 August 2025.”

Deputy PM Prak Sokhonn reaffirmed the Royal Government of Cambodia’s consistent and unwavering commitment to seeking amicable resolution to all boundary disputes with all its neighbors through peaceful means in accordance with international law, while remaining resolute in upholding its principled position that borders must not be changed by force. The Deputy PM called on both the President of the UN Security Council and the UN Secretary General to continue encouraging full respect for the extremely fragile truce and supporting efforts to achieve a complete cessation of armed hostilities and progress towards normalcy.

2. Cambodia Officially Protests Escalating Thai Violations of Sovereignty
On 11 August 2025, the MFAIC lodged with the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs Cambodia’s strongest protest against the continuing and escalating breaches of Cambodia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity by the armed forces of Thailand, in clear violation of international law and binding bilateral agreements.

In its protest, the MFAIC expressed grave concern over Thailand’s repeated violations of Cambodia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as its continued breaches of the ceasefire. The MFAIC urged the Thai government and armed forces:
1. To immediately cease all incursions, illegal occupations, and any other activities in violation of Cambodian sovereignty and territorial integrity;
2. To withdraw all Thai military personnel and equipment from the territory of the Kingdom of Cambodia to positions fully consistent with the legally established boundary; and
3. To comply fully and unconditionally with all binding bilateral and international obligations, including the Ceasefire Arrangement of 28 July 2025 and the Agreed Minutes of 7 August 2025.

3. Cambodia Rejects Thai Suggestion of Cambodia’sMisrepresentation

The MFAIC notes with concern the statement issued by the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 11 August 2025 regarding the public statement made on 10 August 2025 by the Commander of Thailand’s 2nd Army Region that “Thai soldiers will reclaim Ta Krabey Temple and plan to close Tamoan Thom Temple.”

Cambodia categorically rejects any suggestion that the Ministry of National Defence of Cambodia “misrepresented” the Thai 2nd Army Region commander’s remarks. The Cambodian statement was based on clear and verifiable facts on the ground, including ongoing Thai military activities that are inconsistent with the letter and spirit of the 28 July 2025 Ceasefire Arrangement and the 7 August 2025 GBC Agreed Minutes. While Cambodia remains committed to participating constructively in the agreed RBC framework to ensure effective ceasefire implementation, this can only succeed if both sides refrain from activities that alter the situation on the ground and from issuing statements that deny established facts or attempt to shift blame.

12/08/2025

INTERVIEW WITH H.E. Dr. Ly Thuch, Senior Minister and First Vice-President of the Cambodian Mine Action and Victim Assistance Authority
………..

Q&As on Cambodia’s Commitment to Ceasefire & Landmine Allegations

Q1: Has Cambodia planted new landmines along the border?
No. Cambodia has not, and will not, plant new landmines. As a State Party to the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention since 1999, our record is one of clearance, not deployment, with over one million landmines and nearly three million explosive remnants of war safely removed.

Q2: But Thailand says its soldiers were injured by newly laid mines.
This allegation is entirely unsubstantiated. There is no credible evidence that Cambodia has laid new mines, and no transparent investigation has confirmed such a claim. Cambodia stands by its obligations under the Mine Ban Treaty and rejects any suggestion to the contrary.

Q3: How does Cambodia view the recent allegations from Thailand?
They are baseless. Public accusations without impartial verification are unhelpful and threaten the cooperative spirit established at the Cambodia–Thailand General Border Committee meeting.

Q4: Why should the international community believe Cambodia’s account?
Our record speaks for itself. For decades, Cambodia has worked with the United Nations, ASEAN partners, and the international mine action community. Independent monitors and donors know our work is transparent, technically sound, and internationally recognized.

Q5: Could Cambodian forces have acted without authorization?
No. Our armed forces operate under strict command structures. We are upholding the agreement to maintain current troop deployments and avoid any movement toward the other side’s positions.

Q6: What commitments has Cambodia made under the ceasefire agreement?
At the extraordinary GBC meeting, both sides agreed to hold current troop positions, cease patrols toward the other’s lines, and avoid actions that could escalate tensions. Cambodia fully respects this commitment.

Q7: What will Cambodia do now to resolve this issue?
We call for a fact-based, impartial investigation involving both sides and, if necessary, international mine action experts. We will fully cooperate to establish the truth and prevent future incidents.

Q8: Are you accusing Thailand of lying?
We are not assigning motives. Until an independent investigation is completed, allegations remain unproven and risk distracting from the shared goal of peace and safety.

Q9: How is Cambodia contributing to peace and safety?
We remain committed to dialogue, technical cooperation, and working with Thailand, ASEAN, and the global mine action community to uphold peace, protect civilians, and keep our shared border safe.

12/08/2025

ថៃឈ្លានពានដោយស្ងៀមស្ងាត់ និងបង្កហេតុដោយបើកចំហ
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ចាប់តាំងពីកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងឈប់បាញ់ចូលជាធរមានកាលពីពាក់កណ្តាលអធ្រាត្រថ្ងៃទី២៨ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០២៥ មក ភាគីកម្ពុជាបានអនុវត្តយ៉ាងម៉ឺងម៉ាត់ប្រកបដោយសុឆន្ទៈ និងស្មោះត្រង់ក្នុងស្មារតីស្រឡាញ់សន្តិភាពនិងភាពសុខសាន្តរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ។

12/08/2025

Thai silent aggression and open provocations
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Since the ceasefire agreement came into effect at midnight on July 28, 2025, the Cambodian side has firmly adhered to every term and condition stipulated in the agreement with good faith and sincerity in the spirit of fostering peace and people’s well-being.

12/08/2025

ផ្សាយផ្ទាល់ពិសេស៖ សេចក្តីសង្ខេបព័ត៌មានប្រចាំថ្ងៃ ស្តីពី «លទ្ធផលនៃការអនុវត្តបទឈប់បាញ់រវាងកម្ពុជា-ថៃ» សម្រាប់ថ្ងៃអង្គារ ៣រោច ខែស្រាពណ៍ ឆ្នាំម្សាញ់ សប្តស័ក ព.ស.២៥៦៩ ត្រូវនឹងថ្ងៃទី១២ ខែសីហា ឆ្នាំ២០២៥ នៅទីស្តីការគណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី។

12/08/2025

Press Briefing - Update on the implementation of the immediate and unconditional ceasefire agreement between Cambodia and Thailand

7:00 AM, August 12, 2025

Intervention by H.E. Pen Bona, Royal Government Spokesperson:

Dear Member of the Press,

Before concluding the press briefing session this morning, I would like to respond to the Thailand’s Government Spokesperson quoted by Thai media accusing Cambodia of laying new landmines and saying that they are preparing to file a complaint to the ICC.

First: The Cambodian Mine Action and Victim Assistance Authority (CMAA) has already provided a clear explanation in its press release of 9 August 2025, refuting this unfounded accusation. To date, no credible or transparent investigation has been conducted into the incident cited by the Thai side. Cambodia calls for restraint and for the avoidance of premature public accusations, which risk undermining mutual trust and eroding the spirit of the ceasefire at a time when constructive engagement is urgently needed.

Second: Since becoming a State Party in 2000, Cambodia has scrupulously adhered to the Ottawa Convention. Cambodia has destroyed over one million anti-personnel mines and nearly three million other explosive remnants of war from its territory, contributing significantly to humanitarian demining efforts at home and abroad, including UN peacekeeping missions.

Third: Cambodia reaffirms its firm commitment to every point of the ceasefire agreement and encourages Thailand to also fully honor its commitments to this ceasefire agreement as well.

Thank you

12/08/2025

Press Briefing -Update on the implementation of the immediate and unconditional ceasefire agreement between Cambodia and Thailand

7:00AM, August 12, 2025

Keynote Address by H.E. LTG. Maly Socheata, the Ministry of National Defense Spokesperson:

This morning I would like to provide some updates on the situation after the ceasefire between Cambodian and Thai militaries came into effect at midnight on July 28, 2025, and after the extraordinary meeting of the Cambodia-Thailand General Border Committee (GBC), as of August 12, 2025.

Starting from midnight on 12 August 2025 up to 6 AM this morning, the situation at the front line along the Preah Vihearand Oddar Meanchey provinces remained calm and steady. Cambodian military forces stand strong and fully vigilant in fulfilling their duty.

The positive outcome of the extraordinary meeting of the Cambodia-Thailand General Border Committee (GBC) reflects the mutual determination of both sides to work together to promote lasting peace, stability, cooperation, and development for the mutual benefit of both countries. Therefore, the next most important step for both sides is to show their will, commitment, and respect and implement honestly, truly, and practically what has been agreed upon.

In this session, I would like to reiterate one point among the agreement reached at the extraordinary meeting of the General Border Committee on 7 August 2025 in Kuala Lumpur. In this spirit, both sides agreed as stipulated in the points of the agreement of the extraordinary GBC meeting as follows:

Both sides agreed to comply with international humanitarian law in the treatment of the captured soldiers, including their living conditions, shelter, food, and medical care in case of injury. If one side wishes to bring in its own wounded soldiers or civilians who are not under the control of the other side for medical treatment, the receiving side may determine its response based on the capacity of the medical facility, including available equipment, personnel, or medical ethics, on a case-by-case basis.

Captured soldiers shall be immediately released and repatriated after the cessation of active hostility in accordance with Article 118 of the 3rd Geneva Convention of 1949 and Rule 128(A) of the Customary International Humanitarian Law.

Both sides agreed to exchange information and facilitate the dignified and timely return of the deceased individuals at an agreed location in full respect of humanitarian principles and jurisdiction without crossing the border and ensure that appropriate measures are taken to identify and manage the dead under sanitary and respectful conditions, thereby preventing the deceased from disappearing in death.

In this spirit, Cambodia continues to call on Thailand to implement the above agreement and to return the 18 Cambodian soldiers who were detained after the ceasefire, which has been for 14 days now, so that they can reunite with their families, who are honestly waiting for their return day and night. Additionally, I would also like to express my gratitude to the partner countries and the numerous international organizations that have repeatedly called for Thailand to release our soldiers as soon as possible. We are committed to ensuring that no military personnel are left behind or abandoned.

I also wish to inform you that the regional border committee (RBC) team is preparing for a meeting with the Thai side, which is scheduled to take place within the next two weeks. This meeting aligns with the spirit and agreement established during the extraordinary meeting GBC held on August 7, 2025, in Kuala Lumpur. Cambodia strongly hopes that this RBC meeting will contribute positively to the implementation of the ceasefire agreement and will help restore peace, security, stability, and normalcy in the relationship between the two countries. I would also like to underscore that the borders cannot be changed through the use of force and that the border issue must be resolved through technical and international legal mechanisms.

Cambodia would like to reiterate its unwavering commitment to respecting and strictly implementing all the terms of the ceasefire agreement as well as the spirit and content reached at the extraordinary meeting of the General Border Committee on 7 August 2025.

Cambodia's commitment to work constructively in good faith and in close cooperation with Thailand, Malaysia, other ASEAN member countries and all relevant partners to ensure the effective and full implementation of the ceasefire and to resolve all disputes peacefully in accordance with international law, the UN Charter, and the ASEAN Charter.

Thank you.

12/08/2025

ចំណេះដឹងទូទៅ៖ តើអ្នកដឹងទេ? អ្វីទៅជាអនុសញ្ញាអូតាវ៉ា
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(FN-ភ្នំពេញ)៖ អនុសញ្ញាអូតាវ៉ា ឬហៅបានថាអនុសញ្ញាស្តីពីការហាមការប្រើប្រាស់មីនប្រឆាំងមនុស្ស ឬហៅពេញថា អនុសញ្ញាស្តីពីការហាមការប្រើប្រាស់ ការរក្សាទុក ការផលិត និងការផ្ទេរគ្រាប់មីនប្រឆាំងមនុស្ស និងការបំផ្លាញគ្រាប់មីន។

អនុសញ្ញានេះ គឺជាអនុសញ្ញារបស់អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ និងជាការឆ្លើយតបគ្រប់ជ្រុងជ្រោយរបស់សហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិ ចំពោះបញ្ហាមនុស្សធម៌ ដែលបង្កឡើងដោយមីនប្រឆាំងមនុស្ស ដែលជាអាវុធដែលបង្កផលអាក្រក់ដ៏ធ្ងន់ធ្ងរ ទោះបីជាជម្លោះប្រដាប់អាវុធបានបញ្ចប់ទៅជាច្រើនទសវត្សរ៍ក៏ដោយ។

អនុសញ្ញាអូតាវ៉ា ត្រូវបានអនុម័តនៅទីក្រុងអូស្លូ ប្រទេសន័រវែស ថ្ងៃទី១៨ ខែកញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧ និងទទួលឱ្យមានការចុះហត្ថលេខា នៅទីក្រុងអូតាវ៉ា ប្រទេសកាណាដា នៅថ្ងៃទី៣ និង៤ ខែធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧។ ការចុះហត្ថលេខាលើអនុសញ្ញានៅតែបន្តបើកចំហរហូតដល់ពេលអនុសញ្ញានេះចូលជាធរមាននៅថ្ងៃទី១ ខែមីនា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៩៕

12/08/2025

វិភាគអន្តរជាតិ៖ តើលោក ពូទីន ចង់បានអ្វីពីកិច្ចប្រជុំកំពូលជាមួយលោក ត្រាំ នៅ Alaska?
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(វ៉ាស៉ីនតោន)៖ កាលពីថ្ងៃសុក្រ ទី៨ ខែសីហា ប្រធានាធិបតីអាមេរិក លោក ដូណាល់ ត្រាំ បាននិយាយថា រូបលោកនឹងជួបជាមួយប្រធានាធិបតីរុស្ស៉ី លោក វ៉្លាឌីមៀ ពូទីន នៅថ្ងៃទី១៥ ខែសីហា ក្នុងរដ្ឋ Alaska ជារដ្ឋមួយដែលចក្រភពរុស្ស៉ីបានលក់ឱ្យសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកក្នុងតម្លៃ ៧.២លានដុល្លារ ក្នុងឆ្នាំ១៨៦៧ នៅពេលសេ្តច Czar Alexander ទី២ វ័ណ្ឌកដោយសារបំណុលសង្រ្គាម។ កិច្ចប្រជុំរបៀបនេះត្រូវបានគេ មើលឃើញថាជាការផ្លាស់ប្ដូរមួយនៅក្នុងគោលនយោបាយរបស់សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក។ លោកខាងលិចមួយភាគធំបានចាត់ទុកលោក ពូទីន ជាប្រភេទមនុស្សមិនគួររាប់រក ចាប់តាំងពីរុស្ស៉ីបានបើកការឈ្លានពាន អ៊ុយក្រែនកាលពីឆ្នាំ២០២២។ ដូច្នេះការដែលប្រធានាធិបតីអាមេរិកម្នាក់មានបំណងជួបលោក ពូទីន អាចនឹងត្រូវបានគេបកស្រាយថាជាជោគជ័យខាងការទូតមួយសម្រាប់វិមានក្រឹមឡាំង។

ក៏ប៉ុន្តែដោយមិនមានវត្តមានចូលរួមពីតំណាងអ៊ុយក្រែន ឱកាសដែលកិច្ចចរចារវាងលោក លោក ត្រាំ និងលោក ពូទីន សម្រេចបានលទ្ធផលផ្លែផ្កាធំដុំគឺមានតិចតួចប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ លោកប្រធានាធិបតីអ៊ុយក្រែន វ៉ូឡូឌីមៀ ហ្សេលេនស្គី កាលពីថ្ងៃសៅរ៍ ទី៩ ខែសីហា ទាត់ចោលចំពោះគំនិតចង់ឱ្យអ៊ុយក្រែនកាត់ទឹកដីឱ្យរុស្ស៉ី បន្ទាប់ពីលោក ត្រាំ បានព្រលយថាកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងមួយអាចនឹងតម្រូវឱ្យអ៊ុយក្រែនបោះបង់ចោល ទឹកដីមួយចំនួន។

* តើលោក ពូទីន ចង់បានអ្វីពីកិច្ចចរចាជាមួយលោក ត្រាំ?
វាអាចទៅរួចថាលោក ពូទីន កំពុងប្រើប្រាស់កិច្ចប្រជុំកំពូលជាមួយលោក ត្រាំ ជាយុទ្ធសាស្ត្រកេងចំណេញពេលវេលា និងប្រើជាមធ្យោបាយដើម្បីសាកល្បងស្ដារទំនាក់ទំនងជាមួយទីក្រុងវ៉ាស៊ីនតោន។ បើនិយាយ ដល់ភូមិសាស្ត្រនយោបាយ កិច្ចប្រជុំកំពូលជាមួយលោក ត្រាំ នៅរដ្ឋ Alaska មានជាប់ពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងការយល់ឃើញពីពិភពលោករបស់លោក ពូទីនដែលថាបណ្ដាប្រទេសជាកំពូលមហាអំណាចគួរតែកំណត់ដែន ឥទ្ធិពលរបស់ខ្លួន ដូចគ្នាទៅនឹងរបៀបដែលអតីតមេដឹកនាំសូវៀតស្ដាលីនបានជួបជាមួយអតីតប្រធានាធិបតីអាមេរិក លោក Franklin D.Roosevelt និងអតីតនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីអង់គ្លេស លោក Winston Churchill នៅក្នុងទីក្រុង Yalta នៅឆ្នាំ១៩៤៥ ដើម្បីពុះចែកអឺរ៉ុប បែងចែកដែនឥទ្ធិពលគ្រប់គ្រងក្រោយសង្រ្គាមលោកលើកទី២បិទបញ្ចប់។

លោក ពូទីន ជឿជាក់ថាដោយមានឃ្លាំងអាវុធនុយក្លេអ៊ែរដ៏ធំមហិមារ រុស្ស៉ីនៅតែជាមហាអំណាចមួយនៅលើពិភពលោក បើទោះជារុស្ស៉ីផលិតរបស់របរប្រើប្រាស់តិចតួចដែលប្រទេសជុំវិញពិភពលោកត្រូវការ ក្រៅតែពីប្រេង និងឧស្ម័នក៏ដោយ។ លោក ពូទីនដែលធ្លាប់ហៅការដួលរលំសហភាពសូវៀតក្នុងឆ្នាំ១៩៩១ ថាជាមហន្តរាយភូមិសាស្ត្រនយោបាយមួយប្រចាំស.វ បានខ្នះខ្នែងស្វែងរកភាពខ្លាំងឱ្យរុស្ស៉ីឡើងវិញ ជាមួយការអះអាងពីអធិបតេយ្យរបស់រុស្ស៉ីលើអ៊ុយក្រែន។ រុស្ស៉ី និងអ៊ុយក្រែនបានរៀបចំកិច្ចចរចាចំនួន៣លើករួចមកហើយក្នុងទីក្រុង Istanbul ហើយទីក្រុងមូស្គូបានប្រើប្រាស់កិច្ចចរចារបៀបនេះដើម្បី ព្យាយាមសម្រេចឱ្យបាននូវអ្វីដែលខ្លួនមិនអាចឈ្នះនៅលើសមរភូមិ។ លោក ពូទីន ត្រូវបានគេមើលឃើញថាអាចនឹងទាមទារជាអតិបរមានូវសំណើមួយចំនួននៅឯកិច្ចចរចាជាមួយលោក ត្រាំ ក្នុងនោះរួមមាន ទាមទារតំបន់ភាគខាងកើតអ៊ុយក្រែនជាកម្មសិទ្ធិរបស់រុស្ស៉ី បិទខ្ទប់កុំឱ្យអ៊ុយក្រែនក្លាយជាសមាជិក NATO រារាំងកុំឱ្យ NATO ពង្រីកខ្លួនបន្ថែមទៅកាន់ប្រទេសក្នុងតំបន់អឺរ៉ុបខាងកើតដែលធ្លាប់ជាអតីតទឹកដី សហភាពសូវៀត កំណត់ទំហំយោធារបស់អ៊ុយក្រែន និងធានាឱ្យបានថារដ្ឋាភិបាលអ៊ុយក្រែនមានទំនោរមិត្តភាពចំពោះរុស្ស៉ី។

* តើលោក ដូណាល់ ត្រាំ បានអ្វីពីកិច្ចចរចាជាមួយលោក ពូទីន?
សម្រាប់ប្រធានាធិបតីអាមេរិក លោក ដូណាល់ ត្រាំ ដែលចាត់ទុកខ្លួនឯងថាជាអ្នកពូកែខាងចរចាស្វែងរកកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀង ការបោះជំហានដ៏សំខាន់ណាមួយឆ្ពោះទៅរកសន្តិភាពនៅអ៊ុយក្រែន គឺជាមរតកនយោបាយ និងជាកេរ្តិ៍ឈ្មោះមួយដែលលោកចង់ឱ្យពិភពកលោកចារទុកជាប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ។ លោក ត្រាំ ក៏បានបង្ហាញពីគោលបំណងដោយបើកចំហផងដែរថារូបលោកចង់បានពានរង្វាន់ណូបែលសន្តិភាព ហើយថែមទាំង អះអាងថារូបលោកសមនឹងទទួលបានពានរង្វាន់នេះសម្រាប់កិច្ចប្រឹងប្រែងរបស់លោកក្នុងការដោះស្រាយវិបត្តិអ៊ុយក្រែន និងជម្លោះផ្សេងទៀត។ លោក ត្រាំ បាននិយាយថាចង់រៀបចំកិច្ចចរចាត្រីភាគីជាមួយ លោក ពូទីន និងលោក ហ្សេលេនស្គី។ ប៉ុន្តែមកទល់នឹងពេលនេះ ទាំងលោក ពូទីន និងលោក ហ្សេលេនស្គីមិនទាន់បង្ហាញឆន្ទៈជួបមុខគ្នាដោយផ្ទាល់នៅឡើយទេ។

គួរបញ្ជាក់ថា នៅក្នុងសុន្ទរកថាមួយកាលពីថ្ងៃសៅរ៍ ទី៩ ខែសីហា លោក ហ្សេលេនស្គី បានទាត់ចោលលទ្ធភាពនៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងមួយដែលផាត់អ៊ុយក្រែនចេញ។ «រាល់ការសម្រេចចិត្តដែលធ្វើឡើងប្រឆាំងនឹង ពួកយើង រាល់ការសម្រេចចិត្តណាមួយដោយគ្មានការចូលរួមពីអ៊ុយក្រែន គឺស្មើនឹងការសម្រេចចិត្តប្រឆាំងនឹងសន្តិភាព»។ នេះជាការគូសបញ្ជាក់របស់លោក ហ្សេលេនស្គី។ ដូចគ្នាទៅលោក ហ្សេលេនស្គី បណ្ដាប្រទេសមេដឹកនាំអឺរ៉ុបក៏បានបង្ហាញការព្រួយបារម្ភខ្លាចក្រែងដែរថាលោក ត្រាំ និងលោក ពូទីន អាចនឹងចរចាគ្នាឈានដល់កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងមួយលើលក្ខខណ្ឌរបស់មេដឹកនាំទាំង២ ហើយបង្ខំឱ្យអ៊ុយក្រែន ទទួលយក៕ ប្រភព៖ Fresh News

12/08/2025

Cambodia-Thailand Hostility: Why Thailand Won’t Stop Here
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The recent five-day military clash between Cambodia and Thailand left dozens of soldiers injured or killed and hundreds of thousands of civilians displaced before ASEAN chair Malaysia, with support from the US and China, stepped in to mediate a temporary ceasefire.

Now that the guns have fallen silent, Thailand’s behaviour reveals that the crisis is far from over and Cambodia needs to prepare for what may come next.

At the heart of the conflict is a disagreement over territorial claims on the Preah Vihear Temple. Although the International Court of Justice ruled in favour of Cambodia in 1962, Thailand still insists on challenging Cambodia’s rule politically and militarily.

Recent border incursions and the fact that Thai soldiers walking into areas with known minefields are not random acts of carelessness, but intentional provocations.

Such actions are a part of Thailand’s calculated strategy. Through testing Cambodia’s patience again and again, Thailand is trying to provoke so it can then justify further aggression. This allows Thailand to frame itself as a victim in the eyes of the international community, a strategy which has been employed during past confrontations.

On August 10, Lieutenant General Boonsin Padklang, commander of Thailand’s Second Military Region offered a statement that should be considered a direct threat to Cambodia’s sovereignty.

Ahead of his retirement with 51 days left, he announced two objectives: to seize the Ta Krabey Temple, and to close access to Ta Mone Thom Temple, both of which are internationally recognised as being within Cambodia’s territory.

The declaration was not a defensive measure. Rather it was a clear, premeditated intention to violate Cambodia’s territory and the ceasefire agreement. The general’s statement is an open provocation which represents a direct challenge to peace and security in the region. On the night of August 9, Cambodian forces reported that Thailand soldiers fired 100 shots using catapults against Cambodian troops, which is a blatant violation of the ceasefire. These actions reflect a terrible strategy: provoke, escalate and portray Thailand as the victim.

Escalating this hostility is a strain of Thai nationalism rooted in historical revisionism, like the idea that some parts of Cambodia were once owned by Thailand. This dangerous narrative is being used to justify the present-day invasion.

Under prime minister Hun Manet, Cambodia has so far responded with diplomatic restraint. However, there no sovereign nation will allow another nation to repeatedly violate its sovereignty without defending its land and people.

ASEAN and the international community must act now before the situation spirals further. The previous mediation of Malaysia showed that regional diplomacy could work, but the aggressor must be identified and held accountable.

This is not a simple territory dispute. It is the test of sovereignty, stability and international order. If it is left unchecked, Thailand will not stop here.

Han Noy is a freelance journalist based in Phnom Penh, with an eye on Cambodian foreign policy in Southeast Asia. The views and opinions expressed are his own.

12/08/2025

The hidden costs of US reciprocal tariffs
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In a world of coercive trade diplomacy, the real cost of tariff relief may not be measured in percentages, but in sovereignty.

When Washington announced tariff reductions for a select group of nations this month – to 19 percent from 26 percent – the meagre seven percent drop was quickly labelled a “breakthrough” by some.

For nations like Vietnam, Pakistan, Indonesia and several in Africa, it appeared to be a rare reprieve from a system that could hit many of them hard.

But beneath the surface, a more uncomfortable question looms: what exactly was exchanged for those reductions?

From the beginning, Donald Trump’s “reciprocal tariffs” regime has been about leverage. It promised flexibility, but only in return for cooperation – defined by Washington’s terms. In such a system, every deal could come with strings attached.

In transactional geopolitics, tariffs are no longer just economic instruments – they have become negotiating levers.

In an interview last month, Trump’s top economist, Stephen Miran, described the strategy as one of forcing supply chain realignment through disruption, arguing that the US, as the world’s dominant buyer, could compel foreign producers to absorb tariff costs or lose market access.

Take Pakistan, whose tariff was reduced to 19 percent. It holds vast reserves of shale oil, technically recoverable but historically underdeveloped. Recent commentary from energy experts in the region has suggested that US interest in Pakistan’s oil potential could reshape its energy trajectory – if “serious intent and capable partners” step in.

Even technologically advanced economies like South Korea (critical to global semiconductor supply chains) reportedly negotiated “a deal” in July.

Trade deals built on transparency and reciprocity serve mutual interests. So if these revisions are accompanied, formally or informally, by sweeping market access, preferential terms for US firms or implied resource arrangements, then the benefits may be less favourable than they appear to be.

In some countries, analysts have already raised red flags. The entry of thousands of US products, ranging from pork and grain to machinery and chemicals, has the potential to undermine local producers, especially if zero rating is granted without proper prior assessment and adequate safeguards.

As some analysts aptly put it: “Made here, taxed there, sold back at triple the price.” That dynamic doesn’t just affect trade; it affects inflation, industrial policy and national self-determination.

Rather than seeking short-term relief at uncertain long-term cost, nations facing this new tariff logic must respond with strategic clarity and assertiveness. That includes:

Demanding complete public transparency on any tariff concession deals. Concessions must be openly debated and disclosed to the public; and

Capturing as much value as possible onshore by building up domestic value chains in critical sectors. It requires a structural shift away from raw-material dependency toward high-value production.

Import substitution and industry diversification are not protectionist relics; they are essential. They create jobs, build resilience, and reduce vulnerability to external shocks

If global powers want access to strategic resources, they should invest in the full ecosystem – not just extract raw inputs. Public-private partnerships must include localisation clauses, intellectual property co-ownership, and workforce upskilling to ensure lasting national benefit.

Tariff diplomacy is more complex to weaponise when met with coordinated, rules-based responses – primarily when those blocs represent a rising consumer base of 4.6 billion people, far surpassing the US’s 347 million population.

Even within that US market, 85 percent of households now require financial aid and, thus, the capacity to absorb cost shifts is rapidly eroding.

Miran admitted that the strategy depends on foreign producers capitulating to a buyer that may no longer be able to buy.

In this emerging “discount-for-compliance” model, sovereignty is not revoked outright – it is diluted incrementally through hidden clauses, opaque concessions and industrial vulnerabilities traded for geopolitical quiet.

The real challenge for middle and emerging powers is to ensure that national assets are never exchanged without consent, scrutiny and long-term vision.

This is because once given away, it is never easy to reclaim them.

Dr Rais Hussin. The author is the founder of EMIR Research.

Khmer Historian

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