BoeungKak Post

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02/06/2026

សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍របស់សម្តេចមហាបវរធិបតី ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី នៃព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជាផ្ញើជូនជនរួមជាតិកម្ពុជា ស្ដីពីដំណោះស្រាយរបស់រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល ពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងការទាមទារដែនសមុទ្រត្រួតស៊ីគ្នាជាមួយប្រទេសថៃថ្ងៃ អង្គារ​ ទី ២ ខែមិថុនា ឆ្នាំ២០២៦។

02/06/2026

📣 ឱកាសការងារ 91,215 កន្លែង 👏👏👏

📝 ត្រៀមៗ បងប្អូនយើង ឱកាសការងារច្រើនខ្លាំងណាស់ នៅតាមរាជធានី-ខេត្ត កំពុងរង់ចាំបងប្អូនប្រជាពលរដ្ឋដែលកំពុងស្វែងរកការងារធ្វើ ជាពិសេសបងប្អូនអតីតពលករ ដែលវិលត្រឡប់មកកម្ពុជាវិញ 🥰🍀

☎️ ព័ត៌មានបន្ថែមសូមទាក់ទងមក NEA តាមរយៈលេខទូរស័ព្ទ 1297

01/06/2026

វិចារណកថា៖
កុមារថ្នាក់មត្តេយ្យនៅភ្នំពេញបានចោទសួរថា៖ «បើពូអនុទិនអាចគូសផែនទីដោយឯកតោភាគីបាន ម្តេចមិនគូសយកដីខ្មែរប៉ុណ្ណឹងធ្វើអ្វី? ម្តេចមិនគូសយកផែនដីពិភពលោកទាំងមូលតែម្តងទៅ?
ដោយ៖លោកតា

01/06/2026

សម្តេចតេជោ ហ៊ុន សែន ៖ ការបង្ក្រាបជនបរទេសនៅកម្ពុជាត្រូវអនុវត្តឲ្យបានហ្មត់ចត់ ៖
ទី១. អ្នកចូលមកដោយខុសច្បាប់ត្រូវអនុវត្តតាមវិធានដែលមានហើយគឺត្រូវបណ្ដេញចេញ តែបើសិនមានបទល្មើសត្រូវចាត់ការតាមផ្លូវច្បាប់ឲ្យបានតឹងរ៉ឹង
ទី២. ត្រូវដកសញ្ជាតិខ្មែរពីជនបរទេសទាំងនោះ និងបញ្ជូនទៅប្រទេសកំណើតគេវិញ

01/06/2026

[A Kindergarten Child in Phnom Penh Asks: “If Mr. Anutin Can Draw a Map Unilaterally, Why Stop There? Why Not Draw the Entire World as Thailand?”]
By Lok TA

บทวิเคราะห์: เด็กอนุบาลในกรุงพนมเปญตั้งคำถามว่า“ถ้าคุณอนุทินสามารถขีดเส้นแผนที่ฝ่ายเดียวได้ ทำไมถึงหยุดแค่ดินแดนเขมร? ทำ...
01/06/2026

บทวิเคราะห์: เด็กอนุบาลในกรุงพนมเปญตั้งคำถามว่า
“ถ้าคุณอนุทินสามารถขีดเส้นแผนที่ฝ่ายเดียวได้ ทำไมถึงหยุดแค่ดินแดนเขมร? ทำไมไม่ขีดเอาโลกทั้งใบให้เป็นของไทยไปเลย?”

โดย: คุณตา

นายอนุทินได้ปฏิเสธที่จะยอมรับแผนที่ที่จัดทำขึ้นโดยคณะกรรมการปักปันเขตแดนตามอนุสัญญา ค.ศ. 1904 และสนธิสัญญา ค.ศ. 1907 พร้อมทั้งอ้างว่าประเทศไทยควรใช้เฉพาะแผนที่มาตราส่วน 1:50,000 เท่านั้น

การกล่าวเช่นนี้ไม่ใช่เพียงการแสดงความคิดเห็นทางการเมืองเท่านั้น แต่ยังส่งผลกระทบต่อหลักการพื้นฐานของกฎหมายระหว่างประเทศ ซึ่งเป็นรากฐานสำคัญสำหรับการกำหนดและการยอมรับเขตแดนระหว่างรัฐต่าง ๆ

ในความเป็นจริง แผนที่ที่เกิดจากกระบวนการปักปันเขตแดนภายใต้อนุสัญญา ค.ศ. 1904 และสนธิสัญญา ค.ศ. 1907 ไม่ใช่เอกสารที่ฝ่ายใดฝ่ายหนึ่งจัดทำขึ้นเองฝ่ายเดียว แต่เป็นผลลัพธ์ของข้อตกลงระหว่างประเทศที่ได้รับการยอมรับจากคู่ภาคีที่เกี่ยวข้อง และได้รับการจัดพิมพ์อย่างเป็นทางการจำนวน 50 ชุด เพื่อส่งมอบให้แก่รัฐบาลสยาม การที่สถานเอกอัครราชทูตสยามประจำกรุงปารีสได้รับมอบแผนที่เหล่านั้นในปี ค.ศ. 1908 ถือเป็นหลักฐานทางประวัติศาสตร์ที่แสดงถึงการยอมรับและการไม่คัดค้านในขณะนั้น

ในกฎหมายระหว่างประเทศ มีหลักการสำคัญประการหนึ่งเรียกว่า “การยอมรับโดยพฤติการณ์” (Acquiescence) ซึ่งหมายความว่า หากรัฐหนึ่งได้ยอมรับหรือไม่ได้คัดค้านเอกสารใดเอกสารหนึ่งเป็นเวลานาน รัฐนั้นไม่สามารถย้อนกลับมาปฏิเสธเอกสารฉบับเดิมในภายหลังเพื่อประโยชน์ทางการเมืองของตนได้ ด้วยเหตุนี้เอง ศาลยุติธรรมระหว่างประเทศ (ICJ) จึงให้ความสำคัญอย่างมากต่อพฤติกรรมของคู่กรณีในอดีต ไม่ใช่เพียงคำกล่าวอ้างในปัจจุบันเท่านั้น

คำถามที่มีผู้ตั้งขึ้นว่า “ถ้าประเทศไทยสามารถใช้แผนที่ที่ตนเองจัดทำขึ้นฝ่ายเดียวได้ เหตุใดกัมพูชาจะไม่สามารถนำแผนที่จักรวรรดิขอมในอดีตกลับมาใช้ได้บ้าง?” เป็นคำถามเชิงเปรียบเทียบที่ต้องการชี้ให้เห็นถึงความไม่สมเหตุสมผลของการอ้างสิทธิ์ฝ่ายเดียว เพราะหากแต่ละรัฐสามารถกำหนดแผนที่ตามความต้องการของตนเองแล้วประกาศเป็นเขตแดนทางการได้ ระบบกฎหมายระหว่างประเทศทั้งหมดก็จะหมดความหมาย เขตแดนระหว่างประเทศจะไม่ได้ถูกกำหนดด้วยข้อตกลงอีกต่อไป แต่จะขึ้นอยู่กับเจตจำนงทางการเมืองของผู้มีอำนาจในแต่ละช่วงเวลา

ขณะเดียวกัน ยังมีคำถามเชิงล้อเลียนที่เด็กอนุบาลในกรุงพนมเปญตั้งขึ้นว่า

“ถ้าคุณอนุทินสามารถขีดเส้นแผนที่ฝ่ายเดียวได้ แล้วจะเอาแค่ดินแดนเขมรไปทำไม? ทำไมไม่ขีดเอาโลกทั้งใบให้เป็นของไทยเสียเลย?

แม้จะเป็นคำถามเชิงตลก แต่ก็สะท้อนตรรกะพื้นฐานอย่างหนึ่งว่า การอ้างสิทธิ์เรื่องเขตแดนไม่สามารถตั้งอยู่บนการขีดเส้นตามความต้องการของฝ่ายใดฝ่ายหนึ่งได้ มิฉะนั้น กฎหมายระหว่างประเทศ สนธิสัญญา และการยอมรับจากประชาคมระหว่างประเทศทั้งหมดก็จะกลายเป็นสิ่งไร้ความหมาย

อย่างไรก็ตาม กัมพูชาไม่ได้เลือกแนวทางดังกล่าว แต่ยึดถือหลักกฎหมายระหว่างประเทศ โดยเฉพาะการเคารพสนธิสัญญาและเอกสารที่ได้รับการให้สัตยาบันแล้ว นี่คือความแตกต่างระหว่างการอ้างสิทธิ์ที่ตั้งอยู่บนแนวคิดชาตินิยม กับการอ้างสิทธิ์ที่ตั้งอยู่บนหลักกฎหมาย

คำกล่าวของศาสตราจารย์กิตติคุณ สุรชาติ บำรุงสุข ได้ชี้ประเด็นนี้ไว้อย่างชัดเจน โดยระบุว่า ในข้อพิพาทเรื่องพรมแดนระหว่างรัฐ เครื่องมือที่มีน้ำหนักทางกฎหมายมากที่สุดคือสนธิสัญญาและแผนที่ที่แนบมากับสนธิสัญญาซึ่งได้รับการให้สัตยาบันแล้ว ส่วนแผนที่อื่น ๆ ที่จัดทำขึ้นภายหลัง หรือไม่มีพื้นฐานจากสนธิสัญญา ไม่สามารถใช้เป็นหลักฐานทางกฎหมายเพื่อเปลี่ยนแปลงเขตแดนที่ได้รับการยอมรับแล้วได้

การวิเคราะห์ของนักวิชาการชาวไทยผู้นี้มีความสำคัญเป็นพิเศษ เพราะไม่ใช่ข้อคิดเห็นจากฝ่ายกัมพูชา แต่เป็นคำเตือนจากนักรัฐศาสตร์ชาวไทยที่ส่งถึงผู้นำประเทศของตนเอง โดยเขาเชื่อมโยงประเด็นนี้กับคำพิพากษาคดีปราสาทพระวิหาร ปี ค.ศ. 1962 ซึ่งศาลยุติธรรมระหว่างประเทศได้พิจารณาแผนที่จากคณะกรรมการปักปันเขตแดนเป็นหลัก ขณะที่แผนที่ที่จัดทำโดยผู้เชี่ยวชาญฝ่ายไทยถูกมองว่ามีน้ำหนักทางกฎหมายน้อยกว่าเมื่อเทียบกับแผนที่ที่เกิดจากกระบวนการปักปันเขตแดนอย่างเป็นทางการ

บทเรียนจากประวัติศาสตร์มีความชัดเจนว่า เมื่อข้อพิพาทใดเข้าสู่การพิจารณาของศาลระหว่างประเทศ สิ่งที่ตัดสินผลลัพธ์ไม่ใช่คำปราศรัยทางการเมือง ไม่ใช่อารมณ์ชาตินิยม และไม่ใช่แผนที่ที่เพิ่งจัดทำขึ้นใหม่โดยฝ่ายใดฝ่ายหนึ่ง แต่คือเอกสารที่มีผลทางกฎหมาย ข้อตกลงที่ลงนามไว้ และพฤติกรรมของรัฐที่แสดงถึงการยอมรับในอดีต

ดังนั้น การยืนกรานให้ใช้เฉพาะแผนที่มาตราส่วน 1:50,000 โดยไม่คำนึงถึงสถานะทางกฎหมายของแผนที่นั้น จึงเป็นเหตุผลที่มีลักษณะทางการเมืองมากกว่าทางกฎหมาย ขณะที่การยึดถือสนธิสัญญาและแผนที่ที่ได้รับการรับรองอย่างถูกต้อง เป็นแนวทางที่สอดคล้องกับหลักการระหว่างประเทศและสามารถยอมรับได้ในเวทีทางกฎหมายโลก

ท้ายที่สุด ปัญหาเขตแดนไม่ใช่การแข่งขันว่าใครจะวาดแผนที่ได้ใหญ่กว่ากัน แต่เป็นเรื่องของนิติรัฐ อธิปไตย และการเคารพพันธกรณีระหว่างประเทศ

ประวัติศาสตร์ได้แสดงให้เห็นแล้วว่า ผู้ที่ชนะในศาลระหว่างประเทศไม่ใช่ผู้ที่ส่งเสียงดังที่สุด แต่คือผู้ที่มีพื้นฐานทางกฎหมายที่แข็งแรงที่สุด นี่คือสาระสำคัญของการตั้งคำถามเชิงเปรียบเทียบดังกล่าว ซึ่งต้องการให้สาธารณชนเห็นความแตกต่างระหว่าง “การอ้างสิทธิ์ด้วยอารมณ์” กับ “การอ้างสิทธิ์ด้วยหลักกฎหมาย” อย่างชัดเจน.

[English Below]វិចារណកថា៖ កុមារថ្នាក់មត្តេយ្យនៅភ្នំពេញបានចោទសួរថា៖ «បើពូអនុទិនអាចគូសផែនទីដោយឯកតោភាគីបាន ម្តេចមិនគូសយកដីខ...
01/06/2026

[English Below]
វិចារណកថា៖ កុមារថ្នាក់មត្តេយ្យនៅភ្នំពេញបានចោទសួរថា៖ «បើពូអនុទិនអាចគូសផែនទីដោយឯកតោភាគីបាន ម្តេចមិនគូសយកដីខ្មែរប៉ុណ្ណឹងធ្វើអ្វី? ម្តេចមិនគូសយកផែនដីពិភពលោកទាំងមូលតែម្តងទៅ?
[A Kindergarten Child in Phnom Penh Asks: “If Mr. Anutin Can Draw a Map Unilaterally, Why Stop There? Why Not Draw the Entire World as Thailand?”]

ដោយ៖លោកតា

អនុទិន បានបដិសេធមិនទទួលស្គាល់ផែនទីដែលរៀបចំឡើងដោយគណៈកម្មការខណ្ឌសីមាព្រំដែន តាមអនុសញ្ញាឆ្នាំ ១៩០៤ និងសន្ធិសញ្ញាឆ្នាំ ១៩០៧ ហើយបានអះអាងថា ប្រទេសថៃគួរតែប្រើតែផែនទីមាត្រដ្ឋាន ១:៥០,០០០ ប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ ការលើកឡើងបែបនេះ មិនមែនគ្រាន់តែជាការបញ្ចេញទស្សនៈនយោបាយទេ ប៉ុន្តែវាបានប៉ះពាល់ដល់គោលការណ៍មូលដ្ឋាននៃច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ ដែលជាមូលគ្រឹះសម្រាប់ការកំណត់ និងការទទួលស្គាល់ព្រំដែនរវាងរដ្ឋនានា។

ជាក់ស្តែង ផែនទីដែលកើតចេញពីដំណើរការខណ្ឌសីមាព្រំដែនក្រោមអនុសញ្ញាឆ្នាំ ១៩០៤ និងសន្ធិសញ្ញាឆ្នាំ ១៩០៧ មិនមែនជាឯកសារដែលភាគីណាមួយគូសឡើងដោយខ្លួនឯងនោះទេ។ វាជាលទ្ធផលនៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងអន្តរជាតិ ដែលបានទទួលការទទួលស្គាល់ពីភាគីពាក់ព័ន្ធ និងត្រូវបានបោះពុម្ពជាផ្លូវការចំនួន ៥០ ច្បាប់ ដើម្បីផ្ញើជូនរដ្ឋាភិបាលសៀម។ ការទទួលយកផែនទីទាំងនោះដោយស្ថានទូតសៀមប្រចាំទីក្រុងប៉ារីសក្នុងឆ្នាំ ១៩០៨ គឺជាភស្តុតាងប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រដែលបង្ហាញពីការយល់ព្រម និងការមិនជំទាស់នៅក្នុងពេលនោះ។

នៅក្នុងច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ មានគោលការណ៍សំខាន់មួយគឺ “ការទទួលយកដោយអនុវត្ត” (Acquiescence)។ នោះមានន័យថា ប្រសិនបើរដ្ឋមួយបានទទួល ឬមិនបានជំទាស់ចំពោះឯកសារណាមួយអស់រយៈពេលយូរ រដ្ឋនោះមិនអាចត្រឡប់មកបដិសេធឯកសារដដែលនៅពេលក្រោយ ដើម្បីផលប្រយោជន៍នយោបាយរបស់ខ្លួនបានឡើយ។ ហេតុដូច្នេះហើយ ទើបតុលាការយុត្តិធម៌អន្តរជាតិ (ICJ) បានផ្តល់សារៈសំខាន់យ៉ាងខ្លាំងដល់ការប្រព្រឹត្តរបស់ភាគីក្នុងអតីតកាល មិនមែនត្រឹមតែការអះអាងនៅពេលបច្ចុប្បន្នប៉ុណ្ណោះទេ។

សំណួរដែលមានអ្នកលើកឡើងថា៖ «បើថៃអាចយកផែនទីដែលខ្លួនគូសដោយឯកតោភាគីមកប្រើបាន ហេតុអ្វីកម្ពុជាមិនយកផែនទីចក្រភពខ្មែរមកប្រើវិញ?» ជាសំណួរបែប “ដេញទាន់ជាន់ក” ដែលចង់បង្ហាញពីភាពមិនសមហេតុផលនៃការអះអាងដោយឯកតោភាគី។ ព្រោះប្រសិនបើរដ្ឋនីមួយៗអាចគូសផែនទីតាមចិត្តខ្លួនឯង ហើយយកមកប្រកាសជាព្រំដែនផ្លូវការ នោះប្រព័ន្ធច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិទាំងមូលនឹងបាត់បង់ន័យ។ ព្រំដែនរវាងប្រទេសនឹងមិនត្រូវកំណត់ដោយកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងទៀតទេ ប៉ុន្តែដោយឆន្ទៈនយោបាយរបស់អ្នកកាន់អំណាចនៅពេលណាមួយ។

ជាមួយគ្នានេះ មានសំណួរបែបកំប្លែងមួយដែលកុមារថ្នាក់មត្តេយ្យនៅភ្នំពេញបានចោទសួរថា៖ «បើពូអនុទិនអាចគូសផែនទីដោយឯកតោភាគីបាន ម្តេចមិនគូសយកដីខ្មែរប៉ុណ្ណឹងធ្វើអ្វី? ម្តេចមិនគូសយកផែនដីពិភពលោកទាំងមូលតែម្តងទៅ? (ហិ! ហិ! ហិ!)»។ ថ្វីត្បិតតែជាសំណួរបែបកំប្លែង ប៉ុន្តែវាបានឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងនូវតក្កវិជ្ជាដ៏សាមញ្ញមួយថា ការអះអាងអំពីព្រំដែនមិនអាចផ្អែកលើការគូសខ្សែតាមចិត្តរបស់ភាគីណាមួយបានឡើយ។ បើមិនដូច្នោះទេ នោះច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ សន្ធិសញ្ញា និងការទទួលស្គាល់របស់សហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិទាំងមូល នឹងក្លាយជារឿងឥតន័យ។

ទោះជាយ៉ាងណា កម្ពុជាមិនបានជ្រើសរើសផ្លូវនោះឡើយ។ កម្ពុជាបានប្រកាន់យកគោលការណ៍ច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ ជាពិសេសការគោរពសន្ធិសញ្ញា និងឯកសារដែលទទួលបានសច្ចាប័ន។ នេះជាភាពខុសគ្នារវាងការអះអាងផ្អែកលើមនោគមវិជ្ជាជាតិនិយម និងការអះអាងផ្អែកលើគោលការណ៍ច្បាប់។

ការលើកឡើងរបស់សាស្ត្រាចារ្យកិត្តិគុណ ស៊ុរជាតិ ប៊ម្រុងស៊ុខ បានបញ្ជាក់យ៉ាងច្បាស់ពីចំណុចនេះ។ លោកបានរំឭកថា នៅក្នុងវិវាទព្រំដែនរវាងរដ្ឋ មធ្យោបាយដែលមានទម្ងន់ផ្លូវច្បាប់ គឺសន្ធិសញ្ញា និងផែនទីដែលភ្ជាប់ជាមួយសន្ធិសញ្ញា ដែលទទួលបានសច្ចាប័នរួចហើយ។ ផែនទីផ្សេងៗដែលត្រូវបានគូសឡើងនៅពេលក្រោយ ឬគ្មានមូលដ្ឋានសន្ធិសញ្ញា មិនអាចក្លាយជាភស្តុតាងស្របច្បាប់ ដើម្បីកែប្រែព្រំដែនដែលបានទទួលស្គាល់រួចមកហើយបានទេ។

ការវិភាគរបស់សាស្ត្រាចារ្យថៃរូបនេះ មានសារៈសំខាន់ជាពិសេស ព្រោះវាមិនមែនជាការលើកឡើងពីភាគីកម្ពុជាទេ ប៉ុន្តែជាការព្រមានពីអ្នកវិទ្យាសាស្ត្រនយោបាយថៃម្នាក់ ទៅកាន់អ្នកដឹកនាំប្រទេសរបស់ខ្លួន។ លោកបានភ្ជាប់បញ្ហានេះទៅនឹងសាលដីកាប្រាសាទព្រះវិហារឆ្នាំ ១៩៦២ ដែលក្នុងនោះ តុលាការអន្តរជាតិបានពិនិត្យលើផែនទីខណ្ឌសីមាព្រំដែនជាចម្បង ខណៈដែលផែនទីដែលរៀបចំដោយអ្នកជំនាញថៃ ត្រូវបានមើលឃើញថា ខ្វះទម្ងន់ផ្លូវច្បាប់ប្រៀបធៀបនឹងផែនទីដែលកើតចេញពីដំណើរការខណ្ឌសីមាផ្លូវការ។

មេរៀនពីប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រគឺច្បាស់ណាស់៖ នៅពេលវិវាទមួយឈានទៅដល់តុលាការអន្តរជាតិ អ្វីដែលសម្រេចលទ្ធផល មិនមែនជាសុន្ទរកថានយោបាយ មិនមែនជាមនោសញ្ចេតនាជាតិនិយម និងក៏មិនមែនជាផែនទីដែលគូសឡើងថ្មីៗដោយភាគីណាមួយនោះដែរ។ អ្វីដែលមានតម្លៃ គឺឯកសារដែលមានសុពលភាពផ្លូវច្បាប់ កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងដែលបានចុះហត្ថលេខា និងអាកប្បកិរិយារបស់រដ្ឋដែលបានបង្ហាញការទទួលស្គាល់ក្នុងអតីតកាល។

ដូច្នេះ ការទទូចឱ្យប្រើតែផែនទី ១:៥០,០០០ ដោយមិនគិតពីស្ថានភាពផ្លូវច្បាប់របស់វា គឺជាការលើកហេតុផលដែលមានលក្ខណៈនយោបាយច្រើនជាងច្បាប់។ ចំណែកការប្រកាន់យកសន្ធិសញ្ញា និងផែនទីដែលទទួលបានសច្ចាប័ន គឺជាផ្លូវដែលស្របតាមគោលការណ៍អន្តរជាតិ និងអាចទទួលយកបាននៅលើឆាកច្បាប់ពិភពលោក។

នៅទីបញ្ចប់ បញ្ហាព្រំដែនមិនមែនជាការប្រកួតប្រជែងថា នរណាគូសផែនទីបានធំជាងនរណានោះទេ។ វាជាបញ្ហានៃនីតិរដ្ឋ អធិបតេយ្យភាព និងការគោរពកាតព្វកិច្ចអន្តរជាតិ។ ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្របានបង្ហាញរួចហើយថា អ្នកដែលឈ្នះនៅក្នុងតុលាការអន្តរជាតិ មិនមែនជាអ្នកដែលស្រែកខ្លាំងជាងគេនោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែជាអ្នកដែលមានមូលដ្ឋានច្បាប់រឹងមាំជាងគេ។ នេះហើយជាចំណុចស្នូលនៃការដេញទាន់ជាន់ក ដែលធ្វើឱ្យសាធារណជនអាចមើលឃើញភាពខុសគ្នារវាងការអះអាងដោយអារម្មណ៍ និងការអះអាងដោយច្បាប់។

Editorial: A Kindergarten Child in Phnom Penh Asks: “If Mr. Anutin Can Draw a Map Unilaterally, Why Stop There? Why Not Draw the Entire World as Thailand?”

Anutin has rejected the maps prepared by the Franco-Siamese Boundary Delimitation Commission under the 1904 Convention and the 1907 Treaty, insisting instead that Thailand should rely solely on maps at the 1:50,000 scale. Such a position is not merely a political opinion; it touches upon fundamental principles of international law, which form the basis for the demarcation and recognition of boundaries between sovereign states.

In fact, the maps produced through the boundary delimitation process under the 1904 Convention and the 1907 Treaty were not documents unilaterally drawn by either party. They were the result of an internationally agreed process, recognized by the parties concerned and officially published in fifty copies for transmission to the Siamese Government. The receipt of these maps by the Siamese Embassy in Paris in August 1908 constitutes historical evidence of acceptance and the absence of objection at that time.

International law recognizes an important principle known as acquiescence. This principle holds that when a state has accepted, or failed to object to, a document or arrangement over a prolonged period, it cannot later repudiate that same document merely for political convenience. For this reason, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) places considerable weight on the conduct of states in the past, rather than relying solely on contemporary political assertions.

Some have posed the question: “If Thailand can rely on a map that it has drawn unilaterally, why should Cambodia not rely on maps of the Khmer Empire?” This is a rhetorical challenge designed to expose the illogical nature of unilateral cartographic claims. If every state were free to draw maps according to its own wishes and proclaim them as official boundaries, the entire framework of international law would lose its meaning. Borders between nations would no longer be determined by treaties and agreements, but by the political desires of whoever happened to be in power at a given moment.

In this context, a humorous yet thought-provoking question was reportedly raised by kindergarten children in Phnom Penh:

“If Uncle Anutin can draw maps unilaterally, why stop at taking just that piece of Cambodian land? Why not simply draw the whole world as part of Thailand? (Ha! Ha! Ha!)”

While humorous on the surface, the question reflects a simple but profound logic: territorial claims cannot be based merely on lines drawn according to the wishes of one party. Otherwise, international law, treaties, and the collective recognition of the international community would become meaningless.

Cambodia, however, has not chosen such a path. Instead, it has consistently adhered to the principles of international law, particularly the respect for treaties and duly ratified documents. This marks a clear distinction between claims rooted in legal principles and those driven primarily by nationalist sentiment.

The observations made by Professor Emeritus Dr. Surachart Bamrungsuk further reinforce this point. He noted that in boundary disputes between states, the legally relevant instruments are treaties and the maps attached to them that have been formally ratified. Maps produced later, or maps lacking a treaty basis, cannot serve as valid legal evidence for altering boundaries that have already been internationally recognized.

The significance of Professor Surachart’s analysis lies in the fact that it does not originate from the Cambodian side. Rather, it represents a cautionary message from a respected Thai political scientist directed toward his own country’s leadership. He linked the issue to the 1962 ICJ Judgment in the Temple of Preah Vihear case, in which the Court gave primary consideration to the boundary delimitation maps. By contrast, maps produced independently by Thai experts were regarded as carrying far less legal weight than maps generated through the official delimitation process.

History offers a clear lesson: when a dispute reaches an international court, the outcome is not determined by political speeches, nationalist emotions, or newly drawn maps created by one side. What matters are legally valid documents, duly concluded agreements, and the conduct of states demonstrating acceptance over time.

Therefore, insisting on the exclusive use of a 1:50,000-scale map without regard to its legal status reflects a political argument more than a legal one. By contrast, reliance on treaties and duly ratified maps is consistent with international legal principles and is more likely to withstand scrutiny in any international legal forum.

Ultimately, boundary disputes are not competitions to determine who can draw the largest map. They concern the rule of law, sovereignty, and respect for international obligations. History has repeatedly demonstrated that success before international tribunals does not belong to those who shout the loudest, but to those whose legal foundations are the strongest.

This is the essence of the rhetorical challenge posed above: it highlights the distinction between claims based on emotion and claims grounded in law. And perhaps, in the innocent question of a kindergarten child, there lies a reminder of a fundamental truth—if borders could be changed simply by drawing new maps, then the entire international legal order would cease to exist.

វិចារណកថា[English Below]បើថៃជាអ្នកឈ្លានពានកម្ពុជា តើឲ្យកម្ពុជាសម្ងំស្ងៀមយ៉ាងម៉េច?If Thailand Is the Aggressor Against Ca...
01/06/2026

វិចារណកថា[English Below]
បើថៃជាអ្នកឈ្លានពានកម្ពុជា តើឲ្យកម្ពុជាសម្ងំស្ងៀមយ៉ាងម៉េច?
If Thailand Is the Aggressor Against Cambodia, How Can Cambodia Remain Silent?

ដោយ៖លោកតា

នៅក្នុងទំនាក់ទំនងអន្តរជាតិ គ្មានរដ្ឋអធិបតេយ្យណាមួយដែលអាចទទួលយកការរំលោភបំពានលើបូរណភាពទឹកដី និងអធិបតេយ្យភាពរបស់ខ្លួន ហើយបន្តសម្ងំស្ងៀមដូចជាគ្មានអ្វីកើតឡើងនោះទេ។ ការរក្សាភាពស្ងៀមស្ងាត់អាចជាជម្រើសមួយនៅពេលដែលបញ្ហាមិនទាន់ឈានដល់
កម្រិតធ្ងន់ធ្ងរ ប៉ុន្តែនៅពេលដែលមានសកម្មភាពដែលត្រូវបានមើលឃើញថាជាការឈ្លានពាន ឬបំពានលើអធិបតេយ្យភាពជាតិ ការនៅស្ងៀមមិនមែនជាគោលនយោបាយការទូតដ៏ឆ្លាតវៃទេ តែជាការបោះបង់សិទ្ធិស្របច្បាប់របស់ខ្លួនទៅវិញ។

ដូច្នេះ ប្រសិនបើថៃពិតជាអ្នកបង្កវិវាទ ឬមានសកម្មភាពដែលកម្ពុជាចាត់ទុកថាជាការឈ្លានពានមកលើទឹកដីរបស់ខ្លួន នោះសំណួរដែលគួរត្រូវបានសួរមិនមែនថា “ហេតុអ្វីកម្ពុជានាំរឿងទៅអន្តរ
ជាតិ?” នោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែគួរតែសួរថា “ហេតុអ្វីបានជាកម្ពុជាមិនគួរធ្វើដូច្នេះ?”។

ការលើកយកបញ្ហាទៅកាន់វេទិកាអន្តរជាតិ មិនមែនជាទង្វើបំផ្លាញកេរ្តិ៍ឈ្មោះអ្នកណាម្នាក់ទេ ប៉ុន្តែជាការប្រើប្រាស់យន្តការសន្តិវិធីដែលមានចែងក្នុងធម្មនុញ្ញអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ និងច្បាប់អន្តរ
ជាតិ ដើម្បីការពារសិទ្ធិ និងផលប្រយោជន៍ស្របច្បាប់របស់ប្រទេសខ្លួន។ ប្រទេសតូចៗជាច្រើននៅលើពិភពលោកបានពឹងផ្អែកលើច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ និងស្ថាប័នអន្តរជាតិ ដើម្បីទប់ទល់នឹងសម្ពាធពីប្រទេសដែលមានឥទ្ធិពល ឬមានអំណាចយោធាខ្លាំងជាង។ នេះជាវិធីសាស្ត្រស៊ីវិល័យ ដែលជំនួសឱ្យការប្រើកម្លាំង ឬការប្រឈមមុខដោយអាវុធ។

អ្នកខ្លះរិះគន់ថា កម្ពុជាកំពុងយក “រឿងអាក្រក់” របស់ខ្លួនទៅបង្ហាញនៅលើឆាកអន្តរជាតិ ប៉ុន្តែត្រូវយល់ថា បញ្ហាព្រំដែនមិនមែនជារឿងឯកជនរបស់រដ្ឋាភិបាលណាមួយឡើយ វាជាបញ្ហាអធិ
បតេយ្យភាពជាតិ ដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងបូរណភាពទឹកដី កិត្តិយសជាតិ និងអនាគតរបស់ប្រជាជនទាំងមូល។ នៅពេលដែលបញ្ហាមិនអាចដោះស្រាយបានតាមរយៈការចរចាទ្វេភាគី ឬនៅពេលដែលភាគីម្ខាងមានអារម្មណ៍ថាសិទ្ធិរបស់ខ្លួនកំពុងត្រូវបានរំលោភបំពាន ការស្វែងរកការគាំទ្រ ឬការវិនិច្ឆ័យពីសហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិ គឺជាជម្រើសស្របច្បាប់ និងស្របតាមបទដ្ឋានអន្តរជាតិ។

បើថៃពិតជាចង់ឲ្យកម្ពុជាឈប់លើកយកបញ្ហាទាំងនេះទៅនិយាយនៅលើវេទិកាអន្តរជាតិ នោះមធ្យោបាយដែលមានប្រសិទ្ធភាពបំផុត មិនមែនជាការស្នើឲ្យកម្ពុជានៅស្ងៀមទេ ប៉ុន្តែគឺការដោះ
ស្រាយឫសគល់នៃបញ្ហា។ ថៃត្រូវបញ្ឈប់រាល់សកម្មភាពដែលកម្ពុជាចាត់ទុកថាជាការរំលោភលើអធិបតេយ្យភាពរបស់ខ្លួន ត្រូវដកកុងទីន័រ បន្លាលួស សព្វាវុធ និងកម្លាំងយោធាចេញពីតំបន់ដែលបង្កឲ្យមានភាពតានតឹង ត្រូវបង្ហាញឆន្ទៈពិតប្រាកដក្នុងការកាត់បន្ថយការប្រឈមមុខ និងស្តារបរិយាកាសជឿទុកចិត្តគ្នាឡើងវិញ។

លើសពីនេះទៅទៀត ភាគីទាំងពីរត្រូវតែគោរពកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងដែលបានចុះហត្ថលេខារួចមកហើយ។ ច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិមានន័យតែពេលដែលគ្រប់ភាគីគោរពវាដោយស្មោះត្រង់។ ប្រសិនបើកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងត្រូវបានគោរពតែពេលដែលវាផ្តល់ផលប្រយោជន៍ដល់ភាគីម្ខាង ហើយត្រូវបានមើលរំលងនៅពេលដែលមិនស្របនឹងផលប្រយោជន៍របស់ខ្លួន នោះគោលការណ៍នីតិរដ្ឋអន្តរជាតិនឹងបាត់បង់អត្ថន័យ។

ចំណុចសំខាន់មួយទៀតគឺបញ្ហាផែនទី!

ជម្លោះព្រំដែនជាច្រើននៅលើពិភពលោក កើតឡើងដោយសារការបកស្រាយខុសគ្នាអំពីឯកសារប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ និងផែនទី ដូច្នេះ ប្រសិនបើមានផែនទីដែលទទួលស្គាល់ដោយអន្តរជាតិ និងត្រូវបានប្រើប្រាស់ជាមូលដ្ឋានក្នុងការកំណត់ព្រំដែនរវាងប្រទេសទាំងពីរ នោះការងាកទៅប្រើផែនទីឯកតោភាគី ឬការបកស្រាយតាមទស្សនៈរបស់ភាគីម្ខាង អាចក្លាយជាប្រភពនៃជម្លោះមិនចេះចប់។ ដំណោះស្រាយដែលស្ថិតស្ថេរត្រូវតែផ្អែកលើឯកសារដែលមានសុពលភាព និងមានការទទួល
ស្គាល់ជាអន្តរជាតិ មិនមែនផ្អែកលើការអះអាងដោយឯកតោភាគីនោះទេ។

ជ្រៅទៅជាងបញ្ហាព្រំដែន គឺបញ្ហាផ្លូវចិត្ត និងទស្សនៈនយោបាយ!

ប្រទេសជិតខាងមិនអាចរស់នៅជាមួយគ្នាដោយសុខសន្តិភាពបានទេ ប្រសិនបើនៅតែមានគំនិតថាប្រទេសមួយតូចជាង ខ្សោយជាង ឬគួរតែទទួលយកស្ថានភាពដែលភាគីម្ខាងកំណត់ឲ្យ។ សន្តិភាពពិតប្រាកដកើតឡើងពីការទទួលស្គាល់ថា ប្រទេសទាំងអស់មានសេចក្តីថ្លៃថ្នូរស្មើគ្នា មានសិទ្ធិស្មើគ្នា និងមានអធិបតេយ្យភាពដែលមិនអាចរំលោភបាន។

កម្ពុជាមិនត្រូវការជម្លោះជាមួយថៃឡើយ!

ប្រជាជននៃប្រទេសទាំងពីរចង់បានសន្តិភាព ស្ថិរភាព និងកិច្ចសហប្រតិបត្តិការដើម្បីអភិវឌ្ឍសេដ្ឋកិច្ច និងលើកកម្ពស់ជីវភាពរស់នៅ ប៉ុន្តែសន្តិភាពមិនអាចកើតមានដោយការបង្គាប់ឲ្យភាគីម្ខាងនៅស្ងៀម ខណៈភាគីម្ខាងទៀតនៅតែបន្តសកម្មភាពដែលបង្កឲ្យមានការព្រួយបារម្ភនោះទេ។ សន្តិភាពត្រូវកើតចេញពីយុត្តិធម៌ ការគោរពច្បាប់ និងការគោរពអធិបតេយ្យភាពគ្នាទៅវិញ
ទៅមក។

ដូច្នេះ បើពិតជាចង់ឲ្យកម្ពុជាឈប់និយាយពីថៃនៅលើឆាកអន្តរជាតិ មធ្យោបាយមិនមែនឲ្យកម្ពុជាសម្ងំស្ងៀមនោះទេ មធ្យោបាយគឺឲ្យបញ្ហាដែលជាមូលហេតុនៃការតវ៉ា និងការលើកឡើងទាំង
នោះត្រូវបានដោះស្រាយដោយភាពស្មោះត្រង់ តម្លាភាព និងការគោរពច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ។ នៅពេលដែលគ្មានការរំលោភបំពាន គ្មានការគំរាមកំហែង និងគ្មានមហិច្ឆតាឈ្លានពាន នោះកម្ពុជាក៏គ្មានហេតុផលអ្វីត្រូវបន្តលើកយកបញ្ហាទាំងនេះទៅប្រាប់ពិភពលោកទៀតដែរ ពីព្រោះនៅទីបំផុត ប្រទេសណាក៏ដោយ មិនចង់បានជម្លោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែគ្មានប្រទេសណាមួយអាចទទួលយកការរំលោភលើអធិបតេយ្យភាពរបស់ខ្លួន ហើយបន្តនៅស្ងៀមបានដែរ៕

Commentary
If Thailand Is the Aggressor Against Cambodia, How Can Cambodia Remain Silent?
By Lok TA

In international relations, no sovereign state can accept violations of its territorial integrity and sovereignty while remaining silent as if nothing has happened. Silence may be an option when an issue has not yet reached a serious level. However, when actions are perceived as aggression or infringements upon national sovereignty, remaining silent is not a wise diplomatic strategy—it is, instead, a surrender of a nation’s legitimate rights.

Therefore, if Thailand is indeed responsible for provoking disputes or engaging in actions that Cambodia considers encroachments upon its territory, the question should not be, “Why is Cambodia bringing the issue to the international community?” Rather, the appropriate question is, “Why shouldn’t Cambodia do so?”

Raising such issues before international forums is not an attempt to tarnish anyone’s reputation. It is the use of peaceful mechanisms established under the Charter of the United Nations and international law to protect a country’s lawful rights and interests. Many smaller nations around the world rely on international law and international institutions to withstand pressure from more influential or militarily powerful states. This is a civilized approach that favors legal and diplomatic means over the use of force or armed confrontation.

Some critics argue that Cambodia is taking its “dirty laundry” onto the international stage. However, border disputes are not private matters of any government. They are issues of national sovereignty involving territorial integrity, national dignity, and the future of an entire people. When disputes cannot be resolved through bilateral negotiations, or when one party believes its rights are being violated, seeking support from or adjudication by the international community is both a legitimate and internationally accepted course of action.

If Thailand genuinely wishes Cambodia to stop raising these issues in international forums, the most effective solution is not to ask Cambodia to remain silent, but rather to address the root causes of the dispute. Thailand should cease any activities that Cambodia regards as violations of its sovereignty, remove containers, barbed wire, weapons, and military forces from areas that contribute to tensions, demonstrate a genuine commitment to reducing confrontation, and help restore an atmosphere of mutual trust.

Furthermore, both parties must respect the agreements they have already signed. International law has meaning only when all parties comply with it in good faith. If agreements are respected only when they benefit one side and ignored when they do not, then the very principle of the international rule of law loses its significance.

Another important issue is the matter of maps.

Many border disputes around the world arise from differing interpretations of historical documents and maps. Therefore, if there are internationally recognized maps that serve as the basis for defining the border between the two countries, turning instead to unilateral maps or interpretations based solely on one party’s perspective can become a source of endless conflict. A lasting solution must be based on valid documents and internationally recognized evidence, not on unilateral claims.

Beyond the border issue lies an even deeper challenge: psychology and political attitudes.

Neighboring countries cannot coexist peacefully if one side continues to believe that the other is smaller, weaker, or should simply accept conditions imposed upon it. Genuine peace can only be achieved when all nations are recognized as equal in dignity, equal in rights, and equally entitled to sovereignty that must not be violated.

Cambodia does not seek conflict with Thailand.

The people of both countries desire peace, stability, and cooperation in order to promote economic development and improve living standards. However, peace cannot be achieved by demanding that one side remain silent while the other continues actions that generate concern and tension. Peace must be founded upon justice, respect for the law, and mutual respect for each other’s sovereignty.

Therefore, if the genuine objective is for Cambodia to stop discussing Thailand on the international stage, the solution is not to ask Cambodia to remain quiet. The solution is to address, with sincerity, transparency, and respect for international law, the underlying issues that give rise to Cambodia’s complaints and concerns. When there are no violations, no threats, and no expansionist ambitions, Cambodia will have no reason to continue bringing these matters before the world. Ultimately, no country desires conflict. Yet no nation can be expected to accept violations of its sovereignty and remain silent indefinitely.

01/06/2026

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