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๐— ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜„๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ฆ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ต ๐—”๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ ๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ฑ ๐˜…๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—ต๐—ผ๐—ฏ๐—ถ๐—ฎ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐˜€๐‘จ๐’‡๐’“๐’Š๐’„๐’‚๐’ ๐‘ฉ๐‘ฉ๐‘ชA group of 150 Malawians repatriated from Sou...
08/06/2026

๐— ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜„๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ฆ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ต ๐—”๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ ๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ฑ ๐˜…๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—ต๐—ผ๐—ฏ๐—ถ๐—ฎ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐˜€
๐‘จ๐’‡๐’“๐’Š๐’„๐’‚๐’ ๐‘ฉ๐‘ฉ๐‘ช

A group of 150 Malawians repatriated from South Africa amid growing worries about xenophobia are due to arrive by road in their home country on Monday, the Malawian authorities have said.

The repatriation follows violence in South Africa's Western Cape Province where there were reports just over a week ago of door-to-door intimidation, as well as the deaths of two Mozambicans in Mossel Bay.

The Malawians were "among a number of foreign nationals" who had "sought refuge in temporary camps" in Mossel Bay, according to a statement from Lilongwe.

Ghana, Nigeria and Zimbabwe have also organised repatriation flights and transport after raising concerns about xenophobia in South Africa.

Anti-migrant groups are demanding undocumented migrants leave the country - and have set 30 June as a deadline.

In a national address on Sunday aimed at easing tensions, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa announced a raft of new measures to crackdown on illegal migration.

But he also warned South Africans not to take the law into their own hands. He said there was "no space for xenophobia, racism, sexism, Afrophobia or any other forms of intolerance" in the country.

A group of 74 Zimbabweans arrived home on Sunday after being driven from Mossel Bay in transport organised by the Zimbabwean authorities. Some families with young children say they fled the Western Cape fearing for their safety.

At the end of last month, Ghana organised a repatriation flight from Johannesburg for nearly 300 of its citizens. A group of about 680 more arrived in Ghana's capital, Accra, at the weekend.

On Saturday, South Africa's Foreign Minister Ronald Lamola accused his Ghanaian counterpart of spreading misinformation about xenophobia in South Africa.
Malawians repatriated from South Africa amid xenophobia concerns

AFP via Getty Images A woman in a grey hat sitting in a coach smiles and waves from the window at the people outside. AFP via Getty Images
Migrants from southern Africa have been leaving Mossel Bay in Western Cape Province after violence in the area
A group of 150 Malawians repatriated from South Africa amid growing worries about xenophobia are due to arrive by road in their home country on Monday, the Malawian authorities have said.

The repatriation follows violence in South Africa's Western Cape Province where there were reports just over a week ago of door-to-door intimidation, as well as the deaths of two Mozambicans in Mossel Bay.

The Malawians were "among a number of foreign nationals" who had "sought refuge in temporary camps" in Mossel Bay, according to a statement from Lilongwe.

Ghana, Nigeria and Zimbabwe have also organised repatriation flights and transport after raising concerns about xenophobia in South Africa.

Anti-migrant groups are demanding undocumented migrants leave the country - and have set 30 June as a deadline.

In a national address on Sunday aimed at easing tensions, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa announced a raft of new measures to crackdown on illegal migration.

But he also warned South Africans not to take the law into their own hands. He said there was "no space for xenophobia, racism, sexism, Afrophobia or any other forms of intolerance" in the country.

A group of 74 Zimbabweans arrived home on Sunday after being driven from Mossel Bay in transport organised by the Zimbabwean authorities. Some families with young children say they fled the Western Cape fearing for their safety.

At the end of last month, Ghana organised a repatriation flight from Johannesburg for nearly 300 of its citizens. A group of about 680 more arrived in Ghana's capital, Accra, at the weekend.

On Saturday, South Africa's Foreign Minister Ronald Lamola accused his Ghanaian counterpart of spreading misinformation about xenophobia in South Africa.

๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช๐—ฆ ๐Ÿ—ž๏ธ๐Ÿ—ž๏ธ ๐—ข๐—ก ๐—›๐—œ๐—š๐—›๐—ช๐—”๐—ฌ ๐—ฆ๐—ง๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—˜๐—ง ๐— ๐˜„๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐˜‡๐˜‚๐—ธ๐—ฎ ๐—ฏ๐˜„๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ท๐—ถ?
08/06/2026

๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช๐—ฆ ๐Ÿ—ž๏ธ๐Ÿ—ž๏ธ ๐—ข๐—ก ๐—›๐—œ๐—š๐—›๐—ช๐—”๐—ฌ ๐—ฆ๐—ง๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—˜๐—ง
๐— ๐˜„๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐˜‡๐˜‚๐—ธ๐—ฎ ๐—ฏ๐˜„๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ท๐—ถ?

๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช๐—ฆ ๐—ข๐—ก ๐—›๐—œ๐—š๐—›๐—ช๐—”๐—ฌ ๐—ฆ๐—ง๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—˜๐—ง ๐Ÿ—ž๏ธ๐Ÿ“ฐ ๐—ง๐—ผ ๐—บ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ก๐—ผ๐˜ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐— ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ
06/06/2026

๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช๐—ฆ ๐—ข๐—ก ๐—›๐—œ๐—š๐—›๐—ช๐—”๐—ฌ ๐—ฆ๐—ง๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—˜๐—ง ๐Ÿ—ž๏ธ๐Ÿ“ฐ ๐—ง๐—ผ ๐—บ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ก๐—ผ๐˜ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐— ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ

LESOTHO ๐Ÿ‡ฑ๐Ÿ‡ธ is experiencing heavy snowfall across several regions, with snow covering roads, mountains, and communities.R...
05/06/2026

LESOTHO ๐Ÿ‡ฑ๐Ÿ‡ธ
is experiencing heavy snowfall across several regions, with snow covering roads, mountains, and communities.
Reporter by Nephius Nephew Numeri

๐—ฃ๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ง ๐—œ๐—ก๐—–: ๐—›๐—ข๐—ช ๐— ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—”๐—ช๐—œ ๐—ง๐—จ๐—ฅ๐—ก๐—˜๐—— ๐—ฃ๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ง๐—ฌ ๐—œ๐—ก๐—ง๐—ข ๐—œ๐—ง๐—ฆ ๐— ๐—ข๐—ฆ๐—ง ๐—ฆ๐—จ๐—–๐—–๐—˜๐—ฆ๐—ฆ๐—™๐—จ๐—Ÿ ๐—œ๐—ก๐——๐—จ๐—ฆ๐—ง๐—ฅ๐—ฌThe writings on The Wall by Jack McBramsJack McBr...
03/06/2026

๐—ฃ๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ง ๐—œ๐—ก๐—–: ๐—›๐—ข๐—ช ๐— ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—”๐—ช๐—œ ๐—ง๐—จ๐—ฅ๐—ก๐—˜๐—— ๐—ฃ๐—ข๐—ฉ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ง๐—ฌ ๐—œ๐—ก๐—ง๐—ข ๐—œ๐—ง๐—ฆ ๐— ๐—ข๐—ฆ๐—ง ๐—ฆ๐—จ๐—–๐—–๐—˜๐—ฆ๐—ฆ๐—™๐—จ๐—Ÿ ๐—œ๐—ก๐——๐—จ๐—ฆ๐—ง๐—ฅ๐—ฌ
The writings on The Wall by Jack McBramsJack McBrams

Walk through Limbe Market on any given day and you will encounter a familiar sight.
A man in torn clothes extends a trembling hand. A woman carrying a child tells a story of hardship. Their message is simple: look at my suffering and help me survive.

There is nothing remarkable about that. Poverty exists everywhere. People in desperate circumstances do what they must to get through another day.
What is remarkable is that, over the years, Malawi appears to have elevated this survival strategy into a national development model.

We have become a country that has perfected the art of commodifying poverty. The begging bowl is no longer held only by the desperate individual on the street corner. It has been institutionalized. It has been professionalized. It has become one of the country's most sophisticated and enduring industries.

And it raises an uncomfortable question: If poverty is constantly being discussed, researched, photographed, measured, monitored, evaluated, funded, workshopped, strategized and reported on, who exactly is making money from it?

Because it certainly does not appear to be the poor.
For decades, billions of dollars in aid have flowed into Malawi. Governments have come and gone. Poverty reduction strategies have been launched and relaunched. Vision 2020 was followed by Vision 2063. We have had the Malawi Growth and Development Strategies, donor compacts, emergency interventions, resilience programmes, climate adaptation projects, food security initiatives and countless NGO-led activities.

Yet poverty remains one of the defining features of our national identity. That reality should force us to ask a question that few are willing to confront. Has poverty in Malawi become less of a problem to solve and more of an asset to manage?

The answer may lie in what development critics have called the Poverty Industrial Complex.
This is not a conspiracy. It is something far more powerful: a system of incentives.

In such a system, poverty creates funding. Funding creates projects. Projects create jobs. Jobs create careers. Careers create institutions.
And institutions develop a vested interest in their own continuation.
The result is a strange paradox. Entire livelihoods become dependent on the existence of the very problem they are supposed to eliminate.

The implications are unsettling.
If poverty disappeared from Malawi tomorrow, what would happen to the thousands of consultants, project coordinators, programme officers, researchers, evaluators, workshop facilitators, aid experts and development contractors whose professional existence depends on poverty-related funding?

What would happen to the conference industry? The workshop hotels? The per diem economy?
The endless cycle of baseline studies, stakeholder consultations, validation meetings, review meetings, monitoring visits and evaluation exercises?

What would happen to the fleets of four-wheel-drive vehicles carrying the logos of organizations dedicated to fighting poverty?

Again, this is not an accusation that NGOs, donors or development professionals want poor people to remain poor. It is an observation about incentives.

The business of poverty often rewards its managers far more reliably than it rewards its intended beneficiaries.

Consider the development workshop culture that has become deeply embedded within Malawi's bureaucracy.

Every single day, millions of dollars are spent on capacity building. Civil servants attend workshops. Consultants produce reports. Allowances are paid. Hotels are booked. Conference rooms are filled. Lunches are served. Recommendations are made. Action plans are drafted.

And then another workshop is organized to review the outcomes of the previous workshop.

Somewhere in this cycle, poverty itself becomes secondary. The process becomes the product. One uncomfortable question deserves to be asked.

How many poor Malawians have become wealthy because of poverty reduction programmes?

Now compare that number with the number of middle-class professionals whose careers, mortgages, school fees and lifestyles have been financed by those same programmes.

The comparison is unlikely to be flattering. The same contradiction is visible within the aid sector.

Drive through the affluent areas of Lilongwe and one encounters offices equipped with modern infrastructure, highly paid professionals and expensive vehicles operating under the banner of poverty alleviation.

Travel a few hours into the countryside and one often finds communities facing many of the same challenges they faced decades ago.

The contrast is impossible to ignore.

A substantial portion of aid money never reaches the poor in any direct sense. It circulates within an ecosystem of salaries, rents, logistics contracts, procurement arrangements, consultancy fees, transport services and administrative overheads.

Poverty, in effect, becomes raw material feeding a large economic machine.

And because this machine is powered by suffering, there is an unavoidable incentive to keep demonstrating the existence of suffering.

This perhaps explains another curious feature of Malawi's development discourse.

We have become exceptionally good at marketing our misery.

Droughts become funding appeals. Cyclones become funding appeals. Food shortages become funding appeals. Disease outbreaks become funding appeals. Climate vulnerability becomes funding appeals. These are all genuine challenges. They deserve attention.

But somewhere along the way, our national conversation shifted from solving problems to showcasing them.

We increasingly present ourselves to the world through the language of vulnerability: Look how poor we are. Look how desperate we are. Look how much help we need.

Rarely do we hear a different message: Look what we can produce. Look what we can export. Look what we can build. Look what we can create.

This is where the role of government deserves scrutiny.

Far too often, political success is measured not by the amount of wealth created but by the amount of aid secured.

Leaders travel the world seeking grants, loans, relief packages and development assistance. Press conferences are held. Photographs are taken. Announcements are made. The arrival of external funding is celebrated as a policy achievement.

But when was the last time Malawi had a serious national conversation about wealth creation?

About industrialization? About exports? About productivity? About building globally competitive industries? About creating value instead of attracting sympathy?

The uncomfortable truth is that aid can sometimes become a substitute for difficult reforms.

Why undertake painful economic restructuring when donor support can temporarily fill the gap? Why prioritize production when dependency remains politically manageable? Why focus on creating wealth when managing poverty is often more immediately rewarding?

These are questions that cut to the heart of Malawi's development dilemma.

Perhaps the most damaging consequence of all is psychological. Poverty is no longer merely an economic condition in Malawi. It is becoming an identity.

The world knows us through stories of hunger, disasters, aid dependence and vulnerability.

Increasingly, we know ourselves through the same stories.

Countries eventually become what they repeatedly tell themselves they are.

And if a nation spends decades branding itself as poor, helpless and dependent, it risks internalizing those descriptions.

That may be the greatest tragedy of all. Many countries were poor. South Korea was poor. Singapore was poor. Botswana was poor. Rwanda emerged from catastrophe.

Poverty itself is not destiny.

But those countries eventually organized their politics, institutions and national imagination around wealth creation rather than poverty management.

Malawi has yet to make that transition. Instead, we have built an elaborate ecosystem around poverty itself.

Entire careers depend on it. Entire institutions are sustained by it. Entire political narratives are constructed around it. Entire industries profit from it.

Meanwhile, the poor remain poor.

Perhaps the most uncomfortable question is not whether donors have failed or whether NGOs have failed.

Perhaps the question is whether poverty has become too valuable to too many people.

Because until wealth creation becomes more profitable than poverty management, until production becomes more attractive than dependency, and until success is measured by prosperity rather than aid inflows, Malawi's most successful industry will remain the one thing every development strategy claims to be fighting.

CHIEF JUSTICE RSA TALKING TOUGH AND WARNING.
03/06/2026

CHIEF JUSTICE RSA TALKING TOUGH AND WARNING.

PRESS RELEASE FOR THE MALAWIANS LIVING IN SOUTH AFRICA
02/06/2026

PRESS RELEASE FOR THE MALAWIANS LIVING IN SOUTH AFRICA

Ngati bodzatu kuti Malawi had these companies. Imagine the number of people that would have been working at these instit...
02/06/2026

Ngati bodzatu kuti Malawi had these companies. Imagine the number of people that would have been working at these institutions.

1. Import & Export
2. Press Bakeries
3. Mulanje Canning Factory
4. Stagecoach
5. Enterprise Containers
6. Tambala Food Products
7. Brown & Clapperton
8. Encor Products
9. Agrimal
10. British American To***co
11. Robbin Bridge
12. Air Malawi Ltd
13. Malawi Railways Ltd
14. Inde Bank
15. Inde Trust
16. Inde Fund
17. Malawi Savings Bank
18. Admarc Holdings Ltd
19. Malawi Distilleries Ltd
20. Shell Chemicals Ltd
21. Oilcom
22. Malawi Book Services
23. Press Agriculture5
24. Press Steel and Wire
25. PEW Ltd
26. Press Transport
27. Liver Brothers (manufacturing)
28. Wico
29. Mandala Limited
30. Mulunguzi Winery
31. Kandodo
32. Tuwiche Bus Company
33. Yanu-Yanu Bus company
34. Consolidated Textiles Ltd
35. Tikumbe Ltd
36. Produsak
37. Uniprint
38. BATA Shoe Company
39. Non Ferrous Industries
40. Dulux Paints
41. Mapanga Sweet Factory
42. Malawi Development Corporation
43. Chemical Manufacturers Ltd
44. General Tinsmith
45. Chemicals and Marketing


INDUSTRY AND MANUFACTURING
David Whitehead and Sons (Textiles)
Dwangwa Sugar Corporation (DSC)
SUCOMA (Sugar Corporation of Malawi)
Malawi Dairy Industries (sold to Dairibord of Zimbabwe)
Chillington AGRIMAL
Portland Cement
Chemicals and Marketing Ltd
Optichem Malawi Ltd
Packaging Industries
Brick & Tile Company
Wood Industries Ltd Co. (WICO)
Malawi Development Corporation (MADECO)
Leopard Match Company
Malawi Catering Services
Encor products ltd
PEW Engineering
Cold storage Company (CSC)
Blantyre Textile
Malawi Engineering Co (MEC)
Malawi Cement Products

TRANSPORT AND LOGISTICS

Malawi Railways Ltd (commissioned in 1999 to a Mozambican/American consortium)
Malawi Lake Services
Shire Bus Lines (formerly Stagecoach/United Transport Malawi)
Oilcom

AGRICULTURE AND TOURISM

Auction Holdings Ltd
Central To***co Properties
Smallholder Sugar Authority
Kuti Ranch, Grain & Milling co (GRAMIL) lero ndi bakhresa), Viply Ltd and Vipcor, Zomba Trout Farm, Capital Hill Dairy Farm, Chiphazi Farm, Kombe Farm, Choma Ranch, Dzalanyama Ranch etc.

Various Government Lodges and Hotels: Including Kasungu Inn, Ngabu Inn, Likhubula Lodge and various Rest Houses in Blantyre and Limbe. Mangochi Lodge, Limbe Rest House, Kachere Lodge, Dzalanyama Lodge, Chigumukire Lodge,
Ntchisi Lodge, Chitipa Inn, Chintheche Inn etc

RETAIL AND SERVICES

Import and Export Company
Malawi Book Service
Kandodo (Retail chain)
Chipiku Stores
Tambala Food Products

Privatisation started around 1995โ€“1996, driven by World Bank and IMF structural adjustment programs to address poor performance in state owned enterprises (SOEs). Managed by the Public Private Partnership Commission (PPPC), the process involved selling over 40 firms by 2002, including assets in agriculture and manufacturing.

Good Way to Go
29/05/2026

Good Way to Go

๐—ก๐—ž๐—›๐—”๐—ก๐—œ ๐—ญ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ข ๐— ๐—ช๐—”๐——๐—ญ๐—œ๐—ข๐—ก๐—”? ๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช๐—ฆ ๐—ฃ๐—”๐—ฃ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ฆ ๐—ข๐—ก ๐—›๐—œ๐—š๐—›๐—ช๐—”๐—ฌ ๐—ฆ๐—ง๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—˜๐—ง ๐Ÿ—ž๏ธ๐Ÿ“ฐ
28/05/2026

๐—ก๐—ž๐—›๐—”๐—ก๐—œ ๐—ญ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ข ๐— ๐—ช๐—”๐——๐—ญ๐—œ๐—ข๐—ก๐—”?
๐—ก๐—˜๐—ช๐—ฆ ๐—ฃ๐—”๐—ฃ๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ฆ ๐—ข๐—ก ๐—›๐—œ๐—š๐—›๐—ช๐—”๐—ฌ ๐—ฆ๐—ง๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—˜๐—ง ๐Ÿ—ž๏ธ๐Ÿ“ฐ

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