Market Hub Magazine

22/07/2026

DEBUNKING THE DEROGATORY TAG PUT ON THE NAME "AKPOTO": AN ADDENDUM
By Idris Ejima Aruwa
21/07/2026

When I came across an article titled "Debunking the Derogatory Tag Put on the Name 'Akpoto' (Reassessing an Early Ethnonym in Igala Historiography)" by Eneojo Herbert Idakwo, I was initially curious. I wondered why the subject of Akpoto should be revisited at a time when the unity of the Igala people is paramount and issues capable of creating division ought to be approached with caution. However, given the author's reputation as one of the most prolific writers and researchers I greatly respect, I took the time to study his work carefully.
The answer to my curiosity became evident in his concluding remarks:
"The purpose of revisiting the history of Akpoto is not to advocate replacing the name Igala, which remains the accepted identity of the people. Rather, it is to encourage a more accurate reading of Igala history by recognizing Akpoto as an important component of the historical evolution of the Igala nation. Once this historical reality is appreciated, the misuse of Akpoto as a derogatory expression against any section of Igala land becomes both historically indefensible and culturally inappropriate." (Idakwo, 2026)
Mr. Idakwo's reference to my book, Readings on Igala People, Land and Language, in discussing this subject is highly commendable. It reflects his deep understanding of and appreciation for the body of research that has been undertaken in this field. I share his position that the derogatory use of Akpoto represents a distortion of history rather than a reflection of its original meaning. The available evidence from oral traditions, colonial ethnographies, and modern historical studies suggests that Akpoto was an early ethnonym associated with the ancestors of the present-day Igala people before the emergence of the centralized Igala Kingdom under the Ata-Igala institution (Idakwo, 2026).
The discipline of onomasiology—the study of names—teaches us that names are often bestowed by others rather than chosen by those who bear them. Like many gifts, a name is usually given without the prior knowledge, advice, or consent of the recipient. The names of languages and ethnic groups are frequently assigned by neighbouring peoples. Nevertheless, a name does not define a people's language, whether spoken or written, nor does it determine their culture, values, beliefs, or social identity.
The words Okpoto or Akpoto appear to be derived from the Nupe words Kpoto or Kpwatwa, which refer to a waterside settlement or port. Historically, the earliest interactions between neighbouring ethnic groups and the ancestors of the Igala especially the Nupes, Benin, Hausa, Yoruba and the British colonial emissaries occurred along the Niger-Benue confluence. It is therefore reasonable to infer that these ancestors possessed a strong riverine culture, particularly around Idah. Their most significant interactions were with the Nupe people, with whom they shared extensive political and economic relationships. This suggests that the early settlers of Idah—the ancestral homeland of the Igala people—were originally identified as Akpoto.
With the emergence of Abutu Ejeh from the old Kwararafa Confederacy, who became the progenitor of Ayegba Oma Idoko—the ruler credited with establishing the Ata-Igala institution—a new political identity gradually emerged. The name Igala became the accepted designation of the kingdom and its people. The origin of the name Igala, however, remains an area of ongoing historical inquiry, as no scholar has yet established a definitive explanation for its emergence. Ayegba Oma Idoko became the first Ata-Igala, ruling over the territory that came to be known as Ane-Igala. While political leadership and state organization changed, the language and cultural identity of the people remained fundamentally the same.
One consequence of this shift in ethnic nomenclature was that settlements located close to the royal palace increasingly adopted the name Igala as a marker of political legitimacy and royal affiliation. Conversely, communities outside the royal enclave continued to be identified—or were labelled—as Akpoto. Over time, this distinction evolved into a social classification that unfortunately acquired derogatory connotations, despite its historical origins.
I also have reason to believe that many of the communities now collectively referred to as Akpoto have preserved some of the oldest forms of Igala vocabulary. By contrast, the spoken Igala of Idah and its environs has undergone considerable lexical influence due to the cosmopolitan nature of the ancient capital. As the administrative and political centre of a vast kingdom, Idah attracted migrants from diverse ethnic backgrounds following the establishment of the Igala Kingdom. These interactions inevitably influenced the vocabulary, pronunciation, and style of spoken Igala in Idah, while communities beyond the royal capital retained linguistic features that may more closely reflect the older forms of the language.
Recognizing these historical and linguistic realities should not be seen as an attempt to undermine the collective Igala identity. Rather, it enriches our understanding of the historical evolution of the Igala nation and reinforces the need to reject the derogatory use of Akpoto. History should serve as a bridge to unity, not a tool for division. A proper appreciation of our shared origins strengthens, rather than weakens, the identity and solidarity of the Igala people.
I want to commend Eneojo Herbert Idakwo for the clarity, scholarship, and balanced perspective he has brought to this important subject. His thoughtful reassessment of the history of Akpoto contributes meaningfully to a more accurate understanding of Igala historiography while reinforcing the need for unity among the Igala people.
It is my sincere prayer that the Igala nation will rediscover the strength of its shared heritage, reclaim the glory of its illustrious past, and continue on a path toward an even greater future. May our history inspire unity rather than division, and may our collective identity remain a source of pride for generations to come.

21/07/2026

Cultivating Traditional Integrity and Nationalism: Nigeria's Missing Weapon Against Corruption

Part I: Nigeria's War Against Corruption Has Been Fought with One Hand

By Eneojo Herbert Idakwo

Every generation of Nigerians has declared war on corruption.

Military governments promised discipline. Civilian administrations promised transparency. Anti-corruption agencies were created. New procurement laws were enacted. Financial regulations were strengthened. Bank verification systems, the Treasury Single Account, the Bank Verification Number, Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System, and other digital reforms were introduced to reduce leakages and improve accountability.

Yet corruption has endured.

From local government offices to federal ministries, from procurement fraud to examination malpractice, from vote buying to illicit financial flows, corruption continues to undermine national development. It has weakened public confidence in government, discouraged investment, distorted public spending, and deprived millions of Nigerians of quality education, healthcare, infrastructure, and economic opportunity.

Nigeria has not lacked anti-corruption campaigns. It has lacked a comprehensive philosophy of integrity.

For more than two decades, public policy has concentrated overwhelmingly on detecting, prosecuting, and punishing corruption after it has occurred. Institutions such as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), the Code of Conduct Bureau, and other oversight bodies have recorded notable successes. High-profile convictions have been secured, stolen assets have been recovered, and financial regulations have become more sophisticated.

These achievements deserve recognition.

However, the persistence of corruption despite these institutional gains raises a difficult question. Can any nation prosecute its way out of a moral crisis?

Recent research suggests the answer is more complicated than many political speeches acknowledge.

In a landmark 2025 study, Chatham House concluded that Nigeria's anti-corruption efforts have achieved uneven progress because corruption is sustained not only by weak institutions but also by deeply rooted social norms. Drawing on nationwide household survey data collected in partnership with Nigeria's National Bureau of Statistics, the report found that many Nigerians value honesty and fairness, yet often believe corruption has become the practical cost of accessing public services or getting things done. That perception reinforces a cycle in which citizens come to see corrupt behaviour not as acceptable, but as unavoidable.

This finding should concern every Nigerian.

When corruption becomes normal rather than shocking, it ceases to be merely a criminal justice problem. It becomes a cultural problem.

That distinction matters.

Laws regulate behaviour. Culture shapes behaviour before the law becomes necessary.

A police officer can arrest a fraudster. A court can convict a public official. A prison sentence may punish an offender. None of these institutions, however, can teach a child why honesty matters before temptation arrives. That responsibility belongs to families, schools, communities, religious institutions, and the wider culture.

For too long, Nigeria has treated corruption primarily as an institutional failure. It is certainly that. Weak oversight, political interference, selective prosecution, slow judicial processes, and inadequate accountability have all weakened the fight against corruption.

But institutions do not operate in a moral vacuum.

They are staffed by citizens who were first shaped by homes, neighbourhoods, schools, and communities. If those environments quietly reward dishonesty, public institutions eventually reflect the same values.

Political philosopher Francis Fukuyama has long argued that societies function most effectively when supported by high levels of social trust. Trust lowers the cost of doing business, strengthens institutions, and encourages cooperation between citizens and government. Where trust collapses, corruption fills the vacuum.

Nigeria increasingly faces precisely that challenge.

Citizens distrust government. Government distrusts citizens. Public officials distrust one another. Businesses build the cost of bribery into contracts. Ordinary people often assume that influence matters more than merit and personal connections more than due process.

This erosion of trust has consequences far beyond politics. It weakens economic growth, discourages innovation, and gradually normalises ethical compromise in everyday life.

The tragedy is that many Nigerians still recognise corruption as wrong.

The Chatham House study found that people who resist corruption often pay a personal price. They may lose contracts, promotions, political opportunities, or social acceptance. Yet these "integrity role models" continue to demonstrate that ethical leadership remains possible even within difficult environments. The report argues that supporting such individuals and changing social expectations may prove just as important as passing new laws.

That insight represents an important shift in thinking.

For years, the national conversation has focused on stronger punishment. Far less attention has been paid to producing more people who instinctively reject corruption because it violates their conscience before it violates the law.

This is where education enters the discussion.

Not education measured merely by examination scores or university degrees, but education understood in its oldest and deepest meaning: the formation of character.

Many of the world's least corrupt societies did not arrive there through punishment alone. They invested consistently in civic education, ethical leadership, public trust, and national identity while simultaneously strengthening institutions. Singapore combined uncompromising law enforcement with a professional public service. Japan embedded moral education into school life. Botswana retained aspects of its indigenous consultative traditions while building accountable democratic institutions. None relied on culture alone. None relied on law alone. They recognised that institutions and values reinforce one another.

Nigeria has largely emphasised one side of that equation.

The country has built agencies to investigate corruption. It has devoted far less energy to building a culture that makes corruption socially unacceptable.

That imbalance cannot continue indefinitely.

This is not an argument for romanticising Nigeria's past. Pre-colonial societies were not free from abuse of power, conflict, or injustice. Human weakness did not arrive with colonialism.

What many indigenous communities possessed, however, were powerful mechanisms for shaping character, enforcing communal accountability, rewarding integrity, and attaching honour to public service. Those institutions varied across the country's many cultures, but they shared an understanding that remains profoundly relevant today.

A nation cannot legislate morality into existence after childhood has already shaped the citizen.

It must cultivate integrity before temptation acquires legitimacy.

The question, therefore, is no longer whether Nigeria needs stronger anti-corruption laws. It does.

The more urgent question is whether Nigeria has neglected the moral foundations upon which honest institutions ultimately depend.

Until that question is answered honestly, the country may continue winning court cases while losing the battle for its national conscience.

11/07/2026

09/07/2026

NCAN LOSES FIRST VICE PRESIDENT, MALLAM SHAIBU AGBEJI

The National Cashew Association of Nigeria (NCAN) has been thrown into mourning following the death of its First Vice President, Mallam Shaibu Agbeji, fondly known across the cashew industry as "Shaibu Chairman."

The late Mallam Agbeji was a respected leader, seasoned cashew merchant, and a committed advocate for the growth and development of Nigeria's cashew value chain. Throughout his years of service, he worked tirelessly alongside the leadership of NCAN to strengthen the association, promote the interests of cashew farmers and exporters, and advance Nigeria's position in the global cashew industry.

His dedication, humility, and willingness to serve earned him the admiration of colleagues, stakeholders, and members of the association across the country. His passing leaves a significant void in NCAN and the wider agricultural community.

On behalf of the entire cashew industry, the President, National Executive Council, State Chapters, and members of the National Cashew Association of Nigeria extend their heartfelt condolences to his family, friends, business associates, and all who were touched by his life and service.

May Almighty Allah, in His infinite mercy, forgive his shortcomings, accept his good deeds, grant him Al-Jannah Firdaus, and give his family and loved ones the strength and patience to bear this great loss.

Inna lillahi wa inna ilayhi raji'un.

Mallam Shaibu Agbeji (Shaibu Chairman) will be remembered for his invaluable contributions to the Nigerian cashew industry and for a legacy of service that will continue to inspire generations.

08/07/2026

STATE POLICE TAKES SHAPE: TINUBU MOVES FROM CONSTITUTIONAL PROMISE TO IMPLEMENTATION

By Eneojo Herbert Idakwo

For decades, the debate over state policing has remained one of Nigeria's most difficult constitutional questions. Advocates argued that a centrally controlled police force could no longer cope with the country's diverse security challenges, while opponents warned that state police could become instruments of political intimidation in the hands of governors.

Successive administrations acknowledged the debate, but few advanced it beyond policy discussions. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's inauguration of the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill marks a decisive shift from debate to implementation.

The inauguration demonstrates that the Federal Government is not waiting for the constitutional amendment process to conclude before laying the legal and institutional foundations for a new policing architecture. It reflects an understanding that constitutional approval alone cannot produce an operational security system without clear legislation defining responsibilities, standards and safeguards.

The recently passed Constitution Alteration (State Police) Bill establishes the legal basis for a dual policing structure consisting of the Federal Police Service and thirty-six State Police Services. Yet constitutional recognition is only the first step. Effective policing requires detailed legislation governing recruitment, training, funding, accountability, command relationships and operational standards.

This is the responsibility assigned to the Presidential Working Group chaired by the President's Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila. The committee includes the Attorney-General of the Federation, the President of the Nigerian Bar Association, the Chairman of the Nigeria Governors' Forum, the National Security Adviser, the Inspector-General of Police and other key stakeholders.

According to President Tinubu, the proposed National Policing Bill will establish minimum policing standards across the federation while ensuring that every state satisfies prescribed readiness conditions before establishing its police service. The legislation is also expected to define federal and state coordination mechanisms, fiscal responsibilities, human rights protections and accountability systems.

These provisions are significant because they seek to address the major fears that have historically slowed the state police conversation. Questions surrounding abuse of power, political interference, uneven funding and operational conflicts between federal and state authorities cannot be ignored. Any successful reform must balance decentralisation with national standards.

The Nigerian Governors' Forum has welcomed the initiative. Ogun State Governor Dapo Abiodun described state policing as a response to the long-standing demand for community-based security. He noted that regional security initiatives such as Amotekun have already demonstrated the effectiveness of locally driven policing models.

His projection that each state could deploy approximately 6,000 officers suggests that nearly 200,000 additional personnel could eventually strengthen Nigeria's overall security capacity. Such expansion would significantly improve police visibility, intelligence gathering and rapid response at community level.

The Attorney-General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, also emphasised the urgency of the reform, describing Nigeria's security situation as one requiring collective responsibility. He urged governors to facilitate speedy ratification of the constitutional amendment through their respective Houses of Assembly to avoid unnecessary delays.

Equally important were the remarks of the President of the Nigerian Bar Association, Afam Osigwe. While endorsing state police, he cautioned against creating institutions that could become instruments of oppression. His insistence on strong legal safeguards reflects widespread public concern that decentralised policing must not compromise constitutional rights and civil liberties.

Indeed, this may prove to be the defining challenge of the reform. The success of state police will depend not merely on establishing new security agencies, but on creating institutions that remain professional, accountable and insulated from partisan politics.

Nigeria's security realities have evolved beyond what a single centrally controlled police organisation can effectively manage. Rural banditry, terrorism, kidnapping, communal violence, organised crime and urban insecurity often require local knowledge, faster intelligence gathering and community partnerships that are difficult to coordinate from Abuja alone.

Many federal systems across the world operate multiple policing structures while maintaining national standards. Nigeria's proposed model seeks to follow a similar path by combining local responsiveness with federal oversight.

President Tinubu's decision to establish the Presidential Working Group before completion of the constitutional amendment process also reflects administrative foresight. Rather than allowing legislative approval to create another prolonged implementation gap, the government is preparing the institutional framework in advance.

Whether the reform ultimately succeeds will depend on the quality of the National Policing Bill, the commitment of state governments, adequate funding, professional recruitment and continuous oversight. These factors will determine whether state police becomes a transformative security solution or merely another layer of bureaucracy.

The inauguration of the Presidential Working Group therefore represents more than the creation of another government committee. It signals the beginning of what could become one of the most consequential security reforms since Nigeria's return to democratic rule.

If implemented with integrity, professionalism and constitutional discipline, the National Policing Bill may finally provide the legal foundation for a policing system that is closer to the people, more responsive to local threats and better equipped to secure a nation of over 200 million citizens.

01/07/2026

THE ROAD TO PUBLIC OFFICE DOES NOT END AT THE PRIMARIES

Every election season produces thousands of aspirants driven by the desire to serve their communities and influence public policy. For many, the journey begins with securing the ticket of a political party. It is a demanding process that requires strategy, grassroots mobilization, persuasion, and resilience.

Emerging as a party’s flag bearer is a significant achievement. It reflects the confidence of party members and confirms that an aspirant has earned the mandate to represent the party at the general election. Yet political history has consistently shown that victory at the primaries does not guarantee success at the polls.

The general election is an entirely different contest.

At this stage, the audience extends beyond party delegates and loyal supporters. The candidate must now earn the confidence of millions of voters who may know little about his or her vision, competence, leadership capacity, or governance agenda. Elections are won not only by the strength of a candidate, but also by the effectiveness of the campaign that presents that candidate to the electorate.

In today’s political landscape, media visibility is no longer optional. It is a strategic necessity. Every newspaper feature, television appearance, radio interview, documentary, online publication, social media engagement, and public relations initiative contributes to shaping public perception. Candidates who communicate their message consistently are more likely to inspire confidence, build credibility, and remain top of mind on election day.

A successful campaign therefore requires more than rallies and campaign posters. It demands a carefully coordinated communication strategy that reaches the right audience, delivers the right message, responds to emerging issues, and builds lasting public trust. In modern politics, visibility creates familiarity, familiarity builds confidence, and confidence translates into votes.

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