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26/08/2024

BIRTHDAY IN HISTORY

ABIOLA, MOSHOOD KASHIMAWO OLAWALE @83

Today, August 24 in 1937 in Abeokuta Ogun State, a boy was born, who later was to be known and address as MKO Abiola. He attended Baptist Boys' High School, Abeokuta, Ogun State 1951-56; University of Glasgow, Scotland, 1961-65. He worked with the Lagos University Teaching Hospital, Deputy Chief Accountant, 1965; Pfizer Products Limited, Lagos, Chief Accountant; International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation, Comptroller 1969; Vice-President ITT Corporation in Africa and the Middle East; Chief Executive, ITT Nigeria Limited, 1977-88. Retired voluntarily in 1988. He was the publisher of the Concord group of newspapers; Chairman of the Reparation Group; He was the Are-Onakankafo Of Yorubaland; he was the Presidential Candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP); the presumed winner of the June 12. 1993 presidential elections that was annulled. He later declared himself president in June 1994, he was arrested and detained by the government of General Sani Abacha and charged for treasonable felony. He died July 7, 1998 while in detention

20/08/2024

Ewi of Ado: The story of a monarch in a republic
Oba Rufus Adeyemo Adejugbe

The traditional distinction between a republic and a monarchy is so sharp that the definition of one is a negation of the other. Thus, on the one hand, a republic is a state or nation in which supreme power or sovereignty is vested in the people, that is the body of citizens, rather than in one person. On the other hand, a monarchy is a state or nation in which supreme power or sovereignty is vested in one person, usually one who inherits the power.

This distinction underlies the displacement of Nigerian monarchs, otherwise known as traditional rulers, from their precolonial role as Alpha and Omega in their respective kingdoms. The displacement began gradually under colonial rule. While recognising the traditional role of monarchs in their respective communities, the colonial government signed treaties with them, but nonetheless subjugated them to colonial authority, by constituting them into the House of Chiefs. When the colonialists gradually began to cede power to the people, they worked through the monarchs in a system that came to be known as indirect rule. Some monarchs even became Governors, notably, Oba Adesoji Aderemi, the Ooni of Ife (Governor of Western Region, 1960-62). Although he was only a prince with a chieftaincy title, the Sardauna of Sokoto also became the Premier of Northern Region from 1954-1966.

One legacy of the colonial government’s relationship with the monarchy was its role in the installation of a monarch, king or emir. No one ascended the throne without government approval and the presentation of the staff of office. As Nigeria advanced with self-government since the mid-fifties, this role became increasingly politicised and abused by the government of the day. Politicians and military rulers alike suspended or removed monarchs, who failed to do their bidding and installed those who did. Perhaps at no time in our history is this tendency more disturbing as currently witnessed, for example, in Kano and Osun states, not to speak of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s denigrating “Stand up, Sit down” command to a group of monarchs.

It is against the above backgrounds that the recent bold intervention in rising prices in his kingdom by the Ewi of Ado, Oba Rufus Adeyemo Adejugbe, should be examined within Nigeria’s republican status. The Ewi and his chiefs did at least four things. First, they instructed sellers to reduce the prices of foodstuffs, such as tomatoes, pepper, vegetable, palmoil, beans, meat, and garri. Second, they even dictated the price ceiling for some of these goods. Third, they dissolved market associations, which often met to set food prices. Finally, they banned middlemen, who would buy directly from farmers, increase prices, and then resell to market women and other retailers.

In order to implement these decisions, the chiefs were mandated to monitor various markets in their neighbourhoods and sanction defaulting sellers. It is unclear, however, what the sanctions are against the defaulters and what punishment is in store for chiefs who abuse their role as monitors.

Perhaps a more critical question is how the Ewi and his chiefs came about these policy directives. Reading the headlines and some of the reports in newspapers, it looked like a top-down policy. Upon close reading and further investigations, however, the monarch’s actions were inspired by consumer complaints. After receiving numerous complaints, the Ewi summoned his chiefs, who listened to complaints by some consumers. It was revealed that middlemen, who bought foodstuffs from the farmers and resold to market women, were part of the problem. This was followed by a meeting between the monarch and his chiefs, on the one hand, and lead market women, on the other hand. The policy directives outlined above were the outcome of these various meetings. Incidentally, what the Ewi and his chiefs observed about the role of middlemen and market associations in price gouging in Ado-Ekiti applies in most communities throughout the country.

It is unclear whether the Ewi has shared the data and his policy directives with the Chairman of his Local Government Area or anyone in the state government, given that his kingdom is also the seat of the Ekiti state government. Their silence, however, should be taken as consent. In any case, no one should expect any form of public disagreement between Abiodun Abayomi Oyebanji, the state’s humble, but hardworking, Governor, and the Ewi of Ado, should there by any.

Whatever the case is, the Ewi’s actions raise serious questions about the role of monarchs in a republic like Nigeria’s, which has hundreds of them. Regardless of what politicians do or fail to do, the monarch’s influence is felt, for good or for bad, in every community throughout the country. What is more, politicians continue to engage in the creation of new or pseudo kingdoms or endorse such action by monarchs in their state.

In recent years, under the auspices of the National Traditional Council of Nigeria, monarchs have made a case for a specific role in the constitution. Many notable citizens and organisations have supported the monarchs’ request for constitutional role. The list includes the Nigeria Bar Association and the National Union of Journalists. Many newspapers have also run editorials in support of the request. It is high time the National Assembly took a decisive stand on the issue.

In doing so, the legislators need not be constrained by the distinction between a republic and a monarchy with which I opened this essay. Ours is a peculiar republic with hundreds of monarchs. Our republican culture is for us to create, modify, and nurture, just as the British created and continue to nurture a constitutional monarchy. While admitting that there is only one monarch in the United Kingdom, we will be deceiving ourselves by preaching republicanism, without recognising the essential role of traditional rulers, who are custodians of cultural history and institutional knowledge of their communities.

Besides, monarchs and chiefs are closer to the grassroots than state actors. Many of them are farmers, artisans, and so on, who interact with other local actors on a daily basis. Ironically, politicians recognise their influence in local communities by making royal palaces the first stop during campaign seasons.

There is no doubt that the Ewi of Ado, Oba Rufus Adeyemo Adejugbe, has filled a major void in the current economic crisis. Perhaps the recent 10-day protests, with all the casualties and property destruction, would not have taken place had such action been taken earlier throughout the country. The Ewi’s action calls for serious consideration of the role of monarchs in the republic by politicians, especially legislators.

20/08/2024
26/07/2024
Nigeria, we hail thee.
26/07/2024

Nigeria, we hail thee.

22/07/2024

The internal sabotage that Dangote is experiencing with the Refinery is not the real problem, rather, it’s the symptom of a larger problem that is ingrained in the fabric of our society.

When Investors go to rural communities to invest their money in ventures that would overtime improve the economy and overall well-being of a community, land-grabbers, jobless youths and so called traditional rulers will frustrate their efforts for personal gains. It doesn’t matter who you know, if you don’t ‘settle’ them, you will lose.

When NGOs take potentially life changing opportunities to rural communities, Omo Onile and other useless people will insist -often with threats of violence- that nothing will be done except the organizers pay them first. That payment is for nothing order than a reward for them constituting nuisance.

When Govt awards contracts for roads or other projects, contractors must first pay monetary homage to the local ‘Cesars’ before they’ll be allowed to work without fear.

You want to share food items and other critical supplies to the underprivileged and needy in our communities? You must first share a quota to the ‘leaders’ of the slum (who aren’t poor btw) before you have free, undisturbed access to the needy.

At the individual level, overwhelming majority of us are incredibly self-centered, self-serving, and selfish in a very destructive way. We would prioritise our own interests over those of the community as a whole and the Nation at large.

The aggregate sum of this toxic individualism is what has made the Government (past and present) a macro-reflection of us.

This here is the biggest issue in the bigger picture. It is also why we haven’t achieved anything.

Culled from X (Twitter)

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Convocation day at Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria, 1976.

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