GWOAL XPRES

25/07/2026

THEY TRIED TO ERASE OUR STRUGGLE: THE UNTOLD STORY OF THE MIDDLE BELT 🇳🇬🏔️
200+ languages. 3 giants. 1 fight for a voice._

Read and share this 👇
This is why "Middle Belt" is more than a location. It’s an identity.

WHAT IS THE MIDDLE BELT?
The Middle Belt is the central transition zone between the predominantly Muslim far North and the South.
Not an official state. It’s a cultural, political, and geographical idea.

It covers: Benue, Plateau, Nasarawa, Kogi, Niger, Kwara, FCT, southern Kaduna, and parts of Adamawa, Taraba, Bauchi, Gombe.
What makes it unique: Over 200–400 languages. Hundreds of ethnic groups. No single dominant ethnicity.
Many indigenous people are predominantly Christian or adherents of traditional religions*.

Historical Root: These were the non-Hausa-Fulani, non-Kanuri groups who largely remained outside full control of the Sokoto Caliphate or Kanem-Borno Empire.

PRE-COLONIAL TO COLONIAL ROOTS
Before 1900, the zone had powerful kingdoms and confederacies:
Kwararafa Confederacy (Jukun), Igala Kingdom, Nupe Kingdom, Borgu, Tiv Idoma, Birom/Berom, Gbagyi, Angas/Ngas and many others.

They resisted slave raids and the 1804 Fulani jihad.
After 1914 Amalgamation, British indirect rule often placed them under Hausa-Fulani emirate structures. That fueled grievances over political exclusion, land, and forced labor.
Colonial officers called it the "Middle Zone" or middle belt But there was no separate region was created.

THE POLITICAL BIRTH: HOW THE MOVEMENT STARTED
This is where the names and years matter 👇

1920s onward: Ethnic and cultural associations began forming.
1945: Birom Progressive Union founded. Patrick Dokotri was a key early organizer.
1949–1950: Northern Nigeria Non-Muslim League formed. Led by Rev. David Obadiah Vrengkat Lot _(born 1907, died 1995)_ from Plateau.
It became the Middle Zone League (MZL). Lot won a House of Representatives seat in 1951.

Mid-1950s: Middle Belt People’s Party (MBPP) emerged. Linked to Tiv areas and Joseph Tarka.
1955–1957: MZL + MBPP = UNITED MIDDLE BELT CONGRESS (UMBC)
Goal: Autonomy, minority rights, and a separate Middle Belt Region/State.

1957 Joseph Sarwuan Tarka became UMBC President.
Alliance formed with Action Group led by Obafemi Awolowo.
1957–1958: UMBC represented the Middle Belt at the Constitutional Conference and Willink Commission. Minority fears were documented, but no new region was created.

1959: UMBC contested vs Northern People’s Congress (NPC).
1960–1964: Tiv disturbances and unrest added to national instability before the 1966 coups.

Post-1967: Creation of states like Benue-Plateau (1967) and later states partially answered autonomy demands.
Today: Middle Belt Forum continues advocacy on identity, equity, and security.

3 MEN WHO SHAPED THE MIDDLE BELT STORY*

1. JOSEPH SARWUAN TARKA (1932–1980) - "FATHER OF MIDDLE BELT POLITICS"
Born: 10 July 1932, Igbor, Tiv Division, now Benue State. Died: 30 March 1980, London.
Ethnicity: Tiv. Son of a village teacher. Trained as a teacher.

Timeline:
1954: Elected to Federal House of Representatives for Jemgbagh at age ∼22.
1957: Became President of UMBC. Led demand for a Middle Belt state.
1957–1958: Represented Middle Belt at Constitutional Conference and Willink Commission.
1961: Detained amid Tiv unrest. 1962: Arrested on treason charges, acquitted.
1967–1974: Federal Commissioner of Transport, then Communications under Gen. Yakubu Gowon. Resigned 1974.
1979: Elected Senator for Benue East under NPN. Chaired Senate Finance and Appropriation Committee until his death.

Legacy: Put minority rights on the national stage. Influenced state creations. LGA and university named after him.

2. PATRICK DOKOTRI (1927– ) - THE ORGANIZER FROM PLATEAU
Born: 1927, Kurra Falls, old Plateau Province.
Ethnicity: Birom/Berom.

Timeline:
1946–1950: Secretary-General, Birom Progressive Union.
Early 1950s–1961: Secretary-General, UMBC. Worked closely with Tarka.
1955–1959: Elected to Federal House of Representatives. 1955–1956: Parliamentary Secretary.
1959: Delegate to London Constitutional Conference.
1964–1978: Lands Officer, Amalgamated Tin Mines of Nigeria.
1979–1983: Majority Leader, Plateau State House of Assembly under NPP.
After 1983: Re-elected and became Speaker, Plateau State House of Assembly.

Role: The bridge. He turned local ethnic unions into a regional political machine.

3. MISKOOM, MICHAEL AUDU BUBA (1924– ) - WAZIRIN SHENDAM
Born: 1924, Shendam, Plateau.
Path: Worked _within_ the Northern system, not opposition.

Timeline:
Started as Secretary and Councillor, Lowland Native Authority.
1951: Elected to Northern House of Assembly. 1952: Member, Nigerian House of Representatives.
Parliamentary Secretary, Ministry of Natural Resources.
Later: Northern Region Minister of Trade and Industry, then Minister for Social Welfare and Cooperatives.
Close associate of Sir Ahmadu Bello. Official and regional secretary of NPC.

Contribution: Provided high-level representation for Plateau/Middle Belt _inside_ the "One North" government. Opened doors for his people. Known for integrity and modest means.

The difference: Tarka fought from outside. Dokotri organized from the base. Buba negotiated from inside. All 3 shaped Middle Belt politics.

WHY IT STILL MATTERS TODAY
The Willink Commission of 1958 heard the cries but didn’t create a region.
State creation after 1967 and 1976 gave some autonomy.
But the conversation continues: identity, security, marginalization, restructuring.

The Middle Belt isn’t just geography. It’s hundreds of voices asking: _"Will we be seen?"_

---

QUESTION FOR YOU:
Which Middle Belt leader’s story touched you most: Tarka, Dokotri, or Buba?
And what’s the real name of your town in the Middle Belt? Drop it below 👇

SHARE THIS so we remember the men who spoke for the minorities.

14/05/2026

👍He knelt before the man he tried to overthrow, begging for mercy. Months later, that man was dead—and he walked out of prison alive. Life does not reward the proud. It spares the humble.”

In 1997, Lt. General Oladipo Diya was Nigeria’s second-most powerful man. Then he made a choice that would break him: he plotted a coup against his boss, General Sani Abacha. The plot failed. Diya was arrested, tortured, and sentenced to death. In a moment that cameras captured—and newspapers printed across the nation—the decorated general knelt before Abacha, pleading for his life. It was a pitiful sight. A man who had commanded soldiers now begged like a child. Pride had fallen. Ambition had crumbled. And the world watched a powerful man learn the hardest lesson: no one is too high to fall.

But here is where the story turns strange—and inspiring. Abacha refused to forgive Diya. He kept him in prison, stripped of rank, awaiting ex*****on. Then, on June 8, 1998, Abacha suddenly died of a heart attack. The man who held the power of life and death was himself dead. Diya remained alive. When General Abdulsalami Abubakar took over, Diya was released. He lost his military titles, but he kept the only thing that truly mattered: his life. For 25 more years, he walked the earth—free, breathing, able to see his children and grandchildren. He died at 78, a free man. The man who had knelt now outlived the man who had stood over him.

What is the lesson in this strange twist of fate? That no human being can predict the future. Abacha, at the height of his power, could not have imagined he would die months later. Diya, on his knees, could not have imagined he would outlive his tormentor. Life is not a straight line. It is a coin with two sides, and it flips when we least expect it. The proud fall. The humble rise. The powerful vanish. The forgotten survive. This is not karma. This is simply the uncertainty of being human.

For those in authority today, Diya’s story whispers a warning: do not be cruel to those who fall. Do not mock the one who kneels. Because tomorrow, the tables may turn. And the mercy you refused to give may be the mercy you desperately need. Diya’s plea was heartbreaking, but it was also human. He acknowledged his error. He asked for grace. And though Abacha did not grant it, life itself granted Diya a second chance. That second chance became his legacy—not the coup, but the survival. The humility. The years he was given after the storm passed.

So the next time you see someone brought low, do not celebrate their fall. And if you yourself are the one kneeling, do not lose hope. The future is not only pregnant—it is weighty. No one knows what tomorrow carries. As the ancient proverb says, “Let not the strong boast of his strength, nor the rich of his riches. For the same earth that swallows the king also swallows the beggar.” May we all learn to be gentle with the fallen, and patient with our own fortunes. Rest well, General Diya. You were not perfect—but you were human. And that is enough.

14/04/2026

✅I will expose the nation because I have chosen de@th.....

The ongoing t3rrorists attack is not actually Muslim attack.

Let me tell the whole nation what's going on.. it's a Ful@ni agenda of taken over, they made you f0ught the Igbos , they made you hate one another, they made you believe South south and south east.

This is called "Conquering"
It's the ideology of Osman and phobia give them Islam and take over their land.

Let me expose the long hidden things in Nigeria...

The real people of Nigeria are fighting themselves while the visitors are taken over.

The reason I point at Islam is because it's the real deal.

With 1slam they have fully divided the north

Now they made Igbos fight with Yoruba and Yoruba fight with hausa

It's the ideology of Osman and phobia they learnt this from British.

Go and read British history sir.

This is the same ideology of the Fulanis..

Some of you don't know that Fulani has common ancestral relationships with British

If Fulani wins British wins that's why fulanis are fighting to take over Africa

They can't achieve this if they do not bring division...

As I speak Nigeria is gone

I know after this they will look for me
But I swear by the God I serve no man will harm me yet, because it's not yet my time

I'm doing what I was sent in the world to do
Nigerians should wake up or d1e all

There is a meeting by Fulani leaders in Nigeria on January 18 the out come says "we must take over whether good or bad.""

This is not politics I'm telling you what's going on..

You think Igbos are your problem??
You think you have any issues with Yorubas??
You think Hausa man is your proble??

Ijaw man thought he is fighting Igbos.

Indigenous people fighting each other and strangers taken over the land.

It's called "Osman and phobia" ideology....

Follow Justice ozobi the only one you hear the truth from

Many Nigerians knows this but take money and decided to run away instead...

Fulani Attacks in Zamfara, Sokoto, and Kebbi.
Fulani Attacks in Bauchi.
Fulani Attacks in Plateau.
Fulani Attacks in Borno.
Fulani Attacks in Kwara.
Fulani Attacks in Niger.
Fulani Attacks in Benue.
Fulani Attacks in Katsina.
Fulani Attacks in Adamawa.

___________________________________

Fulani Attack in Burkina Faso 🇧🇫
Fulani Attack In Mali 🇲🇱
Fulani Attack in Guinea 🇬🇳
Fulani Attack in Benin Republique🇧🇯
Fulani Attack in Central Africa Republic
For that reason I have come to help the poor understand what's going on....

21/03/2026

Hausa Fulani is a statement that has destroyed the entire Hausa race; it has replaced their Kings (Sarki) with Fulani Emirs.

Recently, I heard some people in Yoruba land are calling themselves Yoruba Fulani.

How can people be so naive to think that what they did with the Hausas in the North will be replicated successfully in South West?

If I may ask, what good has Fulani done to the Hausas in the North that is so beautiful for Yoruba to want to achieve?

Kwara State in South West that welcomed Fulani has become a dangerous zone today, family dislocated, killings, and oppression.

Kwara State now has the same security challenges as the North, just because they welcomed a particular dangerous tribe, no apologies.

You, my readers, may say I speak a lot against the Fulani tribe, maybe because I refuse to be naive like those that have foolishly welcomed them, befriended them, and fallen into their trap.

Imagine, Sultan of Sokoto, a Fulani minority Emir, conquered Hausa land and is still working hard to take over the leadership of Yoruba land, using religion as a tool.

Little time, and you'll start hearing Igbo Fulani, yes, what money can't do doesn't exist 😁.

The Fulani just want to take over the entire country by force.

Imagine the way the Sultan talks to Mr. President as if he's bigger than him.

What gives him such confidence? Is it because he's a Fulani?

What's special about him that makes him superior to other Kings?

Or can Ooni of Ife and other southern kings give a contrary instructions from what the federal government has said?

Can any Yoruba or Igbo king try this nonsense during late president Buhari administration, so why is a Fulani man disrespecting a Yoruba president?

As I said before, Hausas have been practicing Islam before Fulani came to their land, yet they were reduced to slaves in their own land.

Yoruba have been practicing Islam before Fulani stepped into Nigeria, so I wonder why we have no responsible elders in Yoruba land to lead, but have to have a Fulani man, Sultan of Sokoto.

Why do we have to accept the second position always? Why do we love to be led and not wanting to be in the lead?

The title, "Hausa Fulani" has destroyed the entire North; now they're using the same style in the South West, calling themselves Yoruba Fulani.

But why can't the Fulanis stay with their own identity? Why must they match their tribe with other tribes if not for criminality and a well planned agenda?

I have said it, and I'll say it again, Fulani is no one's friend. They marry your daughters to gain control over you, to ensure they mix with you and have access to places of authority with time.

Tell Yoruba Kings to be wise; some governors are not Yoruba. Kwara State is a red flag; Oyo State should also watch their back.

A king like Oluwo of Iwo is a suspect sitting on the throne in the south west, that's how bad they've penetrated us.

We need to be careful!

Please tell the Ooni of Ife to watch his back; I believe he knows better. Sultan of Sokoto is never his friend; the sudden friendship is about to reduce his throne and the Yoruba culture and traditions, to elevate Emirs in Yoruba land, for Sultan of Sokoto to fully be in charge as it is with the Hausas in the North.

So what's coming is far beyond religion, it's about tribes, culture, and traditions cleansing and replacement.....

21/02/2026

vs : A fresh wave of constitutional debate has emerged in northern Nigeria as the Hausawa Tsantsa Movement publicly distanced the Hausa people from any religious or ethnic political directives attributed to the Sultan of Sokoto, insisting that their allegiance rests solely with the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

In a strongly worded statement authored by Hajiya Kaltume Alumbe Jitami under the banner “Mesa Ta Tashi,” the group asserted that the Hausawa, numbering in the tens of millions across the country, are independent citizens under Nigerian law and are not constitutionally bound to obey any traditional authority outside the framework of democratic governance.

The declaration comes amid ongoing national conversations about identity, religious influence, and ethnic representation within Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape.

Nigeria operates under a constitutional democracy where sovereignty resides in the people. While the office of the Sultan of Sokoto—currently held by Sa'ad Abubakar—remains one of the most revered traditional and religious institutions in the country, the movement emphasized that such authority is moral, historical, and spiritual in character, not executive or legislative in constitutional terms.

According to the statement, no ethnic nationality, including the Hausawa, is legally obligated by any treaty, cultural arrangement, or inherited institution to accept political or religious rulings that fall outside the supremacy of the Nigerian Constitution.

The group argued that respect for traditional leadership must not be confused with political subordination in a democratic republic.

The Hausawa people trace their civilizational roots to ancient city-states such as Kano, Katsina, Zaria, and Daura—centers of commerce, scholarship, and governance that flourished long before colonial amalgamation and the formation of the modern Nigerian state.

However, the movement stressed that in contemporary Nigeria, identity in political terms is defined not by pre-colonial structures or inherited thrones, but by citizenship under one sovereign constitutional order.

“The allegiance of every Hausa man and woman,” the statement implied, “is pledged to the Federal Republic of Nigeria and its constitutional institutions.”

The pronouncement is likely to generate significant debate, particularly in northern Nigeria where traditional institutions play influential cultural roles. Analysts suggest the statement reflects growing awareness among various ethnic groups that constitutional democracy must remain the ultimate authority in matters of governance.

By drawing a clear line between cultural reverence and constitutional power, the Hausawa Tsantsa Movement framed its position as a defense of unity, equality before the law, and the supremacy of democratic institutions.

The group concluded by reaffirming commitment to peaceful coexistence, civic participation, and national sovereignty—while insisting that no throne overrides the will of the people expressed through Nigeria’s constitutional system.

As identity politics and constitutional debates continue to shape public discourse, this declaration may mark a significant moment in the evolving conversation about tradition, religion, and state authority in Nigeria.

゚viralシalシ ゚viralシviralシfypシ゚viralシalシ

21/01/2026

How the Fulani Dropped the "Hausa-Fulani" Identity and Began Forming Pure Fulani Organizations – A Reflection on 1804 and Beyond

For decades, the term Hausa-Fulani has been used to describe the people of Northern Nigeria, suggesting a shared identity between the Hausa and Fulani ethnic groups. However, recent trends indicate that the Fulani elite are increasingly distancing themselves from this joint identity, forming exclusive Fulani organizations. This shift is not new—it echoes the events of 1804 when Usman dan Fodio led a Fulani jihad, seizing power from the Hausa rulers and establishing Fulani dominance.

But the question remains: Was the Hausa-Fulani identity ever genuine, or was it a strategic tool introduced by the Fulani to manipulate the Hausa politically? This is especially relevant when considering the NCNC-NPC rivalry of the 1950s, when Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, used the term as a political strategy to secure Northern dominance.

Before 1804: The Fulani in Hausa Land

Before the jihad of 1804, the Fulani lived among the Hausa people, but contrary to some narratives, they were not the primary Islamic scholars of the region. The Hausa states had well-established Islamic institutions long before the Fulani arrived. Cities like Kano, Katsina, and Zazzau had renowned Islamic scholars and judges who significantly contributed to the spread of Islam.

At that time, most Fulani were pastoralists who migrated across the region in search of grazing land. Some settled and assimilated into Hausa society, adopting the language and cultural practices. However, others maintained a distinct identity, which later became the foundation of their political ambitions.

1804 Jihad: The Fulani Takeover

Usman dan Fodio, a Fulani cleric, launched a jihad against the Hausa rulers, accusing them of corruption and failing to govern according to Islamic principles. The jihad was not just a religious movement but also a political war that led to the overthrow of Hausa kings and the installation of Fulani emirs in most parts of Northern Nigeria.

According to Wazirin Kano Abubakar Dokaji, the Fulani did not merely seize political power—they also restructured governance to consolidate their dominance. The system they implemented was organized by the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Bello, and was based on aristocracy—rule by an elite class. After the Fulani conquered these lands, they tightened their grip on power and did not relinquish it to the Hausa people.

Dokaji explains that the Fulani believed they had superiority over the Hausa in religion, politics, and worldly affairs. However, ironically, the Fulani adopted Hausa customs, wore Hausa clothing, prayed in Hausa-built mosques, and ruled from palaces originally constructed by the Hausa.

In this system, the Sultan of Sokoto was the ultimate authority over all other rulers. After Shehu Dan Fodio completed his jihad, he divided the conquered territories:

His son, Muhammadu Bello, controlled key Hausa territories, including Katsina, Kano, Zaria, and Bauchi—areas known as the Hausa Bakwai (Seven Hausa States).

His younger brother, Abdullahi, governed Argungu, Kebbi, Nupe, and parts of Yorubaland—known as Gwari or Banza Bakwai (Non-Hausa Seven States).

The Sultan of Sokoto had the power to appoint and remove kings if they misgoverned. Every year, these rulers were expected to pay homage and tributes to Sokoto.

> Source: Wazirin Kano, Abubakar Dokaji, in his book Kano ta Dabo Cigari

This indicates that even within the Sokoto Caliphate, the Hausa people were not given significant recognition.

The "Hausa-Fulani" Identity: A Political Invention?

The term Hausa-Fulani did not exist before colonial rule. It was introduced as a political tool to unify Northern Nigeria under a single identity. However, historical evidence suggests that it was later weaponized during the 1950s political struggle between the Northern People's Congress (NPC), led by Sir Ahmadu Bello, and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), led by Nnamdi Azikiwe.

During this period, the North faced political threats from Southern politicians who sought national dominance. To counter this, Ahmadu Bello and other Fulani elites promoted the Hausa-Fulani identity to rally the Hausa masses behind Fulani leadership. This strategy worked effectively, as many Hausa people accepted Fulani rule, believing they shared a common identity.

However, recent developments show that the Fulani elite no longer see the need for this shared identity. Instead, they are now forming exclusive Fulani organizations that focus solely on Fulani interests.

The Rise of Exclusive Fulani Organizations

In recent years, several Fulani-specific organizations have emerged, abandoning the broader Hausa-Fulani identity and emphasizing Fulani unity and power. These organizations include:

1. Fulbe Global Development and Rights Initiative (FGDRI) – A Fulani development group focused on Fulani interests.

2. Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) – Led by Baba Usman Ngelzarma, this group represents Fulani herders and advocates policies benefiting Fulani cattle rearers.

3. Jonde Jam Fulbe Youth Development Association – Led by Alhaji Sa’idu Makama, this group empowers Fulani youth and separates their identity from the Hausa.

4. Gan Allah Fulani Development Association (GAFDAN) – Led by Dr. Ibrahim Abdullahi, this group exclusively supports Fulani communities.

5. Kulen Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (KACRAN) – Led by Khalil Mohammed Bello, another Fulani-focused association with no Hausa representation.

6. Bundunka Fulbe Youth – Led by Murtala Jafaru Julde, this youth organization promotes Fulani unity and strength.

7. Honoro Tabithal Pulaku International – With prominent members like Khalifa Muhammadu Sanusi II and Isa Yuguda, this group strengthens Fulani identity internationally.

Unlike the old NPC strategy of presenting the Fulani as part of a broader Hausa-Fulani identity, these modern organizations clearly separate the Fulani from the Hausa.

Why Are the Fulani Dropping the Hausa-Fulani Identity?

Several factors explain this shift:

1. Political and Economic Power Consolidation – Just like in 1804, the Fulani elite want to keep power within their own ethnic group rather than sharing it with the Hausa.

2. Ethnic Conflicts and Farmer-Herder Clashes – The growing violence between Fulani herders and Hausa farmers has created a divide, making the Hausa-Fulani identity less useful.

3. Global Fulani Solidarity – Many Fulani elites now see themselves as part of a larger Fulani network across West Africa, reducing their connection to the Hausa.

4. Declining Influence of the Sokoto Caliphate – The Sokoto Caliphate once falsely claimed to unite the Hausa and Fulani under an Islamic empire. However, today, many Fulani leaders prioritize ethnic identity over religious leadership.

Conclusion: A Return to the Pre-1804 Power Struggle?

The modern separation of Hausa and Fulani identities reflects a return to the political reality before 1804.

Just as Usman dan Fodio and his followers took power from the Hausa rulers, today’s Fulani elite are shedding the Hausa-Fulani label and consolidating their influence through exclusive organizations.

This shift raises important questions for the future:

Will the Hausa people continue to accept Fulani dominance, or will they push back and reclaim their identity?

How will this affect Northern Nigerian politics, especially in elections?

If the Fulani no longer see themselves as Hausa-Fulani, should the Hausa people also stop accepting Fulani rule?

What is clear is that the Hausa-Fulani identity was never a natural ethnic bond—it was a political strategy that served its purpose.

Now that the Fulani elite are moving forward with their own agenda, it remains to be seen how the Hausa people will respond to this political and historical reality.

GEORGE UDOM

13/01/2026

IN THE NAME OF ALLAH

Usman Dan fodio claimed that his Jihad was based on Muslim Brotherhood and that all Muslims were brothers....

The question remains....

Why is it that the same Hausa Muslims he claimed were his brothers are now second class citizens in the land of their fathers and disqualified from holding political office in a land where they were once princes....?

Why is it that so many Hausa people where Usman Dan Fodio's students but he did not see anyone Hausa to be Emir... including Mikhail... the warlord at Gimbana ( present day Kebbi state) who was a devotee of the Shehu.... changed his name to Abd Al Salam and fought his brothers including Sarkin Nafata in defense of the Shehu....

After the Jihad, Abd Al Salam became so embittered that he took up arms against Shehu Usman Dan Fodio's son... Sultan Belo....

He was really upset when he realized too late that the Jihad was a Fulani ethnic supremacy war against Hausa people in the name of religion and the role he played caused his people to become slaves in their ancestral home.

Another student of Usman Dan Fodio was Abd Al Raham. He was Nupe... also a great follower of the Shehu and a strong general in the coalition army fighting the jihad....

Usman Dan Fodio refused to give him a flag but let him take over leadership in Nupe land because there was no strong Fulani man in the region capable of facing the strong army at Nupe

Eventually, a strong Fulani man was sent to Nupeland.... he name was Mallam Dendo....

Alfa Alimi of Ilorin helped him with reinforcement.... He did a similar coup like Alimi did at Ilorin to remove Afonja, got rid of Abd Al Raham and was immediately given a flag that was never extended to Abd Al Raham.

Sokoto uses religion for expansionism, Land grabbing, feudalism and ethnic supremacy.... It claims false religious brotherhood to deceive religious fanatics for an ethnic supremacy agenda....

God in heaven will never ask you to trade your ancestral lands in the name of religion to alien conquerors with an agenda.

To all of you who think that your religion is better, try to understand in wbose favour you are striving.
The Hausa people are wakimg up to a robbery of their land by fulani in the name of Allah....

07/01/2026

06/01/2026

Lieutenant Colonel Bukka S**a Dimka, an officer in the Nigerian Army, was publicly ex€cuted at Kirikiri Maximum Security Pris0n, Lagos, on 15 May 1976 for his role in the ass@ssination of General Murtala Ramat Muhammed, Nigeria’s Head of State. Dimka was the central figure in the violent c0up attempt of 13 February 1976, when General Murtala Muhammed was ambüshed and k!!lled in Lagos while driving to Dodan Barracks.

The c0up attempt began with Dimka broadcasting a pre-recorded announcement on Radio Nigeria, claiming to have overthrown the government due to corruption and mismanagement. However, the pl0t quickly collapsed. Most military formations across the country remained loyal to the government, and the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters—Lieutenant General Olusegun Obasanjo—and Chief of Army Staff Major General T. Y. Danjuma moved swiftly to restore control.

After the fail€d c0up, Dimka fled Lagos and went into hiding. He was eventually captured in Abakaliki, present-day Ebonyi State, on March 5, 1976, after being recognized by a police officer. Following his arr€st, he was court-martialled along with several collaborators, including former Head of State General Yakubu Gowon, who was accused of moral support but tried in absentia (he was living in the UK at the time). Dozens of military personnel and civilians were implicated.

The Armed Forces Ruling Council found Dimka guilty of treason and murd€r. His ex€cution was carried out publicly, alongside several other conv!cted coup plotters, as the Obasanjo administration sought to send a strong message against military insurr€ction. The event marked one of the most dramatic responses to a c0up attempt in Nigerian history and solidified Obasanjo’s authority during the transition period that eventually led to civilian rule in 1979....