07/12/2025
The Middle Belt Independence Movement: A Quest for Identity, Equity, and AutonomyThe Middle Belt independence movement in Nigeria represents a long-standing struggle by diverse ethnic minorities in central Nigeria for recognition, self-determination, and separation from the perceived dominance of the Hausa-Fulani-dominated "North" (often referred to as Arewa). Unlike outright secessionist bids like Biafra, the movement primarily seeks a distinct regional status within or outside Nigeria—sometimes framed as a "Middle Belt Republic"—to preserve cultural, religious, and economic autonomy. Rooted in colonial-era grievances, it highlights Nigeria's ethnic fault lines, where over 400 indigenous groups (including Tiv, Berom, Idoma, Jukun, Eggon, and others) feel marginalized as "voting blocs" without political power. With an estimated population exceeding 40 million, these communities argue that their inclusion in the North has led to land grabs, religious violence, and exclusion from leadership roles, such as no Middle Belt presidents or vice presidents since 1960.
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Historical Origins: From Colonial Resistance to Post-Independence AgitationThe movement traces back to the early 20th century, emerging around 1920 as tribal unions formed to protest discrimination by the dominant Hausa-Fulani elites under British indirect rule. These minorities, many Christian or animist, resisted the 19th-century Fulani Jihad led by Usman dan Fodio, which conquered much of the North but was repelled by groups like the Jukun, Idoma, and Tiv.
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Colonial policies exacerbated tensions by imposing Fulani emirs on non-Muslim areas, turning the Middle Belt into a buffer zone between the Muslim North and Christian South.Post-World War II, the push intensified. In 1949, northern Christians formed the Non-Muslim League (later evolving into broader coalitions) to demand a fourth administrative region separate from the Muslim North, as outlined in the Richards Constitution of 1946.
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Testimonies before the 1957 Willink Commission on Minorities underscored fears of domination, leading to recommendations for safeguards—but no separate region.
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At independence in 1960, the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC), led by Joseph Sarwuan Tarka (a Tiv leader), allied briefly with the Action Group (AG) in the south but dissolved amid internal divisions.
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The 1966 coups and subsequent civil war (1967–1970) deepened rifts; Middle Belt soldiers participated in the January coup, but the July counter-coup targeted them, reinforcing alienation.
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The 1976 state creation under Murtala Mohammed birthed Benue-Plateau State (now split into several), but without full autonomy.
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The 1994–1995 National Constitutional Conference and 2014 National Conference recommended up to eight new states in the Middle Belt, but these were never implemented, fueling ongoing distrust.
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Core Issues and GrievancesPolitical Marginalization: Despite comprising key states like Benue, Plateau, Nasarawa, Taraba, Adamawa, Kogi, Kwara, Niger, and parts of Kaduna, Bauchi, and Gombe, the Middle Belt has produced no national leaders. Votes are lumped with the North, yet power flows to the far North.
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Land and Resource Conflicts: Herder-farmer clashes, often involving Fulani militias, have displaced thousands, with accusations of state-backed land grabs for grazing reserves (e.g., RUGA policy proposals).
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Religious and Cultural Identity: Predominantly Christian and traditionalist, the region resists "Hausa-Fulani" Islamic hegemony, viewing it as "internal colonialism."
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This has led to violence, including the 2023–2025 ethno-religious crises in Plateau and Benue.
Economic Exploitation: As Nigeria's "food basket," the Middle Belt supplies grains but sees little investment, with poverty rates above 60% in many areas.
Key Organizations and LeadersUnited Middle Belt Congress (UMBC): 1955–1968; Tarka's flagship party, which won elections in Tiv areas but faced suppression.
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Middle Belt Forum (MBF) and Coalition of Indigenous Middle Belt Ethnic Organisations (CIMBO): Modern advocacy groups pushing for equity; CIMBO highlighted marginalization on Nigeria's 64th Independence Day in 2024.
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United Middle-Belt Youth Congress (UMYC): Youth wing demanding a sovereign Middle Belt region.
Leaders like Tarka (d. 1980) and contemporary figures such as Prof. Solomon Maku (MBF President) continue the fight.
Current Status and Momentum (as of December 2025)The movement remains non-violent but vocal, amplified by social media and alliances with southern groups. On X (formerly Twitter), calls for a "Middle Belt Republic" surged in late 2025 amid escalating banditry and farmer killings, often bundled with demands for Nigeria's partition into five entities: Arewa, Oduduwa, Biafra, Niger Delta, and Middle Belt.
Posts like those from
("Middle belt Republic now") and
(advocating peaceful division) reflect grassroots frustration, with hashtags like gaining traction.
Some tie it to global calls, urging U.S. figures like
to recognize it for security reasons.
However, internal divisions—e.g., debates over including Muslim-majority groups like Ebira—persist, and the federal government dismisses it as "divisive."
The 2023 elections saw Middle Belt voters split, but insecurity has unified calls for restructuring or referendum.Challenges and Future ProspectsOpposition from the North views it as fragmentation, while southern allies like IPOB sometimes criticize historical roles in the civil war.
Legal hurdles under Nigeria's unitary federalism block referendums, but rising violence (e.g., 2025 Plateau attacks) could escalate it. Proponents argue a Middle Belt Republic would foster peace, leveraging agriculture and minerals for prosperity.
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In essence, the movement embodies Nigeria's unresolved ethnic compact: a cry for dignity amid domination. As one X user put it, "We are not North. We are MIDDLE BELT."
Whether through states creation or bolder sovereignty, its fire—lit in 1804—burns on.