Voice Of The Sun

Voice Of The Sun Voice Of The Sun, Teaches Igbo Odinala na Omenala.
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The Founder, Chuka Nduneseokwu is a Dibịa and Ìgbò Philosopher, and teaches Igbo Cosmology, Culture, Tradition, Spirituality, and History.

10 Reasons Why Nigeria Is A Disgraced Country: Donald Trump Is Absolutely Correct 1. EXTREME CORRUPTION - Among the Worl...
05/11/2025

10 Reasons Why Nigeria Is A Disgraced Country: Donald Trump Is Absolutely Correct

1. EXTREME CORRUPTION - Among the World's Most Corrupt Nations

Nigeria scored only 26 out of 100 on the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index, ranking 140 out of 180 countries. This makes Nigeria the 36th most corrupt country in the world, sharing this shameful position with Uganda, Mexico, Madagascar, Iraq, and Cameroon. Nigeria's historical performance shows an average score of only 21.48 points since 1996, meaning corruption has been institutionalized for decades.

Evidence: While countries like Seychelles (72), Cabo Verde (62), and Rwanda (57) have implemented strong anti-corruption frameworks, Nigeria remains stagnant, with over two-thirds of countries globally performing better. The corruption is so systemic that it affects every sector—from oil to public procurement to the judiciary.

2. MASSIVE OIL THEFT - Billions Lost to Organized Crime with Government Complicity

Between 2009 and 2018, Nigeria lost approximately $41.9 billion to oil theft. According to NEITI, Nigeria lost over 619.7 million barrels of oil valued at $46.16 billion to various forms of oil theft and pipeline vandalism between 2007 and 2020. Nigeria lost 13.5 million barrels of crude oil worth $3.3 billion to theft and pipeline sabotage between 2023 and 2024 alone.

Evidence: Senator Ned Nwoko stated that Nigeria loses more barrels of crude oil than some OPEC members produce, with losses of over 200,000 barrels per day. This is not petty crime—it is industrial-scale theft involving collusion between oil thieves, corrupt officials, and even security forces. The stolen oil finances terrorism, armed groups, and leaves Nigeria's economy bleeding while a few enrichrich themselves.

3. THE BIAFRAN GENOCIDE (1967-1970) - State-Sponsored Mass Starvation

The Nigerian federal government's blockade of Biafra during the civil war resulted in a famine that cost at least one million lives, with some estimates reaching three million deaths. Nigerian federal leaders obstructed the passage of relief supplies and stated that starvation was a deliberate tactic of war.

Evidence: Obafemi Awolowo, vice chairman of the Federal Executive Council and Commissioner of Finance, openly declared: "All is fair in war, and starvation is one of the weapons of war. I don't see why we should feed our enemies fat, only to fight us harder". This was genocide by starvation. Britain's Labour government secretly provided large quantities of arms to Nigeria which helped enforce the blockade, with British policy shaped mainly by oil interests in Shell/BP. Mostly women and children starved to death. The international community witnessed this horror, yet Nigeria faced no consequences.

4. POST-WAR ECONOMIC DECIMATION OF THE IGBO - The £20 Pound Policy

After the civil war, Nigeria implemented a coordinated policy of pauperizing the Igbo middle class by offering a twenty-pound ex gratia award to all Igbo bank account holders irrespective of the amounts they had lodged with banks before the civil war.

Evidence: Imagine depositing millions of naira in your bank account, only to be told after a war that you can only withdraw £20—regardless of your actual balance. This was economic annihilation. This was followed by the Indigenization Decree of 1972 at a time when Igbos had no money, no patronage, and no access to loans to compete for companies. Landed property owned by Igbo was declared "abandoned property" particularly in Port Harcourt. The Federal Government systematically stripped the Igbo of their wealth, property, and economic power—yet declared "No Victor, No Vanquished."

5. STATE-SPONSORED CHRISTIAN GENOCIDE - 7,000+ Christians Killed in 2025 Alone

More than 7,000 Christians have been killed in Nigeria in 2025 alone—an average of 35 per day. At least 7,087 Christians were massacred in the first 220 days of 2025—a daily average of 32 Christians killed per day, with 7,899 others abducted. Since 2009, between 50,000 and 100,000 Christians have been killed, and more than 19,000 Christian churches have been attacked or destroyed.

Evidence: Since 2009, approximately 125,009 Christians and 60,000 "liberal Muslims" have been killed, 19,100 churches destroyed, over 1,100 Christian communities displaced, and more than 600 Christian clerics abducted. The Fulani Ethnic Militia was responsible for 47 percent of all civilian killings, more than five times the combined death toll of Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province (11 percent combined). Yet the Nigerian government protects these Fulani jihadists and refuses to prosecute them. President Tinubu and northern governors defend the perpetrators while Christians are slaughtered daily.

6. MILITARY COMPLICITY IN CHRISTIAN KILLINGS - Jihadists in Uniform

Emeka Umeagbalasi of Intersociety told The Tablet that the Nigerian military has been "complicit" in the killing of Christians, tracing this to President Muhammadu Buhari's administration, accusing him of filling the military with fellow Fulani tribesmen who act as sentinels for jihadist Fulani herdsmen.

Evidence: Umeagbalasi stated: "The Nigerian security forces, especially the military and police crack squads, are the greatest problem facing the country's Christians," noting a large rise in Islamic radicalization within Nigeria's military with "jihadists conscripted through the back door". This is state-sponsored terrorism. The military, which should protect all citizens, has been weaponized to enable the slaughter of Christians, particularly in the Middle Belt and South.

7. CHIBOK GIRLS & BOKO HARAM ABDUCTIONS - Government Failure and Negligence

On 14 April 2014, Boko Haram kidnapped 276 mostly Christian schoolgirls from Chibok in Borno State. On 14 April 2021, seven years after the initial kidnapping, over 100 of the girls remained missing. As of April 2024, ten years after the abduction, 82 girls remain in captivity.

Evidence: Since 2014, Amnesty International has documented at least 17 cases of mass abductions in which at least 1,700 children were seized from their schools by gunmen. Since 2014, according to Save the Children, more than 1,600 children have been abducted or kidnapped across northern Nigeria. The Nigerian government's Safe Schools Initiative—launched after Chibok—has been "bogged down by bureaucratic roadblocks and allegations of corruption." Girls continue to be kidnapped, r***d, forced into marriage, and used as su***de bombers while the government does nothing.

8. THE LEKKI TOLL GATE MASSACRE - Shooting Unarmed Protesters

On the night of 20 October 2020, at about 6:50 p.m., members of the Nigerian Army opened fire on unarmed End SARS protesters at the Lekki toll gate in Lagos State. Amnesty International stated that at least 12 protesters were killed during the shooting.

Evidence: A judicial panel found there had been 48 casualties, including 11 people killed and four people missing, during what it described as a "massacre". Shortly before the shootings, CCTV cameras at the Lekki toll gate were removed by government officials and the electricity was cut—a clear attempt to hide evidence. The next morning, Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA) trucks with brushes were brought to the scene "to clean up bloodstains and other evidence," and police officers "tried to cover up their actions by picking up bullets". Governor Sanwo-Olu denied any deaths, while Information Minister Lai Mohammed called it a "phantom massacre." Yet evidence, testimonies, and the panel's findings confirm: The Nigerian Army massacred peaceful protesters waving the Nigerian flag and singing the national anthem.

9. IMPUNITY AND COVER-UP CULTURE - No Accountability for Atrocities

Since the assault at Lekki, Nigerian authorities have targeted supporters of the protests, with some movement supporters having their bank accounts frozen. Government officials and the military continue to deny that anybody was killed during the protests while restating their resolve to punish leaders of the movement.

Evidence: Investigations by Amnesty International indicate that since the protests were violently dispersed, several of the movement's leaders have been arrested, tortured, and their bank accounts were frozen. Many others have fled into exile. Five years later, no soldier, no police officer, no government official has been prosecuted for the Lekki massacre. Instead, the victims are persecuted, their accounts frozen, and they are charged with "terrorism" for demanding justice. This is a disgraced nation where the government murders its citizens and punishes those who seek accountability.

10. SYSTEMIC MARGINALIZATION OF THE IGBO - Over 50 Years of Structural Exclusion

In over 63 years of Nigeria's independence, the presidency has rotated only between the North and South-West, leaving the South-East marginalized from national leadership. The systematic exclusion of Igbos from key positions in government, military, and public sector has persisted since the end of the civil war.

Evidence: The "Federal Character" policy—meant to ensure ethnic balance—has been weaponized against the Igbo. Key political offices, military appointments, and federal agencies are dominated by Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba, while Igbos are systematically excluded. It is easier for an elephant to pass through the eye of a needle than for an Igbo person to become president under the current political structure. The 2023 Lagos demolitions of Igbo properties, the 2024-2025 intensification of demolitions targeting Igbo businesses—all are extensions of this systemic hatred. The war never ended; it simply changed weapons from bullets to policies, from bombs to economic exclusion, from genocide to marginalization.

CONCLUSION: DONALD TRUMP IS RIGHT

When President Donald Trump called Nigeria a "disgraced country," he was not exaggerating—he was stating a fact. Nigeria is a country that:

- Starved over 3 million of its own citizens to death (Biafra genocide)

- Strips bank accounts of an entire ethnic group to £20 after a war

- Massacres peaceful protesters and covers it up

- Loses billions of dollars to oil theft with government complicity

- Allows 7,000+ Christians to be killed annually while defending the killers

- Kidnaps over 1,700 children and does nothing to rescue them

- Ranks 140 out of 180 in global corruption

- Infiltrates its military with jihadists who kill Christians

- Systematically marginalizes an entire ethnic group for over 50 years

- Freezes bank accounts and arrests citizens who demand accountability

- This is not governance. This is state-sponsored terrorism, ethnic cleansing, economic sabotage, and systematic oppression. Nigeria is indeed a disgraced country, and until there is accountability, justice, and genuine reform, it will remain so.

~ Article Written By Chuka Nduneseokwu, a Dibia Owu Mmili, Odinala Igbo Researcher, African Revolutionary, and Igbo Philosopher

The Unfinished War: Ojukwu Speaks on Nnamdi Kanu - A Message From Ala Ndị Ịchie I am Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Ikemba...
04/11/2025

The Unfinished War: Ojukwu Speaks on Nnamdi Kanu - A Message From Ala Ndị Ịchie

I am Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Ikemba Nnewi, Eze Igbo Gburugburu. I led the Republic of Biafra in its fight for survival. I watched as our children starved while the world looked away. I surrendered to save what remained of our people, believing the promise of "no victor, no vanquished." I returned from exile hoping that Nigeria would finally embrace justice. I died disappointed but not defeated, for I knew that the Igbo question would not die with me.

Now I speak from the realm of the ancestors, and I must tell you: nothing has changed. The war did not end in 1970. It merely changed its uniform. The bullets stopped, but the persecution continued. And today, as I watch Nnamdi Kanu sit in chains for daring to speak the truth I spoke, for demanding the justice I demanded, I know that the struggle I began remains unfinished.

I Recognize This Oppression:

Let me be absolutely clear: I know what the Nigerian state does to Igbo leaders who dare to speak truth. I lived it. I fought it. I lost nearly everything to it.

They called me a rebel when I defended my people from genocide. They called me a secessionist when I responded to the massacre of thirty thousand Igbos in Northern Nigeria. They said I divided the nation when it was Nigeria that had already divided itself into those who could be killed with impunity and those who did the killing.

Now they call Kanu a terrorist for doing exactly what I did—speaking for a people who have been systematically oppressed, excluded, and treated as enemies in their own country.

But I ask you: who are the real terrorists? Is it the man who speaks with words, or the government that kidnaps him across international borders? Is it the citizen who demands his rights, or the state that shoots protesters in the streets? Is it the leader who calls for self-determination, or the regime that ignores its own courts?

The Promise They Never Kept:

When I surrendered in 1970, I did so with specific assurances. General Gowon promised "no victor, no vanquished." He promised that Igbos would be reintegrated into Nigeria with full rights as citizens. He promised that our properties would be returned. He promised reconciliation, reconstruction, and rehabilitation—the famous "Three Rs."

These were lies.

Instead, we got the Abandoned Property Act, which legalized the theft of Igbo land and homes in Port Harcourt and across the East. We got twenty pounds for every Igbo regardless of how much money we had in Nigerian banks before the war. We got systematic exclusion from federal positions. We got deliberate underdevelopment of Igbo land. We got the treatment of a conquered people.

I watched as my people, who had contributed more to Nigeria's development than any other group, were reduced to second-class status. I watched as federal infrastructure bypassed Igbo land. I watched as our brightest minds were passed over for positions they were overqualified for. I watched as the federal character principle was used to justify our marginalization.

And when I tried to speak about these injustices, I was called bitter. I was told to let the past be past. I was advised to accept that Nigeria had moved on.

But how can you move on from an injury that is still bleeding? How can you forget oppression that continues every day?

This is what Kanu speaks about. This is what they imprison him for saying. He did not invent these grievances—he inherited them from me, as I inherited them from those who witnessed the pogroms of 1966, as they inherited them from those who saw how Nigeria was structured from independence to favor some and exclude others.

The Biafran Spirit Cannot Die:

Let me tell you something about the Igbo people that the Nigerian government has never understood: you cannot kill our spirit. You can starve us, as they did during the blockade. You can bomb our markets and schools, as they did during the war. You can steal our property and marginalize us for decades, as they have done since 1970. But you cannot make us accept injustice as our permanent condition.

The Republic of Biafra was not just a political entity. It was a declaration that Igbos refuse to be victims. It was a statement that we would rather die standing than live on our knees. It was proof that even when abandoned by the world, we could build a nation, mint currency, establish universities, and fight against one of Africa's largest armies.

We lost the war, but we never lost that spirit.

Kanu embodies that spirit. When he speaks of Biafran restoration, he is not speaking of mere nostalgia. He is speaking of that same refusal to accept permanent subjugation. He is saying what I said: that the Igbo people deserve to determine their own destiny, to live with dignity, to be masters of their own fate.

The Nigerian government fears this spirit. They feared it in 1967 when we declared independence. They fear it now in 2025 when Kanu demands self-determination. They know that the Igbo people, when united and determined, are unstoppable. So they kidnap our leaders, imprison our spokesmen, and shoot our protesters.

But spirit cannot be imprisoned.

What I Fought For:

I did not lead Biafra into war because I wanted to divide Nigeria. I did so because Nigeria had already divided itself—into those whose blood was cheap and those whose blood was precious, into those who could be killed at will and those who were protected by the state.

After the pogroms of 1966, after thirty thousand of our people were slaughtered in the North, after their bodies were sent back to us in railway carriages, after the federal government refused to protect Igbo lives, I had a choice: let my people continue to be massacred, or defend them.

I chose defense. I chose dignity. I chose survival.

For this choice, I was called every name. Rebel. Secessionist. Warlord. Troublemaker. But I knew then, as I know now from the grave, that I made the right choice. A leader who will not defend his people is no leader at all.

Kanu makes the same choice today. He sees the continued marginalization of ndi Igbo. He sees our youths labeled as criminals and security risks. He sees our region deliberately underdeveloped. He sees political power systematically denied to us. He sees the promises of 1970 remain unfulfilled after fifty-five years.

And he chooses to speak. He chooses to organize. He chooses to demand self-determination.

For this, they kidnap him from Kenya and throw him into DSS detention. For this, they ignore multiple court orders calling for his release. For this, they arrest his lawyers and imprison his family members.

The script has not changed. Only the date.

The Hypocrisy of the Nigerian State:

Nigeria claims to be one indivisible nation. But which Nigeria do they speak of?

Is it the Nigeria that has never had an Igbo president since the end of the war? Is it the Nigeria where federal appointments consistently exclude Igbos from positions of real power? Is it the Nigeria where the Second Niger Bridge took fifty years to begin construction? Is it the Nigeria where Igbo youths are profiled as fraudsters and criminals?

Nigeria preaches unity while practicing exclusion. It demands loyalty while offering marginalization. It speaks of one nation while treating Igbos as conquered subjects.

And when we dare to question this arrangement, when we dare to say that the current structure does not work for us, when we dare to invoke our right to self-determination as recognized by international law, we are called enemies of the state.

But I ask: which state? The state that kidnaps its citizens? The state that ignores its courts? The state that shoots peaceful protesters? The state that has failed to provide basic infrastructure to Igbo land for six decades?

This is not a state worthy of loyalty. This is an oppressive structure that survives only through force and the imprisonment of those who dare to speak truth.

What the Courts Have Said:

The ECOWAS Court ruled that Kanu's rendition from Kenya was illegal and called for his release. The Nigerian Court of Appeal said the same. These are not minor procedural issues—these are fundamental violations of law.

I know something about courts and law. I was trained as a lawyer before I became a soldier. I led a government that respected the rule of law even in the midst of war. We had courts in Biafra. We had due process. We had justice even as bombs fell on our cities.

But what does Nigeria have? It has courts whose judgments are ignored when they contradict the desires of the executive. It has laws that are applied selectively—strictly against the powerless, loosely for the powerful. It has a judiciary that speaks but cannot enforce its will.

This is not rule of law. This is rule of force dressed in legal robes.

When the Nigerian government ignores court orders to release Kanu, it tells us that law means nothing. When it arrests judges who rule against it, when it detains lawyers who defend him, when it imprisons family members who protest his detention, it reveals the truth: Nigeria is not governed by law but by the whims of those who hold power.

To President Tinubu:

Mr. President, I speak to you from the grave with the authority of one who led a nation in war and made peace in defeat.

You inherited this problem from Buhari, as he inherited it from Jonathan, as the cycle has continued since Gowon promised us reconciliation and gave us marginalization. But inheritance does not absolve you of responsibility. You now hold the power to end this injustice.

Release Nnamdi Kanu immediately.

Obey your courts. If you ignore them, you make them irrelevant and destroy what little legitimacy Nigeria's legal system still possesses.

More importantly, address the Igbo question. You cannot imprison it away. You cannot shoot it into silence. You cannot kidnap it from Kenya. It will persist because it is rooted in real, systematic injustice.

Sit with Igbo leaders. Listen to the grievances. Restructure Nigeria to accommodate all its peoples, or allow those who wish to leave to do so peacefully through a referendum. These are the only two paths to genuine peace.

Continuing on the current path—imprisoning critics, ignoring courts, shooting protesters—will only deepen the crisis. You will not be remembered as the president who unified Nigeria but as the one who made peaceful resolution impossible.

To Ndi Igbo:

My people, I speak to you as your Ikemba, as one who led you into battle and brought you through suffering.

Do not lose heart. The struggle I began in 1967 continues through Kanu in 2025. The Biafran spirit—that refusal to accept injustice, that determination to live with dignity, that insistence on our right to self-determination—cannot be killed by prison cells.

But learn from our war. We were united then, and that unity was our strength. Stay united now. Do not let the federal government divide you with appointments of a few Igbos to powerless positions. Do not let them buy your silence with contracts. Do not let them distract you with the illusion of inclusion while maintaining the reality of marginalization.

Support Kanu, but make the movement bigger than one man. Build institutions. Document injustices. Make your case to the world. Organize peacefully but firmly. Demand your rights under Nigerian law and international law.

And remember this: I surrendered in 1970 because I believed that living Igbos could build a future, while dead Igbos could not. I chose life over martyrdom. But I never chose silence over truth, or submission over dignity.

Live. Build. Prosper. But never accept injustice as your permanent condition.

To IPOB and Biafran Agitators:

I see you carrying the flag I carried. I see you singing the anthem we sang. I see you demanding the nation we built in the midst of war.

Your struggle is legitimate. Your demands are just. Your cause is righteous.

But be wise. The Nigerian state has not changed. It is still willing to kill Igbos. It still has the backing of international powers who fear a successful Igbo nation. It still has superior firepower.

Therefore, be strategic. Use international law—the right to self-determination is on your side. Use the courts—keep suing, keep winning, keep exposing their lawlessness. Use peaceful protests—make them shoot unarmed citizens on camera for the world to see. Use economics—our people's entrepreneurial spirit is our greatest weapon.

I fought with bullets because the pogroms left me no choice. You have other weapons now. Use them effectively.

And remember: the goal is not just Biafran restoration. The goal is Igbo dignity, Igbo security, Igbo prosperity, and Igbo self-determination. Whether this comes through a restructured Nigeria or an independent Biafra, the principle remains the same—we will not live as slaves in any nation.

To Africa and the World:

I speak now to the international community that abandoned us during the war, that allowed children to starve while calling it an "internal affair," that sold weapons to Nigeria while preaching peace.

You failed us in 1967-1970. You are failing us again.

Kenya kidnapped a citizen and handed him to Nigeria in violation of international law. Nigeria holds him in defiance of court orders. ECOWAS makes rulings that are ignored. The African Union watches in silence. The United Nations, whose charter protects self-determination, does nothing.

If international law means anything, enforce it. If regional institutions have any purpose, let them act. If the principle of self-determination applies to anyone, it must apply to the Igbo people.

Your silence is complicity. Your inaction is approval. When Nigeria eventually faces the crisis that your neglect has allowed to fester, remember that you had chances to address it peacefully and you chose to look away.

The Prophecy I Make:

I tell you from the grave, the Igbo question will not go away. You can imprison Kanu, but you cannot imprison the question. You can ignore courts, but you cannot ignore history. You can shoot protesters, but you cannot shoot the idea of freedom.

One day—and I do not know when, but I know it will come—Nigeria will face a choice: restructure to accommodate all its peoples with justice, or watch as those peoples seek their destinies elsewhere.

I pray that when that day comes, Nigeria will choose justice. I pray that it will not take another war, another blockade, another generation of Igbo children growing up knowing they are second-class citizens in their own country.

But if Nigeria chooses the path of continued oppression, if it chooses to keep Kanu imprisoned rather than address Igbo grievances, if it chooses force over justice, then it will learn what I learned in 1967: you cannot build a nation on the graves of one people's aspirations.

My Final Words:

I led Biafra knowing we might not win the war but determined that we would win our dignity. We lost the war. Nigeria won the battles. But they did not win the argument. They did not prove that the structure of Nigeria works for Igbos. They did not demonstrate that we can thrive in a system designed for our marginalization.

Fifty-five years later, Kanu makes the same arguments I made. And fifty-five years later, Nigeria responds with the same repression.

This is proof that the war never ended. It just became less visible.

I call from the grave for the immediate and unconditional release of Nnamdi Kanu.

I call for Nigeria to obey its courts or admit it is a lawless state.

I call for ECOWAS and the AU to enforce their judgments or disband their courts.

I call for the international community to apply the principle of self-determination to Igbos as they have applied it to others.

I call for ndi Igbo to remain united, vigilant, and unshakeable in their demand for justice.

I call for a referendum to allow Igbos to determine their own future—whether within a restructured Nigeria or as an independent nation.

The Biafran sun rose in 1967. It set in 1970. But the Biafran spirit never died. It lives in every Igbo child who refuses to accept inferiority. It lives in every Igbo entrepreneur who builds despite government neglect. It lives in every Igbo intellectual who speaks truth to power.

And it lives in Nnamdi Kanu, who sits in chains for the same cause I fought for.

Biafra is not just a place. It is a principle. The principle that no people should accept permanent oppression. That principle cannot be imprisoned.

From the realm of the ancestors, I say to all who hear:

The struggle continues. I fought my part. Kanu fights his. You must fight yours.

Free Nnamdi Kanu. Free ndi Igbo. Free Biafra.

The war did not end. It just changed its name. And we will not stop fighting until we have either justice within Nigeria or freedom outside it.

---

From the Ancestors' Realm,

Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Ikemba Nnewi, Eze Igbo Gburugburu, First and Only President of the Republic of Biafra, Forever Defender of Igbo Dignity

Anyi ga-aga n'ihu. We will move forward. Nothing can stop an idea whose time has come.

~ This Piece Was Written and Renditioned By Chuka Nduneseokwu, a Dibia, African Revolutionary and Ìgbò Philosopher.

This piece, compiled with the help of Artificial intelligence, reaches into the abode of our Ìgbò ancestors, to get the opinion of the Ìgbò leader, Chukwuka Odumuegwu Ojukwu, on Nnamdi Kanu’s detention. This piece was created to prick the conscience of the Nigerian government, with an Afro-centric perspective to the persecution of Nnamdi Kanu by the Nigerian government.

As the snake sheds it's skin, It also sheds its eyes. So when we die and reincarnate (shed body) we also shed our cognit...
01/11/2025

As the snake sheds it's skin, It also sheds its eyes. So when we die and reincarnate (shed body) we also shed our cognition of known places, persons and things.

The memory of our past existence is however stored in the collective mind of the Universe which is called Uche or Ose Ora (in Afa language). This memory can always be accessed, through Afa, using the divine principle of Abia Nkata.

There are those of us who have vivid revelations and visions of our past lives. We can tell you how we lived and died. This feet is however attained through a high form of spirituality. Although this is rare, it goes to show us that we are not born as Tabula rasa (blank slate). It goes to show us that reincarnation is real, and that we Ndi Ìgbò have had men/women who grew in spiritual to the point where they could recall their past lives, even till the 7th one.

Umu nnem, there is a lot to be taught about Ìgbò Odinala. We are yet to uncover and teach 1% of what our ancestors know. We are still at the preamble.

~ Piece Written By Chuka Nduneseokwu, a Dibia Owu Mmili, Odinala Igbo Researcher, African Revolutionary, and Igbo Philosopher.

01/11/2025

Ụmụ Ìgbò is APGA still Nke Anyị? They have removed the picture of Nna anyị Odumuegwu Ojukwu from their flags, attire, & billboards

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