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  Night Cap: If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to videos@goodoil.news
27/12/2025

Night Cap: If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to [email protected]

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  Science Saturday: If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to videos@goodoil.news
27/12/2025

Science Saturday: If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to [email protected]

If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to [email protected]

  New Zealand Retail Is Struggling And Here’s Why: If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it t...
27/12/2025

New Zealand Retail Is Struggling And Here’s Why: If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to [email protected]

If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to [email protected]

  The Reality Of Child Poverty In New Zealand: If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to vi...
27/12/2025

The Reality Of Child Poverty In New Zealand: If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to [email protected]

If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to [email protected]

  REVEALED: Erica Stanford On Social Media Law Change Before 2027 Election: If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo...
27/12/2025

REVEALED: Erica Stanford On Social Media Law Change Before 2027 Election: If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to [email protected]

If you have a great Youtube, Rumble or Vimeo video to share send it to [email protected]

  The Good Oil Daily Roundup
27/12/2025

The Good Oil Daily Roundup

Just a brief note to readers who like to add their own contributions to Daily Roundup in the comments. This post is for family friendly humour ONLY thank you.

  Good Oil Backchat: Good evening, welcome to Backchat.On Backchat, you are free to share your own stories, discuss othe...
27/12/2025

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    Flashback: Do You Remember How You Felt in 2019?: James HickmanJames Hickman (aka Simon Black) is an international i...
27/12/2025

Flashback: Do You Remember How You Felt in 2019?: James Hickman
James Hickman (aka Simon Black) is an international investor, entrepreneur, and founder of Sovereign Man.

In our final look back at past work before my team and I take some time off for the holidays, we’re revisiting an article from August 2019 that captured one of the most important long-term truths about power, wealth, and decline.

Think back to August 2019 – your expectations and outlook at the time. How wildly different did the next five years turn out to be?

This was before Covid, before nine per cent inflation, before interest rates exploded and housing prices skyrocketed, before $2 trillion annual deficits became normal and Washington added another $15 trillion to the national debt.

The world has changed dramatically in just six years.

The trend was there before. It was just harder to see. But now, it has accelerated.

This article isn’t about overnight collapse or financial apocalypse. It’s about how great powers – like Rome, or Renaissance Italy – fall slowly. They decay from within: through arrogance, mismanagement, overspending, and the belief that their dominance is permanent. Eventually, reality catches up.

As we wrote back then, “It would be utterly foolish to presume that this will never happen again… to believe that THIS time is different.”

And that’s why, after all these years, the core of our philosophy remains: having a rational Plan B matters.

Not because collapse is coming tomorrow – but because decline, left unchecked, adds up over time.

_________________________________________________________

Italy was the world’s superpower TWICE. They screwed it up both times

In 750 BC, according to ancient legend, the twin brothers Romulus and Remus founded a tiny hilltop settlement in central Italy.

Romulus slew his brother for violating a magical superstition, and then named their new city after himself: Rome.

And for the first several centuries of its existence, Rome was nothing special. It was one of many minor kingdoms on a peninsula controlled by the Etruscan civilization… and existed at a time when Greek city-states like Athens and Sparta were the dominant superpowers.

Rome’s status began to rise dramatically after Alexander the Great died in 323 BC and left a void of power in the Mediterranean.

But it took until 146 BC, when Roman general Scipio Aemilanus vanquished Carthage in the final siege of the Punic Wars, for Rome to become the clear, undisputed superpower of the known world.

The city’s dominance lasted for nearly 500 years, until Roman emperor Constantine the Great moved the capital city to modern-day Turkey in the 4th century AD.

In that time, Rome surpassed even ancient Greece as the most advanced civilization in the history of the world up to that point.

From their vast road networks to the famed aqueducts, ancient Rome’s engineering works were unsurpassed in Europe for more than 1,000 years.

Their architecture and military tactics were copied for centuries.

Their rule of law is still widely used in many modern legal codes to this day.

And the system of government they created has been emulated throughout the world countless times.

During the time of Augustus in the early 1st century AD, it would have been impossible to imagine a world in which Rome wasn’t the dominant superpower.

And yet they managed to screw it up.

Weak leadership, ridiculous overspending, excessive warfare, currency debasement, idiotic trade policies, price controls, etc, all contributed to the gradual decline of Rome’s wealth and power.

Eventually all of Italy was conquered by invading barbarian tribes, and the grandeur of ancient Rome was relegated to the history books.

Then something interesting happened.

Nearly 1,000 years later, when there was yet another void of economic power in the Mediterranean, a handful of Italian city-states began to emerge as regional leaders.

The movement started in Venice, where the city took steps to enshrine economic freedom and create an economy where anyone who worked hard and took risks had the chance to become prosperous.

This was a radical concept in medieval Europe, when most of the continent was stagnating under the remarkably foolish Feudal System, in which peasants had few rights and zero prospects for growth.

Venice was truly the America of its day – a shining beacon of freedom and opportunity that attracted hard-working, talented people from all over the world.

In time, other Italian city-states like Florence, Genoa, and Pisa also rose to prominence, and Italy once again had become the center of wealth and power in Europe.

Similarly, it would have been nearly impossible for one of the powerful banking families of Florence living during the time of Cosimo de' Medici in the early 1400s to imagine a time when they weren’t the dominant superpower.

And yet they managed to screw it up as well.

This is history’s constant lesson: no one… no country, no empire, no ruler… is entitled to the top spot forever.

Wealth and power are constantly changing. And the most pompous superpowers invariably believe that they’re going to last forever. They simply cannot imagine a world where they’re not #1.

Italy is very unique in this sense because it was the dominant superpower TWO times in its history – the first with Ancient Rome, and the second during the early Renaissance.

Both times they were eclipsed by other rising powers, in large part from their own mistakes and stupidity.

The world has seen so many superpowers in its history – from Ancient Egypt to the Ottoman Empire to the Mongols to the Soviet Union.

Every single one of them eventually faded… and sometimes rather chaotically.

It would be utterly foolish to presume that this will never happen again… to believe that THIS time is different.

It’s never different.

But it would be equally foolish (and paranoid) to believe that some great historical reset is going to take place tomorrow morning. Or that the world’s dominant superpower is going to ‘collapse’ overnight.

These things take time. Decay is a slow process.

But it never hurts to take sensible steps to protect yourself from what may come.

As an example, if you happen to be living in a country that has accumulated the largest mountain of government debt in the history of the world, you might not want to keep 100 per cent of your wealth and savings there.

If your central bank is INSOLVENT on a mark-to-market basis, you might not want to keep 100 per cent of your savings denominated in its currency.

If your home country is highly litigious where some of the most ridiculously frivolous lawsuits can cost millions, you might not want to keep all of your assets there.

If your government routinely snuffs out its most basic, enshrined freedoms under the guise of safety and security, you might consider options for a second citizenship based on your ancestry.

If Bolshevik politicians who hate individual success are rising to power and calling for absurd tax rates, you might want to start thinking about legal ways to reduce your tax bill.

Each of these ideas makes sense, no matter what happens (or doesn’t happen) next.

You certainly won’t be worse off lowering your tax bill, or making it more difficult for people to sue you, or taking steps to inflation-proof your savings.

But if the decay accelerates, these are potentially game-changing solutions.

And that’s what a good “Plan B” is all about.

This article was originally published by Sovereign Man.

This is history’s constant lesson: no one… no country, no empire, no ruler… is entitled to the top spot forever.

    Dickens the Man: Edward W FullerEdward Fuller, MBA, is a graduate of the Leavey School of Business.Many view Charles...
27/12/2025

Dickens the Man: Edward W Fuller
Edward Fuller, MBA, is a graduate of the Leavey School of Business.

Many view Charles Dickens as the inventor of modern Christmas. This is largely due to his beloved 1843 novella A Christmas Carol. Given his association with the holiday, Christmas is an appropriate time to reassess the man. Rather than a kindhearted champion of the oppressed, Dickens was a monstrous villain who taught millions to hate capitalism.

The Dickens Mythology

Dickens’s daughter Katey warned, “My father was a wicked man – a very wicked man.” So why is he widely regarded as a saint? While this might shock the casual readers, every serious student knows that there is a Dickens mythology. What is more, the novelist himself conspired to create his mythology. Helena Kelly explains in her 2023 book The Life and Lies of Charles Dickens,It’s not just that [Dickens’s] biography isn’t the whole story – it was designed to distract and deceive. Dickens the conjurer and his faithful assistant [John Forster] have been playing tricks on us all this time. They’ve been feeding us lies, directing our gaze away from what they wanted to keep hidden.

(pp xiv–xv)

The Great Charles Dickens Scandal is the clearest case of the mythology. In 1836, Dickens married his wife, Catherine, and she gave him 10 children. In the summer of 1857, at the age of 45, he began an affair with an 18-year-old actress named Ellen (Nelly) Ternan. He separated from his wife in 1858, but they never divorced. His secret relationship with Ternan continued until he died in 1870.

Naturally, Dickens and his henchman John Forster covered up the affair in their official biography. Shamefully, later biographers continued the cover-up – including GK Chesterton (1906), Edward Wagenknecht (1929), and Una Pope-Hennessy (1945). With Claire Tomalin’s 1990 book The Invisible Woman, it is now impossible to deny the affair.

By itself, an affair with a teenager might not be enough to deprogram members of the Dickens Cult. Still, the episode shows two things: 1) Dickens was a manipulator, and, 2) there is a Dickens industry that continues to lie for him. So what else does the industry have to hide?

Dickens’s Sexism

Dickens’s affair led to a more troubling finding – namely, he was a ruthless husband. In The Mystery of Charles Dickens, AN Wilson highlights “his appalling cruelty to a harmless wife who bore him 10 children” (p 5) and “That he was cruel cannot be denied” (p. 134).

For example, friends refused to visit the Dickens’ household because he would curse at his wife in front of guests, children, and servants. In late 1857, he divided the marital bedroom into separate spaces and sealed the internal door to isolate her. Then, in early 1858, he tried to convince a doctor who was a friend to lock her up in an insane asylum.[Dickens] tried to have his wife committed to a lunatic asylum when their marriage broke down in 1858. This would have been a dreadful fate, imprisonment without trial or guilt, little chance to plead your case and no one to believe you if you did. Terrible enough in a case of genuine mental illness; monstrous if the real motive was simply someone else’s convenience or reputation. (pp 239–40)

In this inexcusable case of domestic abuse, Dickens attempted to deprive his wife of her liberty through institutional violence. Rather than renouncing their saint, Dickens lovers write it off as a mystery:[Dickens] had tried to persuade the doctor who attended her to sanction an accusation of mental illness, which would permit him to have her confined to an asylum. Dickens had close friends in the medical profession. . . . The mystery was: how could the apostle of kindliness, the novelist who, more than any other, extols the virtues of charity, who waged war on Scrooge, and Bumble and Bounderby, how could he, of all the people in the world, be so furiously unkind, so vindictively, pointedly and quite unnecessarily cruel, to the woman who had borne his children, and whose faults, in so far as anyone has noted them, were so trivial? (p 104)

Yet the mystery is easily solved: Dickens was a sexist. John Stuart Mill realized this in 1854 when he read Bleak House. Mill vented, “That creature Dickens. . .has the vulgar impudence in this thing to ridicule rights of women.” Today, his sexism is well known to informed readers: “It is commonplace to observe Dickens’s view of women as sentimental, sexist, patriarchal, and derogatory” (p 37). Dickens’s sexism explains how he could be so viciously unkind to his wife.

Most feminists would argue that women were an oppressed group in 1850s England. Women lacked many legal rights: married women could not own property independently, control their own income, or claim custody of their children. As women represent half the population, Dickens’s sexism means it is absurd to consider him a true champion of the oppressed.

Dickens’s Racism, Imperialism, and Genocidal Lunacy

Alongside his misogyny, the Dickens industry is desperate to conceal his racism. According to Peter Ackroyd, “In modern terminology Dickens was a ‘racist’ of the most egregious kind, a fact that ought to give pause to those who persist in believing that he was necessarily the epitome of all that decent and benevolent.” Kelly agrees, “Dickens was an anti-semite, a racist who expressed a belief in innate British superiority” (p 257).

On Dickens’s racism, the key evidence comes from his publications American Notes (1843) and “The Noble Savage” (1853). Laura Peters explains in Dickens and Race (p 76),Between American Notes and “The Noble Savage”, Dickens moves seamlessly between indigenous populations and largely black African populations. Both for Dickens are viewed as savage, undifferentiated, uniform racial otherness; Dickens welcomes the demise of such savagery to be replaced by the civilised values of an Englishman. . . . [C]ivilisation is not a state which those from other races could aspire.

To put it bluntly, Dickens was a white supremacist. But his supremacism went beyond white supremacism. He found whites in Ireland, Italy, and America inferior to whites in England. For him, white English males were supreme – the only people capable of true civilization. Naturally, this English supremacism led him to be a diehard British imperialist: “Dickens’ sympathy for the downtrodden poor at home is reversed abroad, translated into approval of imperial domination” (p 207).

His most unforgivable comments involve the Indian Mutiny of 1857. Put plainly, Dickens was a genocidal maniac. He raged, “I wish I were Commander in Chief in India. The first thing I would do to strike that Oriental race . . . I should do my utmost to exterminate the Race . . . [I would] blot it out of mankind and raze it off the face of the Earth” (p 799).

Honest scholars agree that he called for “genocide” (pp 799, 155 respectively). How do Dickens cultists defend this? They insist his genocidal phase was short. On the contrary, Peters stresses that “this extermination rhetoric continues throughout the 1850s and beyond, becoming more ominous until it arrives at the deadly eugenic rhetoric at the turn of the century.”

During his lifetime, the British Empire ruled hundreds of millions of non-whites. And, of course, the British imperialistic regime was oppressive. Given his racism, imperialism, and exterminationism, the idea that Dickens was a crusader for the oppressed is ludicrous.

Dickens and Capitalism

Ludwig von Mises was the 20th century’s leading defender of capitalism. He wrote, “Dickens, with other romantics less gifted as storytellers but following the same tendencies, has taught millions to hate [Classical] Liberalism and Capitalism.” Is this an unfair statement by a biased capitalist?

Karl Marx was a great fan, and he praised Dickens for teaching millions to hate capitalism. In 1854, Marx wrote (as quoted in Ackroyd, p 544) that Dickens had “issued to the world more political and social truths than have been uttered by all the professional politicians, publicists, and moralists put together.”

The famous English historian and liberal politician Thomas Babington Macaulay was a contemporary of Dickens, and he viewed Hard Times as “sullen socialism.” In 1908, Edwin Pugh published Charles Dickens: The Apostle of the People, where Dickens is described as an “unconscious socialist” and “a socialist without knowing it.”

The famous playwright George Bernard Shaw was a key leader of Fabian socialism. He wrote a glowing introduction to the 1913 edition of Hard Times, and penned: “[Hard Times] is Karl Marx, Carlyle, Ruskin, Morris, Carpenter, rising up against civilization.” Shaw said Little Dorrit made him a socialist, and he thought that book was “more seditious than [Marx’s] Das Kapital.”

In 1937, Thomas Alfred Jackson wrote that Dickens’s socioeconomic thought “might easily have emerged as positive Socialism or Communism” (p 11). To Jackson, “[Dickens] takes a ground indistinguishable from that taken by Marx and Engels” (p 39). In summary, prominent supporters and detractors agree that Dickens was one of history’s most successful critics of capitalism.

Conclusion

When watching A Christmas Carol, remember that Charles Dickens was not a kind, compassionate man like Bob Cratchit. And he was certainly not a good capitalist like Scrooge. Rather, Dickens was manipulative, domineering, unfaithful, abusive, sexist, racist, imperialistic, and genocidal. He was an economic ignoramus who did incalculable harm to the world by duping millions of gullible readers into hating capitalism. To be sure, his daughter Katey was correct: Dickens was a wicked man – a very wicked man.

This article was originally published by the Mises Institute.

To be sure, his daughter Katey was correct: Dickens was a wicked man – a very wicked man.

    Consider Operating Your Own Satellite Ground Station: Simon AndersonA di****ad with a camera – the Establishment’s d...
26/12/2025

Consider Operating Your Own Satellite Ground Station: Simon Anderson
A di****ad with a camera – the Establishment’s dissident.

As space has become more accessible, an increasing number of universities, research institutes and NGOs are conducting scientific research in Earth’s orbit. Operating on tight budgets these organisations beg, borrow or fundraise to obtain spare lift capacity on commercial rocket launches to get their research satellites into Earth’s orbit.I can’t hear the Earth. I’m in the shadow.

– Yuri Gagarin

Communicating with these research satellites once they reach orbit is an issue. Nasa and Roscosmos have the resources to manage a network of ground stations to maintain constant communications with orbiting satellites on behalf of the USA and the Russian Federation as they pass over the horizon, universities and research institutes don’t.

Which is where the F/OSS community and the TinyGS project comes in.

TinyGS is a distributed network of ground stations operated by private citizens. Ground Station Operators listen for satellite signals and relay them back to TinyGS across the internet so the satellite operators can retrieve the research data. As I write this there are 2,105 ground stations operating around the globe, receiving signal from hundreds of vehicles in the upper atmosphere and in orbit.

Operators don’t receive any sort of compensation for contributing to TinyGS, beyond the satisfaction of contributing to science and the nerdy thrill of watching the signals arrive in the console of our ground stations as satellites pass by overhead. (You can watch my ground station in operation here.)

As contributions go, it’s a small one that has a significant impact. A ground station consists of about $30 of materials, essentially just an antenna attached to a small circuit board. Here are the components I assembled to power one with solar and battery backup:

Most of which is superfluous for my latest SimonTV ground station, because a power supply is readily available.

The barrier to participation in TinyGS is incredibly low: one of these inexpensive boards, an antenna, a couple of cables and an internet connection is all that’s required to participate. I suspect many operators are schools, introducing children to space with a fun science project that, I can attest as an adult, provides endless entertainment.

And the satisfaction of knowing you’re contributing to scientific research that would struggle to occur without the contributions of you and others like you.

This article was originally published on the author’s Substack.

Contributing to the TinyGS project.

    Bastion Point – the Untold Context: Geoff ParkerGeoff Parker is a passionate advocate for equal rights and a colour ...
26/12/2025

Bastion Point – the Untold Context: Geoff Parker
Geoff Parker is a passionate advocate for equal rights and a colour blind society.

Public discussion of Bastion Point is often framed as a simple morality tale: an unjust Crown taking followed decades later by righteous protest and inevitable redress. History is rarely that neat. When the full record is examined, Bastion Point looks less like a story of continuous bad faith and more like a sequence of decisions made – sometimes bluntly, sometimes imperfectly – but largely in good faith, according to the laws and public expectations of their time.

Compensation and the 1886 taking

In 1886, the Crown acquired 5.3 hectares (about 13 acres) at Bastion Point under the Public Works Act for defence purposes. As the law required, compensation was paid: £1,500 in New Zealand pounds. Adjusted for inflation, that equates to roughly NZ$570,000 today. Spread across 5.3 hectares, this represents a value around twice the modern equivalent of undeveloped farmland, commonly estimated at about $35,000 per hectare.

In 1886, Bastion Point had no residential or commercial market. Its only realistic private use was agricultural grazing, making farmland the appropriate benchmark. By that standard, the Crown paid more than the land’s undeveloped value. The Public Works Act required fair market compensation – not later restitution – and on that measure the Crown met, and arguably exceeded, its obligation.

Public works, purchases, and restraint

As Auckland grew, further public works followed. In 1908, parliament authorised land to be taken to lay a sewer line across part of the Ōkahu papakāinga (village) area. This did not involve the Bastion Point cliff-top defence land, but reflected the routine infrastructure needs of a developing city.

Between 1912 and 1928, the government acquired other parcels around the wider Ōrākei block through lawful mechanisms, including purchases from individual owners after titles were made alienable. Over time, these lands became what were later described as long-held Crown lands.

By 1941, Bastion Point was no longer required for defence. Rather than selling it to private interests, the Crown transferred the land to Auckland City Council to be held as a public reserve, preserving public access and preventing private speculation for decades.

Compulsory relocation, rehousing, and silence

In 1952, the remaining Ōkahu Bay village and marae were removed following a compulsory relocation, with residents rehoused by the state before the village was cleared and converted into a public park. By modern standards this was harsh, but it reflected mid‑20th‑century planning priorities rather than an intent to dispossess without provision.

For roughly three decades after 1941, Ngāti Whātua raised no sustained objection focused on Bastion Point. This does not prove satisfaction, but it does matter when assessing how and when the dispute crystallised. There was no prolonged protest or legal challenge centred on the land during this period.

The post‑1975 shift

That changed after the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975, which established the Waitangi Tribunal. The act fundamentally altered the political environment by signalling that historic grievances were now officially recognised, creating a powerful new incentive to frame disputes as Treaty claims.

In 1976, the Crown announced plans to develop the remaining Bastion Point land for high‑income housing and parks. The prospect of permanent private development – rather than passive reserve land – proved to be the immediate trigger for the 1977–78 occupation.

The 1978 offer

During the occupation, the Crown made a substantial proposal. In 1978, it offered to return 11.6 hectares, including the original 5.3 hectares, for $200,000, with 27 houses already built on the land.

At the time, the combined land and housing had an estimated market value of about $390,000, meaning the offer was around half of market value. Notably, Ngāti Whātua elders were prepared to accept this settlement as a practical resolution. It was the occupation’s activist leadership, rather than the elders, who rejected the offer and continued the protest until eviction.

Resolution

The 507-day occupation at Bastion Point brought long-running grievances over earlier Crown land dealings – including the 1886 Public Works Act taking –into sharp political focus. That protest led to a Waitangi Tribunal inquiry and, in time, to a negotiated Treaty settlement. The settlement returned around 65 hectares of ancestral and reserve land to Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei, provided $3 million in compensation, and included a formal Crown apology.

A more complete picture

None of this diminishes the cultural or emotional significance of Bastion Point. But history deserves proportion as well as sympathy. The record shows that the Crown:

* acted under lawful authority,
* paid compensation that exceeded undeveloped value at the time,
* preserved the land as a public reserve for decades,
* rehoused displaced residents in state housing, and
* made a heavily discounted offer to return land and housing in 1978.

Seen in full, Bastion Point is not a story of unbroken bad faith. It is a complex episode shaped by changing laws, incentives, and expectations – and one that was ultimately resolved through return, compensation, and apology.“The prices paid [1886–1928], though comparatively meagre when viewed in retrospect....appear to have been generously assessed”.

Justice Speight (1978)

This article was originally published on Breaking Views.

Seen in full, Bastion Point is not a story of unbroken bad faith. It is a complex episode shaped by changing laws, incentives, and expectations – and one that was ultimately resolved through return, compensation, and apology.

  Good Oil General Debate: Good morning, welcome to our daily General Debate.Our evening General debate is called Backch...
26/12/2025

Good Oil General Debate: Good morning, welcome to our daily General Debate.

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