07/10/2025
MINDAVOTE SPECIAL REPORT
The Secret Plan of the Dilawans to Grab Power in 2028
How the Liberal Bloc Is Quietly Rebuilding Power — One Crisis at a Time
Somewhere in the backrooms of Makati and Quezon City, the old guard is plotting its return. The names are familiar. The playbook, even more so.
They call it “the long game.”
A slow, methodical plan to reclaim Malacañang by 2028 — not through people power, not through moral revolution, but through quiet manipulation, selective outrage, and strategic paralysis.
And at the heart of this secret plan is one decision: keep Bongbong Marcos weak, but in place.
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A Calculated Weakness
To the public, it looks like chaos — corruption scandals, infighting, and Senate leadership disputes. But within the Liberal and progressive circles, there’s method in the madness.
The “Dilawan network” — now operating through a web of NGOs, think tanks, church groups, and “reform coalitions” — has one unspoken goal: sustain the current administration just long enough for it to collapse under its own weight.
Because if Marcos falls early, the constitutional line of succession points straight to Vice President Sara Duterte — and that is a nightmare scenario for them.
To the Dilawans, Sara represents everything they fear: a populist with provincial roots, a Duterte loyalist with Mindanaoan reach, and a figure capable of rallying both urban poor and rural voters. A leader who could break their hold on elite politics for good.
So they prefer Marcos — wounded, isolated, but controllable.
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The Senate Battle: Containment, Not Reform
The ongoing Senate leadership dispute is not just an institutional power struggle — it’s a front in this broader containment strategy.
Notice who’s been loudly opposing any change in Senate leadership:
• The CBCP, through carefully worded pastoral statements about “stability” and “governance.”
• Tindig Pilipinas, waving the flag of “democratic integrity.”
• And a collection of progressive voices — former Aquino allies, retired bureaucrats, and NGO personalities — who suddenly find themselves defending the status quo they once condemned.
They all claim they want to “protect democracy.”
In truth, they’re protecting their arrangement.
A Senate shake-up could realign committee control, disrupt Liberal footholds in strategic commissions, and — most importantly — embolden a Duterte-aligned coalition ahead of 2028.
By opposing reform in the Senate, they’re buying time.
Time to strengthen their narrative.
Time to rebuild their machinery.
Time to prepare for 2028.
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The Four-Part Plan to 2028
Political insiders and former operatives describe what they call the “Four-Part Plan” — a blueprint circulating within the Liberal bloc and its affiliates for a return to power.
1. Sustain the Presidency, Undermine the Man.
Keep Marcos in place, but politically crippled.
Attack his circle, his allies, his Cabinet — but stop short of toppling him.
2. Control the Senate Narrative.
Prevent a pro-Duterte majority from taking control. Use moral institutions — like the Church and progressive fronts — to frame any leadership change as “destabilization.”
3. Reclaim the Bureaucracy.
Reinsert Aquino-era technocrats into advisory, policy, and budget positions under the guise of “expertise” and “stability.”
4. Engineer the 2028 Reset.
Present a “unified reform coalition” as the alternative to an exhausted public. Rebrand old Liberal faces as “independents.” Position a controlled opposition candidate — young, clean, media-trained — to ride the wave of Marcos fatigue.
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The Church and the NGOs: Moral Front or Political Shield?
The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) and Tindig Pilipinas are being used as the moral facade for this operation.
Their coordinated statements about “preserving institutions” and “avoiding division” are not neutral interventions — they are calibrated moves designed to stabilize the government just enough to prevent a Duterte resurgence.
Even the progressive NGOs — once loud against corruption — have gone strangely quiet about the Palace itself. They target the Cabinet, the agencies, the cronies, but never the man who signs the orders.
It’s selective morality disguised as national concern.
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Re-entry Through Reform
Behind the noise, a quiet re-entry is already underway.
Former Liberal bureaucrats are back as “consultants.”
Old reformists are heading task forces.
And major government communications contracts are now being courted by agencies linked to the same publicists who once crafted Aquino-era propaganda.
What the public sees as “reform” is, in reality, reinfiltration — the rebuilding of the Liberal ecosystem inside the very administration they claim to oppose.
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2028: The Endgame
The 2028 elections are the real target.
The Liberals know they can’t win in a fair fight today — not against the Duterte base, and not against a Marcos still clinging to machinery.
So they’re playing for attrition. Let Marcos rot politically. Let the public lose patience. Let the system choke itself — and when it does, they’ll step forward once again as the “voice of reason.”
Their goal is not reform. It’s return.
Their method is not opposition. It’s occupation.
And every statement from the CBCP, every press conference from Tindig Pilipinas, every headline condemning corruption but sparing the President — is part of the same controlled burn.
Because for the Liberals, the path to Malacañang in 2028 doesn’t begin with revolution.
It begins with restraint, silence, and slow sabotage.
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Conclusion: The Real Coup Is the Quiet One
The public imagines coups as noisy, dramatic, and sudden. But in the Philippines, the real coups happen slowly — in conference rooms, in foundations, in “reform” seminars sponsored by the same elites who never really left.
The Dilawans aren’t plotting to overthrow the government.
They’re plotting to inherit its ruins — on their own timetable.
And as long as the media, the clergy, and the so-called progressives continue to protect “he who they cannot name,” the Philippines will remain under their careful, calculating watch — waiting for 2028, when the old yellow sun hopes to rise again.
