23/08/2026
TROLL INC. | Targeting Journalists Who Expose Corruption
By Mark Sison
Expose corruption in this country, and you become the story. Not the officials who stole. Not the money that vanished. You.
Within days the smear machine turns...paid hack, troll, closet crook, pick one and the public argument shifts from what you found to who you supposedly are. They don’t recruit reluctant employees for this work; they recruit narcissists, manipulators, and bullies, the kind who don’t just do the job but enjoy it.
The Payroll
Paid trolling in the Philippines runs on a real payroll. Rappler’s Maria Ressa first disclosed in 2016 that a troll working a political campaign could earn up to P100,000 a month; by 2019, GMA News obtained a rarer on-record breakdown from an operation leader who put entry-level pay at P30,000 and senior pay at P50,000–P70,000 monthly, with influencers commanding up to P30,000 per sponsored post.
That structure held through 2022, when a self-described campaign operative told a radio program that university-educated staff were earning P60,000–P80,000 a month. The money at the top dwarfs what individual trolls take home the Inquirer’s editorial board reported politicians paying $38,000–$57,000 a month for troll farm retainers running up to eight months, and a 2017 Oxford study found a Philippine president campaign spent roughly $200,000 funding its social media operation.
The Financing Trail
The financing trail runs through both government and private hands. The Commission on Audit flagged the Presidential Communications Operations Office in 2020 for “unrestricted” and “massive” hiring of 375 contractual personnel costing P70.6 million that year hires the agency called “social media specialists,” not trolls.
Twelve senators, including Vicente Sotto III, Risa Hontiveros, Panfilo Lacson, and Leila de Lima, later sought a formal probe into whether public funds were bankrolling troll operations. Beyond government money, researcher Jonathan Corpus Ong’s work found that PR firms and ad agencies not influencers were the actual architects behind these networks, operating as private contractors for political and commercial clients alike.
Facebook has taken down Philippine-linked networks multiple times roughly 220 associated pages, and a separate 200-page, 3.6-million-follower network tied to a famous PR strategist.
The Disinformation Machinery
Even self-styled “news” outlets have been payrolled to do this work. A flagship brand news portal employed writers who churned out roughly 25 unverified, engagement-optimized articles a day and helped spread disinformation targeting the administration’s critics, according to a former staffer’s account.
Then-Vice President Leni Robredo publicly objected that Malacañang was compensating another famous blogger who ran fake stories about her, asking why taxpayers should fund “a purveyor of fake news.”
A legitimate media group separately accused a state-run national communications agency itself of publishing a fabricated claim about international support for the government’s human rights record a wire service funded by public money being used, the union said, to launder propaganda under the appearance of legitimate journalism, undermining trust in honest reporters working the same beat.
The Targets
The consistent target of this machinery, across nearly every independent study, is journalists who expose corruption not incidental casualties, but the primary objective. Ressa has documented roughly 14 attacking comments for every supportive one on her page, a ratio researchers describe as orchestrated rather than organic; the Committee to Protect Journalists tracked how Rappler’s Pia Ranada was branded “corrupt” and “biased” and called a “traitor” at presidential press conferences.
A 2017 Oxford study found the previous administration deployed 400 to 500 trolls specifically to harass dissenters through individual targeting, and a 2023 academic study in Digital Journalism documented online mobs using threats of r**e, death, and doxing against reporters.
The Cost Offline
The pressure escalates offline, the Human Rights Foundation recorded 32 red-tagging incidents and at least 23 journalists killed between 2016 and 2022, including Percival “Lapid” Mabasa, shot dead after years of corruption reporting, while thousands of cyber-libel cases including one against Ressa have moved through the courts.
The Global Investigative Journalism Network put it plainly Rappler, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, and Vera Files have all been singled out for sustained attack, with the clear aim of destroying them.
BapNews Mark Sison MAS Channel: Media, Affairs & Stories NOW News, Opinion, Wit CLMA Pampanga Chapter Pampanga Media Circle