Volunteers for Heidi Mendoza, Manila (2025)

Magpatuloy tayong lumaban sa korapsyon at katiwalian kasama si Heidi Mendoza!🔍

Heidi Mendoza is the former Undersecretary-General for the United Nations Office of Internal Oversight Services and former COA Commissioner.

25/08/2025

“Kaya ngayong National Heroes Day, hindi sapat na magbalik-tanaw lang tayo. Kailangang itanong: kung ang mga bayani noon ay kasing-bata ng Gen Z at young millennials ngayon, bakit hindi maaaring ang kabataan ngayon ang maging bayani rin. Ang pagiging bayani ay hindi hinihintay at hindi nakabatay sa edad. Hindi ito diploma, hindi ito titulo, hindi ito posisyon. Ito ay desisyon. Desisyon na tumindig, magsalita, at kumilos.”

Ngayong National Heroes Day, madalas nating isipin ang mga bayani bilang matatanda, seryoso, at tila malayo sa kabataan ngayon. Pero kung titignan nang mabuti ang kasaysayan, makikita na marami sa kanila ay halos kasing-edad lamang ng mga estudyante at young professionals ngayon.

Si Gregorio del Pilar ay 24 taong gulang nang siya ay naging heneral sa Tirad Pass. Si Emilio Jacinto ay 21 taong gulang at tinaguriang utak ng Katipunan, gamit ang isip, tinta, at papel bilang sandata. Si Teresa Magbanua, kilala bilang “Joan of Arc of the Visayas,” ay nasa twenties nang pinamunuan ang mga laban sa mga mananakop. Si Juan Luna ay 23 taong gulang nang manalo ng gintong medalya sa Madrid Exposition na naging inspirasyon ng mga rebolusyunaryo. Si Antonio Luna ay 27 taong gulang nang sumapi sa rebolusyon at kalauna’y naging heneral. Si Apolinario Mabini ay 29 taong gulang nang maging pangunahing tagapayo at utak ng Unang Republika. Si Jose Rizal ay 26 taong gulang nang isulat ang Noli Me Tangere at 30 nang maisulat ang El Filibusterismo, mga akdang naging mitsa ng rebolusyon. Sa madaling salita, karamihan sa kanila ay kabataang nasa twenties at early thirties pa lamang. Kung nabubuhay sila ngayon, kabilang sila sa henerasyong Gen Z at young millennials.

Ngunit pansinin ang kaibahan. Hindi sila entitled kundi may paninindigan. Hindi sila pabibo kundi may prinsipyo. Hindi sila reklamador kundi marunong lamang tumutol kapag may mali. Ang kabataan noon, tulad ng kabataan ngayon, ay nakakita ng lipunang hindi patas, puno ng pang-aabuso at kawalan ng katarungan. Ngunit imbes na manahimik, pinili nilang kumilos. Ang kanilang tapang ay hindi palaging nasa bala at espada. Madalas, nasa panulat, nasa tinig na ayaw patahimikin, at nasa paninindigang handang magsakripisyo.

Kung susuriin, hindi malayo ang laban noon sa laban ngayon. Noon, laban sa kolonyalismo at pang-aapi. Ngayon, laban sa katiwalian, kawalan ng trabaho, mababang pasahod, kawalan ng maayos na serbisyo publiko, at isang sistemang madalas pabor lamang sa may pera at makapangyarihan. Ang kabataan ngayon ay may ibang armas. Social media, teknolohiya, at mas malawak na akses sa impormasyon ang kanilang hawak. Ngunit pareho ang diwa. Ang boses ng kabataan ay maaaring maging pinakamatibay na sandata ng pagbabago.

Ito ang mahalagang aral ngayong National Heroes Day. Panahon nang itigil ang nakagawiang pag-asa sa mga trapo, mga artista, at matatandang pulitiko na paulit-ulit na humahawak sa kapangyarihan. Kung babalikan ang kasaysayan, malinaw na kahit bata ay may magagawa para sa bayan. Ang kabataan ay hindi dapat ituring na taga-subaybay lamang. Sila ay maaaring maging pangunahing tagapagtaguyod ng pagbabago. Ang kinabukasan ng bansa ay hindi lamang nakasalalay sa mga nakasanayan kundi sa mga handang magsimula ng bago.

Kaya ngayong National Heroes Day, hindi sapat na magbalik-tanaw lang tayo. Kailangang itanong: kung ang mga bayani noon ay kasing-bata ng Gen Z at young millennials ngayon, bakit hindi maaaring ang kabataan ngayon ang maging bayani rin. Ang pagiging bayani ay hindi hinihintay at hindi nakabatay sa edad. Hindi ito diploma, hindi ito titulo, hindi ito posisyon. Ito ay desisyon. Desisyon na tumindig, magsalita, at kumilos.

Kung kaya nilang magsakripisyo noon para sa bayan, kaya rin natin ngayon. Ang tanong: handa ka bang maging bayani ng iyong henerasyon?

25/08/2025

“Providing tips on wrongdoing is already an act of heroism. Blowing the whistle in public, testifying and seeing it through until the crooks are punished are even greater heroic acts.

People can be heroes by saying no to graft.”

Happy National Heroes Day. 🇵🇭

TODAY'S EDITORIAL: During the pandemic, health frontliners were hailed as heroes. For a long time, overseas Filipino workers have also been hailed as heroes, and rightfully so – although their massive remittances, which have kept the economy afloat even during global downturns, have been a disincentive to changing the rotten status quo that forced them to seek decent jobs overseas. https://tinyurl.com/ycxf4d4e

24/08/2025

“So what do we do? First, admit the truth. Media economics is broken. Networks need to pick: do they want ad money now, or credibility later? You can’t have both. There has to be clear disclosure rules, a wall between editorial and ads, and most of all—fair pay for journalists.

Audiences also need to wise up. People should be able to tell the difference between news and paid promotion. Right now, they can’t. And that’s why the Discaya interviews spread so fast. Viewers trusted the hosts. That trust was played like a card.”

[COMMENTARY] The Vico Sotto Exposé: A Deep Dive into Philippine Broadcast Journalism's Ethical Crisis

◼️ The Corruption Beneath the Surface

This issue has already been picked to shreds by analysts. I’m not one of them. What I can give you is a perspective from someone who’s been inside the industry.

I was there in the 90s, working in broadcast, and I saw enough to know what’s really going on.

The practice of paid interviews—it’s not some hidden archive you’ll find in books. It’s an open secret. Everybody knows it, few admit it. Interviews can be bought, sometimes bundled with ad spots, sometimes slipped under the table. I’ve seen it with my own eyes.

Now, I want to be clear. This is not to say Korina Sanchez or Julius Babao accepted money. I have no personal knowledge of this case. Whether that’s true or not is for investigators to establish.

But what I can say, from my own experience, is that the practice is still around. In the last election, we helped a senatorial candidate get more exposure in Bicol. I won’t name names. What I can confirm is that the same arrangements are alive and kicking. Because why not? For some broadcasters, elections are more than coverage. It’s a chance to pocket extra cash.

◼️ The DPWH Connection: A Web of Corruption

That’s why Vico Sotto’s exposé cut deep. He posted screenshots of veteran broadcasters Korina Sanchez and Julius Babao interviewing contractor couple Sarah and Curlee Discaya.

Then came his question that spread all over social media: "Before prominent journalists agree to interview contractors who are also into politics, don't they ask themselves first, 'Wait, why are they ready to give P10 million just to be interviewed by me?'"

The timing was brutal. The Discayas’ companies—Alpha and Omega Gen. Contractor & Development Corp., St. Timothy Construction, and St. Gerrard Construction General Contractor and Development Corporation—are tied deep into the Department of Public Works and Highways. Top 15 contractors, cornering about P100 billion worth of flood control projects since 2022.

Marcos himself admitted in his SONA that ghost projects existed. Lives were lost in flooding while money was being pocketed. And when Babao asked the Discayas about their breakthrough moment, they didn’t even bother to hide it: "Noong nag-DPWH kami."

The paper trail backs it up. Contracts list Sarah Discaya as the authorized rep of Alpha & Omega. Not one or two contracts—years’ worth. Patterns like this don’t just appear; they’re built into how corruption operates.

And media gets dragged in to clean the image.

◼️ The Economics of Broadcast Corruption

The root of it all is simple: money. Journalists in the Philippines don’t earn much. NUJP says 44% take home only P15,000 a month. Some scrape by with P5,000. That’s barely survival.

So when money gets waved around, it’s tempting. I’ve seen rate cards myself. One that leaked for “Rated Korina” spelled it out:

- Stand Alone Story: P450,000 for 8–10 minutes with the host and CEO

- K Saya-saya Segment: P350,000 for 5–7 minutes with a charity angle

- Omnibus Segment: P250,000 for 3 minutes

Now compare that to Sotto’s P10 million claim—even if he said it wasn’t exact. That’s more than 20 times the posted rate. Which tells you: there are special packages, the kind you don’t put on paper, designed for high-stakes sanitization—the media version of washing dirty money clean.

◼️ The Libel Threats: What Happened?

After Vico Sotto publicly questioned the integrity of the interviews—and implied the Discayas paid as much as ₱10 million to broadcast their story—Korina Sanchez and her legal camp were quick to respond with a threat of cyberlibel charges against Sotto.

This was widely reported in major outlets, including statements from Korina herself and her camp, who called Sotto’s social media post “libelous” and damaging to both her personal reputation and the reputation of “Rated Korina.”

Their position was that, regardless of whether Sotto said the amount was “not exact,” even raising the issue was enough to constitute an attack on character and professional reputation—thus opening Sotto to possible criminal liability under the Philippines’ cyberlibel laws.

Cyberlibel in the Philippines is notorious.

The expanded definition under RA 10175 has been used to intimidate, harass, or silence critics, including journalists and ordinary citizens. The burden of proof is stacked, and public figures often push “actual malice” arguments to protect themselves.

The threat alone was enough to muddy the waters. Instead of transparency or investigation, the defense was legal intimidation. It shifts the conversation away from corruption and into a courtroom debate.

◼️ When Journalism Forgets to Investigate

Investigative journalism should be the one thing money can’t touch. But in this country, it’s rare. It takes independence, resources, and a newsroom that’s willing to support you. Most don’t have that.

The PCIJ once called it what it is: a mafia. A syndicate. Media corruption that operates like organized crime.

And you see it here. Instead of digging into the Discayas’ wealth, their DPWH ties, or their political ambitions, the interviews turned into puff pieces. Rags-to-riches stories, aired like campaign ads.

◼️ Ethics Versus Economics: A False Dichotomy

How did the industry respond? Poorly.

Sanchez’s camp first admitted that payments happen, comparing it to regular ads that go through networks with receipts. Then they walked it back, denied the P10-million figure, and threw in threats of cyber libel.

But the amount doesn’t matter.

Whether it was P10 million or P450,000, the principle is the same. It’s a compromise of journalistic integrity.

Professor Danilo Arao said it straight: journalism and endorsements don’t mix. There has to be a line. Right now, there isn’t.

◼️ The Broadcast Industry's Dirty Secret

From my own years in radio, I can tell you—it’s common. Paid content gets dressed up as lifestyle features, public service segments, charity tie-ins.

Sometimes it comes with a package: radio plugs, TV exposure, social media, maybe even a print feature. And it’s all designed to make questionable people look respectable.

It’s legal enough to survive on paper, but the intent is obvious. Disclosure exists in theory, but in practice it’s blurred on purpose.

The bigger problem is that credibility gets traded. Sanchez and Babao didn’t start as lifestyle hosts—they built their names as journalists. That reputation is the product being sold now.

◼️ Systemic Corruption and Democratic Decay

What this shows is that corruption isn’t just in government. It runs through multiple sectors.

And when journalists, the supposed watchdogs, join in, democracy takes the hit.

The Discayas spent over P1 billion on their mayoral run against Sotto.

(Edit: Under Philippine election law, a mayoral candidate is permitted to spend only ₱3 per registered voter if running with a party, and ₱5 per voter if independent—a rule that puts strict legal boundaries on campaign expenses, making it relevant to examine the spending patterns of candidates like Sara Discaya during the last election. - HOW COME NO ONE IS TALKING ABOUT THIS?)

That money didn’t come out of nowhere. Most of it likely flowed from those DPWH contracts. Their media blitz was about buying legitimacy with borrowed credibility. Journalism turned into a money-laundering machine.

◼️ The Path Forward: Transparency and Accountability

So what do we do? First, admit the truth. Media economics is broken. Networks need to pick: do they want ad money now, or credibility later? You can’t have both. There has to be clear disclosure rules, a wall between editorial and ads, and most of all—fair pay for journalists.

Audiences also need to wise up. People should be able to tell the difference between news and paid promotion. Right now, they can’t. And that’s why the Discaya interviews spread so fast. Viewers trusted the hosts. That trust was played like a card.

◼️ A Personal Reflection on Industry Complicity

I can’t pretend I don’t understand the temptation. I’ve seen colleagues choose survival over principle. And who am I to judge when bills are due and families are waiting at home? But I also know this: accepting economic reality doesn’t mean bowing to corruption.

Broadcast used to be about public service. Over time, it became entertainment. Then it became business. Now, integrity costs money while corruption pays. Unless that balance changes, this problem won’t go away.

And that’s why what Vico Sotto did matters. He didn’t just call out two broadcasters. He pulled back the curtain on a system. It’s uncomfortable, sure, but it’s the question that needs to be asked: in a democracy where information is power, what happens when that information is for sale?

We already know the answer. We’re living it. A political culture where money buys legitimacy, corruption trades in credibility, and public trust is treated like another product in the marketplace.

SOURCES:

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30. Contract ID NO.: 230E0213
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31. 24P00032 - Contract Name: Rehabilitation and ...
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32. Journalists should not be paid endorsers, air segments in ... - YouTube
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34. WATCH: Journalism Professor Danilo Arao on Vico Sotto ... - YouTube
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35. Pera pera lang? Yes, in Journalism, pay and ethics are tied
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36. For Filipino Journalists, Local Politics Can Be a Dangerous ...
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37. Advertising and News: Where's the line? - ONA EthicsONA Ethics
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38. [PDF] Battling media corruption in the Philippines: Profile interview
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39. Advertising Journalism: Benefits, Challenges and Ethical Concerns
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40. Books & Videos (PCIJ Investigative books)
https://pcij.org/books-videos/

41. Editorial vs Sponsored Content: Accelerating Trust and Reach in 2025
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42. How invisible ads undermine journalism ethics
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43. Advertorial vs. Editorial Content: What's the Difference? - Scribe Media
https://scribemedia.com/advertorial-vs-editorial/

44. How much does a journalist get paid in the Philippines?
https://www.reddit.com/r/Philippines/comments/3bsr4i/how_much_does_a_journalist_get_paid_in_the/

45. Journalism, Printing Arts & Media, Philippines salaries - Paylab
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46. PROGRAM STANDARDS - Region 7 NTC
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47. 18 Careers in Broadcasting: Salary Information and Job ...
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48. Blocktiming Practices in the Philippine Free TV Industry
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49. Rated K advertisement fees (Product/Brand Promotion)
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51. Broadcast Code of 2007
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52. Digital Media Kit
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53. Report From the Philippines: The Sad Reality of Our Corrupt Media
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54. PPC, SEM, & SMM Ads Philippines | CODM
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56. Social Media Marketing Solutions by PurpleClick
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68. Arnold Clavio tinira ng fans ni Vico Sotto, pero dedma - bandera
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69. ARNOLD CLAVIO TINAMAAN DIN KAY VICO SOTTO ... - YouTube
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70. GMA News anchor Arnold Clavio reacts to Pasig mayor Vico Sotto's ...
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71. Arnold Clavio, nagbigay ng matinding pahayag laban sa akusasyon ...
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72. Arnold Clavio kay Vico Sotto: 'Wag kang magtago sa mga pasaring
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73. Arnold Clavio explodes at Vico Sotto – but is he just digging ...
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75. Vico Sotto Post About "Paid Interviews" Of Journalists Earns ...
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76. Arnold Clavio tells victims of sexual abuse in showbiz: Speak up
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77. Arnold Clavio, todo Depensa sa kapwa Journalist
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24/08/2025

Ano ang masasabi niyo sa National Expenditure Program for 2026?

I have reviewed Volume 1 of the NEP 2026. Ok lang naman po kung mataas ang budget – basta malinaw kung paano masisiguro na hindi mauuwi sa korapsyon at siguradong makikinabang ang taumbayan. Kaya’t may ilang tanong akong nais ihain.

A. Office of the President (OP) Budget and CIF

1. Bakit biglang tumaas ng halos PHP 11.5B ang budget ng Office of the President mula PHP 15.9B patungong PHP 27.3B sa 2026? Ano ang specific and detailed projects na nag-justify nito?
2. Out of this, PHP 4.5B ay Confidential and Intelligence Funds (CIF). Alam nating mahirap i-audit ang CIF. Paano masisiguro ng Kongreso na hindi mauuwi sa maling paggamit lalo na’t halos 42 percent ng lahat ng CIF sa gobyerno nasa OP lang?
3. Kung ang OVP nga ay nagtanggal ng CIF dahil sa public backlash, bakit nananatiling PHP 4.5B sa OP?

B. Presidential Travel
4. May nakalaang PHP 1.018B para sa biyahe ng Pangulo. Ano ang concrete outcomes ng halos PHP 4.61B na nagastos mula 2023 hanggang 2026 sa foreign at local trips?
5. May mechanism ba para i-publish ang cost-benefit analysis kada biyahe (hal. investments, agreements signed, jobs created) para makita ng publiko kung sulit ang gastos?

C. Department of Education (DepEd)
6. DepEd ang pinakamalaki ang budget sa 2026, PHP 1.224T. Ok lang po ito dahil education is top priority – pero paano masisiguro na hindi mauulit ang mga anomalyang nakita ng COA, gaya ng PHP 12.3B disallowances at ang overpriced laptop fiasco?
7. Ano ang concrete reforms na gagawin ng DepEd para ayusin ang procurement at financial management bago ibuhos ang dagdag na pondo?
8. May performance targets ba na dapat i-report quarterly – tulad ng bilang ng classrooms built, textbooks delivered, at teachers trained – para masabi nating good increase talaga ang budget at hindi sayang ang dagdag na pera?

D. NTF-ELCAC Barangay Development Program

9. Bakit tinaasan ang BDP (Barangay Development Program) mula PHP 2B noong 2025 tungong PHP 8.1B sa 2026 (PHP 10M kada barangay)? Kung bawat barangay ay may guarantee na milyones, pero walang malinaw na guidelines at mahirap i-track ng COA ang paggamit, hindi ba ito nagiging modern pork barrel na puwedeng gamitin para sa patronage politics at electioneering?”

11. Ano ang safeguards para matiyak na ang PHP 10M per barangay ay talagang napupunta sa tama at hindi lang nagiging political fund ng local officials? Dahil may existing funds na ang mga barangay mula sa NTA, LGU Support Fund, at line agency projects (DPWH, DA, DepEd, DOH), bakit kailangan pa ng duplicated BDP na pinapatakbo ng NTF-ELCAC—isang militarized task force at hindi civilian development agency? Marcos said this is to provide support programs, including farm-to-market roads, school buildings, water and sanitation systems, health stations, and electrification for each of the 808 cleared barangays as certified by the NTF-ELCAC.

E. Flood Control and DPWH
12. Flood control projects ay nakakuha ng PHP 274.9B kahit mismong Pangulo ang umamin na 15 contractors lang ang kumain ng PHP 545B flood projects mula 2022. Ano ang plano ng Kongreso para i-break ang contractor cartel at tanggalin ang 30–40 percent kickbacks na iniulat?
13. May master plan ba na sinusunod o project insertions lang kada distrito? At papaano obligahin ang DPWH na magbigay ng quarterly project progress reports para makita kung may ghost projects?

F. Unprogrammed Appropriations
14. May PHP 250B unprogrammed funds na nakalaan, kasama ang PHP 80.86B para sa infra and social assistance na sobrang vague. Paano ito naiiba sa dating PDAF lump-sum system na idineklara nang unconstitutional ng Supreme Court?
15. Ano ang safeguard para hindi ito maging backdoor pork barrel tuwing bicam insertions?

Explanation: Ang unprogrammed funds ay red flag dahil hindi ito line-itemized sa NEP. Nakapila lang ito at pwedeng ilabas kung may excess revenue o bagong loans. Ang problema, sobrang vague ng mga kategorya gaya ng infra/social assistance kaya puwedeng ipasok kahit anong proyekto nang walang sapat na deliberation. Historically, dito pinapasok ang mga last-minute insertions ng mga mambabatas, kaya ito ang pinakaginagamit na backdoor pork barrel.

Dagdag pang isyu: sa unprogrammed funds ng 2026, kasama ang health emergency allowance at benefits para sa healthcare frontliners (PHP 6.76B). Bakit ito nakalagay sa unprogrammed at hindi sa regular health budget? Ang resulta, kung walang sapat na revenue o loans, baka hindi ma-release ang allowances ng ating health workers. Hindi ba dapat priority at guaranteed item ito, imbes na nakatali sa availability ng extra funds?

G. Health and PhilHealth
16. PhilHealth ay nakatanggap ng PHP 53.3B subsidy para sa 2026. Ano ang mga reforms na ipinatupad laban sa ghost claims at fraud bago sila bigyan ulit ng ganito kalaking subsidy?
17. Paano sisiguraduhin na ang dagdag pondo ay magta-translate into mas mababang out-of-pocket costs para sa ordinaryong pasyente, at hindi lang matambak sa reserves ng PhilHealth?

H. GOCC Subsidies
18. May PHP 188.3B subsidy sa GOCCs tulad ng NIA at NHA, kahit taon-taon binabaha ng unfinished projects at inefficiencies. May clear performance benchmarks ba bago ibigay ang subsidies?
19. Ano ang accountability mechanism kapag hindi na-deliver ng GOCC ang mga proyektong dapat sana ay funded ng subsidy?

I. Disaster and Special Purpose Funds
20. Calamity Fund ay PHP 31B. Kung underutilized dati, bakit hindi nirealign ang sobra sa mas urgent needs gaya ng classrooms or hospitals?
21 Ano ang metrics para sukatin ang success ng Calamity Fund – dapat bang bilang ng families aided at infrastructure restored, hindi lang pera released?

J. General Oversight
22. May plano ba ang Kongreso na mag-require ng quarterly public reports on CIF, lump-sums, and unprogrammed appropriations? Kung wala, paano magiging transparent ang paggamit nito?
23. Ano ang konkretong hakbang para siguraduhin na ang PHP 6.793T NEP 2026 ay hindi magiging feeding ground ng political dynasties at ghost contractors?

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