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12/06/2018
07/12/2017

THE FAIZABAD PHENOMENON AND ARMY
HOMEANALYSIS & COMMENTARYTHE FAIZABAD PHENOMENON AND ARMY

06 DECThe Faizabad Phenomenon and Army

Written by Lt. General Tariq Khan (Retired)

Categorised Extremism, Pakistan, Terrorism.

People view the recent Faizabad fracas as an ugly event; an aberration that locked down the Capital City. The citizens of Islamabad were inconvenienced. They wanted the government to relieve them of their misery – nay, they demanded; the roads be cleared and the mullahs be sent packing. It did not matter to most how this was to be done but that it be done. No one really wanted to dirty their hands dealing with this ruckus, it was as if it was somebody else’s problem yet it was affecting everyone else. Its resolution became talk of town, the search was on for a quick fix, the courts took suo-moto notice and preachers galore, of every colour and every disposition, were called in to reason with the unreasonable. Finally the Army was called in; they did what they thought was best. The roads were cleared, no shots were fired, the mullahs sent back.

Pakistan has time and again been subjected to ideological crisis, its people are obsessed with saving Islam. Even King Farouk of Egypt was led to state that it seems Islam was born in Pakistan in 1947. The people of Pakistan talk of how ‘we conquered Spain’, deriving an association with history through the commonality of ideology and confusing it with nationality. We incite violence in the name of religion almost every day. We take offence to real or perceived insults at the drop of a pin and regardless where it occurred, go to the street to dismantle our own country in wanton rage. Governments have been found wanting in containing and controlling the genie that they let loose by morphing and distorting their own constitution over and over again and making it into an instrument of persecution and discrimination. Now we cannot differentiate between a sin and a crime anymore as our very religion has been hijacked by the unscrupulous who twist it and turn it, while society prances behind these divines, hooting encouragement as they bay for blood. Reason is sacrificed at the altar of emotion, as accusations born of rumour take on a life of their own; lynching becomes the norm and justice is dispensed by murdering our own governor. The government of the time did not even have the courage to say a prayer for their own governor in the parliament. This was the environment in which the Army was called in to save the government from its own machinations. It was a judgement call; should they have tried to address the much larger and real issue of a radical society or then diffuse what was an obviously difficult situation. They sensibly chose the latter.

Yet everyone was up in arms. A deal had been made, the mullahs had been appeased; there was disappointment that there had been no hell, fire or fury. Some demanded F 16s bombings like in FATA – why not, after all if it can happen there why not here. People fail to comprehend that even in FATA, where there was an organised armed resistance, there was no military solution. The military only creates an environment for the government to apply itself; it cannot shoot the government into relevance; that is for the government itself to manage. Faizabad was not about 2500 protesters as much as establishing the government’s moral writ after they lost credibility and allowed dissatisfaction to spread nationwide. The Army could not have done that even if it had killed every single protester in Faizabad. The Justice of Islamabad High Court was not satisfied, he was the same justice who earlier had been very upset with the violent clearance of Lal Masjid, now he was upset with the peaceful resolution at Faizabad. I suppose one cannot please some regardless of what one may do but it indicates what the Army had to deal with – damned if you do, damned if you don’t!

Conclusions are now broadcasted by our experts. Extremism has been given a boost, The Economist says Pakistan Army is undermining the Civil Government, Babar Sattar, a PMLn lawyer, calls it a reign of terror. Well we have seen these thing before: the Ahmadia riots of 1956 and Justice Munir Report on which no action was taken and the question of who is a Muslim and who is not, remained unanswered. Then Bhutto’s appeasement of the mullahs in declaring Friday as a holiday, nationwide prohibition and declaring Ahmadis as non-muslims, was done to save his own skin; it did not work. Zia’s reign of misguided righteousness that corrupted society rather than make them any holier resonates in the intolerance and extremism we witness even today. Handing over Swat to Sufi Muhammad is another aberration that we have survived where there is a parallel constitution that is technically still in vogue. Does anyone have the courage to throw that out? So having looked into the stuff we are made of and the people that we are, no, there is no indication of extremism or intolerance on the rise; it’s simply business as usual. There is no evidence that the State will be taken over by the Mullahs, they already dictate policies. Why don’t these same liberals talk of amending the constitution and separating religion from politics? Give religion the much greater status of a divine order rather allowing bigoted, uneducated people an opportunity to exploit it for personal pelf and privilege. What happened at Faizabad was a clear indication of no visible government and to expect the Army to fire fight every crisis that occurs due to the gerrymandering of a government that is totally lacking in capacity and capability, is being unfair. However, if that really is the way to go, then why be selective, let’s start with Model Town killings and let the Army resolve that first through military courts established on the insistence and direction of this parliament.

We, in Pakistan are incapable of regulating our traffic, we cannot manage our own garbage, we steal utilities, we litter everywhere, every office is dysfunctional, every institution irrelevant and yet we thing that there is a will and design to put the mullah in his place. In Pakistan anyone with a tin-can and a loud-speaker standing by the road can collect funds from this same fawning uneducated public through the former and spew hatred through the same public with the latter. We are good at making laws; NACTA and NAP are two such illustrations of slogans without substance. We have not been able to even enact the Madrassa reforms, we instead fund them by government initiatives, misusing the tax payers’ money and then we expect that by some miracle the mullah will be contained. We ourselves cultivate and organize various religious groups as part of the political process with each political party having its own nuisance groups. Yet here we want to pluck out one issue of the many issues that plague our lives, the one that is directly a glaring consequence of poor governance and want the Army to correct it but ignore everything else that had a role in causing it.

With all these issues, yet it is widely rumoured that we have a political government with a functional democracy, and if there is one and it is democratic, then, in the case of the Faizabad situation, it’s they who broke it, it is for them to fix it – politically or democratically, however they deem best. One is at pain to convince people to look at the larger picture, Faizabad is not an event; it is a phenomenon. The phenomenon is one where there is literally no application of law, no regulation and no management. Our government is neither political nor democratic, according to the Supreme Court, it is a gang of crooks driven by the rules of the mafia. The Constitution is a document to eloquently quote from but only where it suits the one quoting from it. It has no practical implication where society, the people or the State come into the equation; in fact it is irrelevant. This is the consequence of continuing to live with this aberration we continue to call a system of governance. We clash our cymbals in celebration of democracy where democracy has remained a mere label without any practical manifestation. In fact, religion and democracy in Pakistan have become a racket to exploit the State, its people and society. How does one explain the aberration of Maulana Diesel, chairman of the Kashmir Committee or maulvi Burqa, head honcho of Lal Masjid, both living off the State’s largesse and for doing nothing, the only thing they do best? Which country in the world allows such shameless people to live off the land and for no reasonable purpose or useful function? Where do people anywhere in the world allow a clown with a telescope loose on its people to decide their schedules for celebrations and events and then pay him for his troubles? Yet we as a society, a public and as citizens take all this in seriously and with solemn acceptance!! It is now for the people to decide, if this is what they want, then there will be many more Faizabads, in different ways and in different colours but it will not be because of extremism and intolerance but more on account of the total absence of governance. So it is amusing to see the chattering classes give their intelligent but aimless opinions on the micro-management issues of Faizabad, of what all happened and what did not, yet miss the huge elephant that is prancing before them; THERE IS NO GOVERNMENT.

If the Army had moved in under article 245, shot at the people and established order at Faizabad, yes, there may have been some who would have been convinced and others even happy but governance would not have been restored just as it is not restored even now, nor will it be in the future, if matters remain as they are. This will get worse by the day – anarchy, lynching, murder and exploitation of society. Army action would not have made it better but worse because the solution was never in enforcement of article 245 or military action. The solution squarely lay in NACTA, NAP, social de-radicalisation and reasonable Governance. Unless we recover our institutions and discover a government that has the political will and the moral capacity to act when it should, it will only get worse. This is what should be recognised by all instead of looking for every other reason under the sun for our woes; please recognise the reality of the situation – the Army is not Pakistan’s enemy, it’s your Army. As was famously said, you will always have an Army, if it’s not your own, it will be someone else’s.

Lt. General Tariq Khan (Retired)
Advisor & Senior Analyst at CommandEleven
Lt. General Tariq Khan (Retired), an erudite general from Pakistan's Armored Corps and a decorated War Veteran, is an expert on critical issues related to Terrorism & Insurgencies. General Tariq Khan during the Battle of Bajaur, transformed and re-shaped Frontier Corps into a relentless fighting force and raised FC's own special forces popularly known as SOG. Commanded and led major operations in FATA from the frontline, his model on counter-insurgency is still applied to this day.
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27/08/2017

From the FB. wall of Brig. Saad Muhammad

The dubious role of the mullahs in the NWFP, tribal areas and Afghanistan during the last two decades of British rule. Later in the 1980s, Zia unleashed these medieval forces of darkness on the entire region with the most sophisticated weapons.

The Diaries of Sir George Cunningham (Governor of NWFP during British Rule):

Since the entire policy of the British was based on Islam, therefore, it is important to record the diaries in detail. This will further inform the people how the British used these so-called devotees of Islam, followers of the Prophet, and inheritorsof Namaz to serve their ends. And their entire faith was sold cheap.

George Cunningham's diaries are a shocking record of men nurtured at the excellent Islamic school at Deoband, who were busy serving the British. With the Holy Book in their hand and the Tasbih strung around their neck, these pilgrims set out to spread me word of colonialism,British Imperialism, and, for a few pieces of silver, agreed to serve as the custodians of slavery for the Indian people.

George Cunningham's diaries are available at the India Office Library, London.

The British policy of communalism could not work in the Frontier Province. Here, Muslims were in such an overwhelming majority that they were not afraid of any other community. Secondly, the Pakhtoons were so confident of their own strength that no one could impose any unwanted policy on them.

It became obvious that any people who were ready to tackle a strong, cruel and oppressive race like the British could not be cowed down. Therefore, the British generally sought out the Maulanas; and in the tribal areas and Afghanistan, they especially combined forces with the Maulanas. These religious leaders were expected, to align with the British against Russia. During the Russian Revolution of 1917, the British realized that along with the military strength a new ideology had emerged. Their experienced eye focused on Islam as the only way to confront and confound the ideological strength of the Russians. When faced with a real danger in the person of Amir Amanullah Khan, they used Islam against Muslims. With utmost cunning, Islam was used against a Pakhtoon ruler and the Muslims of Afghanistan. When Hi**er's armies darkened European borders, the British, once again, found their boundaries endangered. At that lime we witnessed Islam being used in India to further British interest. It served as a useful ideological weapon against the USSR. During turbulent times in the Frontier Province, the British once again used Islam . Islam as a political force was strengthened not only in the Frontier Province, but also in the tribal areas and in Afghanistan.

Cunningham wrote that Kuli Khan (Grandfather of Gen Ali Kuli ?? )was being used as the Mullah liaison. He was commissioned to work secretly with the tribal Mullahs and with others who were not prepared to come out in open support. It was a simple case of establishing an Islamic stronghold to combat the Kafirs including the Bolsheviks. The first Mullah recruited by Cunningham was Mullah Marwat. He was formerly connected with the Khaksar movement. Kuli Khan assured him that the only way he could serveIslam was by raising the slogan of Jihad against the enemies of Islam. Through Mullah Marwat, Kuli Khan established relations with the office bearers of the Jamiat-u-Ulema-e-Sarhad, and their supporters in India

These Mullahs, many of whom had consistently been anti-British, began to speak and write against the Russians and Germans. Subsidies were paid to all Mullahs through Mullah Marwat.

It was the responsibility of these Mullahs to tell the nation that since the British were believers in the book, Ahl-e Kitaab, even marriage with them was legal. On the other hand, the Russians were Bolsheviks; not only did they not believe in a revealed book, they did not believe in the existence of God. Therefore, the British and the Muslims were united in their common aspiration to fight this infidel race. They were required to continually remind the Muslims that enlisting in the British Army and fighting along with the British is a service to Islam.

Cunningham records that he persuaded the leaders of the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Sarhad to go to Waziristan and convince Faqir Ipi that since the British were at war against the Germans and Italians, Faqir should not bother them because they were now fighting against an infidel race. Their war, in its own way, was a Jihad, therefore, Faqir's Jehad against them should be called off. The British were conducting this intrigue with utmost secrecy. Their enemies had no suspicion that such documents and letters were being exchanged. Cunningham was happy that Faqir’s deputy, Mohammad Waris' letter written to Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Sarhad was friendly in tone. It became evident that Faqir and his companions had no inkling that the Mullahs were accomplices of the British, with explicit instructions from them.

Cunningham made three groups among the Maulanas. The smaller Mullahs were handed to the local Khans. Those slightly superior in rank reported through the Deputy Commissioners. The senior ones had a direct line to the Governor Cunningham:

" I have not been in touch with any of the smaller Mullahs myself. I have done it through me following agents with whom practically all my connections have been verbal, as little is put on paper as possible. Ghulam Haider of Sherpao village…he told me that he thought he could work through about nine or ten Mullahs including those of the following villages: Razzar, Kot, Tarnab, Tongi, Utmanzai and Umarzai later Prang and Charsadda. "

Cunningham wrote that he had asked Ghulam Haider of Sherpao village to meet each Mullah on an individual basis, prepare him to serve the true cause of Islam, give him forty fifty rupees, tell him that he will receive another visit after four months, at which time he should be prepared to brief the authorities about his activities to date. Cunningham asked the Khan Bahadur to hint to the Mullahs that if their work proves satisfactory they could expect a government pension. In return, Khan Bahadur toldCunningham that certain Mullahs were most untrustworthy. Better, if they were called in each month, but they should be well paid. Cunningham said that he had given Ghulam Haider of Sherpao village Rs 600. The list of Mullahs from districts Naushera and Peshawar was handed to the Deputy Commissioner, Iskander Mirza.

The Mullahs of Swat, Baneer, Mardan and Rani Zai were the responsibility of the Prime Minister of Swat, Hazrat Ali. Cunningham wrote, "The Wazir-i-Azam [Hazrat Ali of Swat] sent me a list of the Mullahs through whom he is working. He is paying them an average of Rs15.00 per month."

This was unfair, for the Mullahs of Hashtnagar and Doaba were paid only Rs 10 per month. The Mullahs of Kohat were the responsibility of the Deputy Commissioner of that area. The Mullahs of Bannu were entrusted to Nawab Zafar Khan and Taj Ali. The latter was Khan Bahadur Ghulam Haider's son.

Cunningham had given Rs 600 to the Deputy Commissioner of Dera Ismail Khan, Mohammad Aslam, to pass along to three spiritual leaders of that area, Ama Khel Faqir, Pir Musa, and Pir Zakoori; two hundred rupees a piece. They were given the assurance that if their work was satisfactory they could get a raise!

Regarding Syed Abdul Jabbar of Satana, Cunningham wrote that he was connected with Hyderabad Deccan, and waspaid by the Prime Minister, Sir Akbar Hydari. That Hyderabad would pay for the work that was done for the British was perfectly acceptable to Cunningham. He reports that Khan informed him that work was successfully completed at Sawabi,and that he had sent his cousin to look after the affairs of Bajaur. The Afridi Mullahs of Khyber were the responsibility of the political agent, Bacon. Cunningham had a long standing relationship with Maulvi Barkatullah, the leader of the Mujahideen:

My arrangement uptil now with him [Maulvi Barkatullah of Asmos] has been that he comes to see me once or twice a year. Barkatullah said he could also do a good deal through ten or twelve Maulvis in different places throughout Bajaur Mohmand country.... I paid him Rs 1000. I asked him to recruit ten or twelve Maulvis from Bajaur within this amount, and contact me in a couple of months.

Cunningham, then gave a detailed account of the activities of Kuli Khan and the Maulanas. It seems that a lot of work was accomplished through the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind. They organized several assemblies, passed a few motions, printed pamphlets and made contacts by touring various areas. In Cunningham's records there is evidence of anti-Congress propaganda along with anti-war statements. "Maulana Mohammad Shuaib toured the Mardan district, condemning Satyagraha. A pamphlet by Maulana Midra ullahcondemned war situation and was anti-Congress."

Cunningham wrote that the Pir of Musa Zai came to visit him at Peshawar. He was friendly with Sher Ali. The latter was able to enlist the support of the Pir Taunsa. He had agreed to go along with him but unfortunately for him became involved in a civil suit.

In Khyber the political agent entrusted his work to Maulana Abdul Baqi. He placed implicit trust in him and claimed to have given him Rs 1000.

When the war broke out and Hi**er became the supreme dictator, the British had to face defeat from all directions. They became concerned that the USSR, taking advantage of the situation, may move towards India. To forestall this possibility the Jamiat-ul-Ulema declared at their annual general meeting that if Russia attacked Afghanistan it was the duty of all Muslims to Join the Jehad against them. When the British were satisfied that there was no fear from Russia, Cunningham issued an edict, "I advised Kuli Khan to modify his anti Bolshevik propaganda and to concentrate more on propaganda against Germany and Italy

It is difficult to conceive how a true Muslim could bear to side with his sworn enemies. Right from the time of Sultan Salahuddin until the Ottoman Empire, the British had routed the Muslims. The British-Indian army had showered the Great Mosque with bullets.

They had seized the throne from the Mughal Emperors. The memory of their treatment of the last Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah Zafar, and his children will long linger in human memory. Then, before the very eyes of their brethren in the Frontier Province, how badly they treated the Pakhtoons in Afghanistan. Amir Dost Mohammad Khan, Amir Sher AH Khan, and, finally, Amir Amanullah Khan, all these Muslims were destroyed by the British. Were the Mullahs unaware of all the atrocities inflicted by the British on the Khudai Khidmatgars from 1930 onwards? Their bombing and attacks on the tribal areas were no secret for the Mullahs, and neither was their military action on Wazir, Masood, Afridi and Momand. The war against true believers and Mujahids like Haji Sahib Turang Zai and Faqir Ipi was inspired and instigated by the British.

The Mullahs were concerned neither with Islam, nor Quran, nor with the faith itself. These followers of the Holy Prophet were busy selling religion for ten or fifteen rupees a month. The British were their Muftis and Qazis. Their religious sanction came from the British. Having raised the sword in the name of Islam, they were prepared to pounce upon the "enemy" at the slightest nod from the British. If the British called the Russians "infidels", the Mullahs echoed "Yes". If the British declared the same for the Germans, the Mullah's nodded in agreement although the Germans like the English were Ahl e Kitaab. The Mullahs did not concern themselves with the principles: they waited upon the pleasure of the British. When it was a question of damningItaly, the Mullahs echoed the British sentiment without recognizing that Rome was the seat of Christianity, and Vatican city, residence of the Pope.

Cunningham wrote:

"Wazir-i-Aam of Swat is now employing eighteen Mullahs at Mardan and thirty two at Pir Baba Ziarat, paying each one of them thirty rupees per month."

Cunningham further wrote that Maulana Mohammad Shuaib and Maulana Midrarullah came to see him at Nathiagalli. They brought a detailed, Urdu pamphlet which was intended for distribution in the districts (Zillahs) and tribal areas. It was an excellentpamphlet; anti-Congress, anti-Japan and anti-Germany. What better proof could there be that these Mullahs wanted to "serve" Islam, and in what better way could they "serve" it than to perform Jehad with the militancy of their pen? They pronounced Islamic Judgements(Fatwas), but these were first approved by the British before they were announced:

Maulana Mohammad Shuaib and Maulana Midrarullah came to see me at Nathiagalli on the 26th August and produced a long draft in Urdu of the pamphlet which they proposed to issue both in the Districts and in Tribal Territories; all goodanti-Congress, anti-Japanese and anti-Marxist stuff. They were extremely friendly.

The British did Islam a good turn by recording the names and addresses of these Mullahs. There were twenty-four Mullahs from the Peshawar district, of whom six were from the city of Peshawar, thirteen from the Tehsil Charsadda, three from Tehsil Naushera, and eighteen from Mardan and Sawabi. And so it goes. It is humiliating to read how these interpreters of religion sold their conscience to the political agents and bartered Islam for a few pieces of silver! It is further painful to see proof of their false Judgements (Fatwas) upon true sons and patriots of India. What amazing manipulations! To preserve their imperial regime the British were able to raise and organize a band of servile Muslims who never demanded a free India. On the contrary they resistedthe freedom movement, and fully supported the British, confident of material support from them and moral support from their so-called interpretation of Islam.

The British strategy was to befriend those families whose heads were involved in the freedom struggle. The two most important persons fighting the Jehad against the British were Faqir of Ipi and Mullah Pawandah. Another crucial link was Haji Sahib Turangzai of Momand. The British were most interested in ingratiating themselves with these three individuals. And their greatest triumph was to win over the sons of these valiant patriots. Mullah Pawandah's son Fazal Din and Haji Turangzai's son Padsha Gul. If one were to assess the state of things it becomes apparent that there were very few influential persons in the districts and tribes whom the British had not obtained for a price. After the death of Haji SahibTurangzai and Mullah Pawandah, Faqir was the only stalwart whom they could not buy!

An interesting incident occurred when, after the outbreak of the war in Europe, the British tried to persuade the Afghans to throw out the Germans. To pressurize the Afghans, they invited Shami Pir to the tribal territory, instructing him to incite the people against the royal family of Afghanistan. When the British were satisfied that the task had been successfully completed, they called Shami Pir to the Vana cantonment in Waziristan. They settled with him for £25,000. Shami Pir performed a disappearing trick! Having seen this task successfully completed the Secretary of State for India was thrilled. He asked the Viceroy to make a similar deal with Faqir. The Viceroy's reply is dated 14 July 1938. "There is, I fear, no possible chance in dealing with him on the same basis as Shami Pir. He is not only implacable, but also completely incorruptible. Who would rid me of this turbulent priest?"

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