The Kurdistan Tribune

The Kurdistan Tribune The Kurdistan Tribune is an independent platform for Kurdish news and opinion. And we want to feature everyday developments in Kurdish life and culture.

Our mission is to speak the truth while promoting the well-being of our people and the cause of Kurdistan. Twenty years after the establishment of Kurdish rule in the south of Kurdistan, the recent mass protests against corruption and the harsh crackdown by the ruling parties highlight the need for a fresh look at our nation’s prospects. The Kurdistan Tribune is not linked to any political party o

r state and it will publish views from across the spectrum. Part of our goal is to explore how south Kurdistan can become a better model for all Kurdistan and the region – a model of pluralist, multi-party democracy upholding the rule of law and providing employment and fair shares for its people. We have an optimistic view of Kurdistan – a country with the potential to become a modern, developed society with good roads, clean air and the provision of care for the sick and elderly. We want to publish news, research and analysis that can contribute towards making this vision a reality. We also intend to cover events across Kurdistan, in territories where our countrymen and women continue to endure brutal national oppression. We urge you to make The Kurdistan Tribune yours. Get email updates about new articles. Tell us your suggestions for the website. And send us articles and information. We will consider everything of merit: short news stories from within Kurdistan, opinion pieces, research and analysis, photographs and videos (and we will always respect any need for confidentiality). We are looking for more, regular columnists – could this be you?

New novel "The Qandil File" is available now on Amazon.It’s not just a story.It’s a descent into memory, betrayal, and t...
30/08/2025

New novel "The Qandil File" is available now on Amazon.

It’s not just a story.
It’s a descent into memory, betrayal, and the hidden wars that shape Kurdistan.

A journalist begins pulling at a single thread of corruption. What unravels is a web of intelligence operations, power struggles, and truths buried deep in the mountains.

This isn’t a fast-paced thriller. It’s slower, sharper, and more unsettling. The tension comes from what’s real—the politics, the betrayals, the choices that haunt.

If you’ve ever wondered what lies beneath official stories, this book takes you there.

https://www.amazon.com/Qandil-File-Harem-Karem-ebook/dp/B0FMPJRJ3Q

هاوڕێیان

پەڕتوکە نوێکەم ئێستا لەئەمەزۆن بەردەستە

The Qandil File (فایلەکەی قەندیل)

ئەم ڕۆمانە پێکهاتووە لە حەفتا چاپتەر و بەزمانی ئینگلیزی نوسراوە. لەداهاتویەکی نزیکدا بەزمانی کوردی و عەرەبیش بڵاودەکرێتەوە.

لینکی ئەمەزۆن لە کۆمێنتە

My new novel The Qandil File is out now on Amazon.

It’s not just a story.
It’s a descent into memory, betrayal, and the hidden wars that shape Kurdistan.

A journalist begins pulling at a single thread of corruption. What unravels is a web of intelligence operations, power struggles, and truths buried deep in the mountains.

This isn’t a fast-paced thriller. It’s slower, sharper, and more unsettling. The tension comes from what’s real—the politics, the betrayals, the choices that haunt.

If you’ve ever wondered what lies beneath official stories, this book takes you there.

Link in the comment

By Arian Mufid:When Allied forces expelled Iraq from Kuwait in January 1991, President George H. W. Bush called for regi...
26/06/2025

By Arian Mufid:

When Allied forces expelled Iraq from Kuwait in January 1991, President George H. W. Bush called for regime change and encouraged the Iraqi people from the North and South of the country to rise up against Saddam Hussein. In response, uprisings erupted in the south and north of Iraq. However, these uprisings were brutally suppressed by Saddam’s regime. The United States abandoned the Iraqi people in their moment of need, leaving them at the mercy of dictator Saddam Hussein. This betrayal resulted in a mass exodus from Iraqi Kurdistan to the mountains. Over a million Kurdish people fled to the mountains in the cold spring to flee the violence.

In response, the U.S. administration sent Secretary of State James Baker to assess the situation. Observing the suffering from a helicopter, Baker concluded that the United States had a moral obligation to assist. Eventually, the U.S. provided humanitarian aid by airlifting food and blankets through Turkey, dropping large supply boxes from military aircraft. This wasn’t the first time the United States had betrayed the Kurds. In 1974 a similar betrayal took place when Secretary of State Henry Kissinger withdrew support for the Kurdish rebellion led by Barzani against Saddam. This took place after Iran and Iraq reached an agreement whereby Iran agreed to stop arming the Kurdish resistance in 1975.

The betrayal of the Kurds goes back even further, the Sykes-Picot agreement of May 1916, in which Britain and France redrew the map of the Middle East. As part of this imperialist scheme to divide the Ottoman Empire, the Kurdish homeland was carved into parts of what would become Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran. The Kurds were left stateless divided among British, French, and Russian spheres of influence. The agreement ignored Kurdish national aspirations entirely. Fearing Allied retribution for their perceived role in the Armenian genocide, and with no political allies, the Kurds found themselves isolated and vulnerable. For Britain, the Kurdish cause was not a priority especially in the face of appeasing central governments like those of Iraq, Iran, and Turkey.

Despite this, the Kurdish struggle for self-determination continued. On August 10, 1920, the Treaty of Sèvres acknowledged the desirability of a Kurdish homeland. Britain and France promised the full and final liberation of peoples oppressed by the Ottoman Empire, including the Kurds. Article 62 of Section III on Kurdistan empowered a commission composed of British, French, Italian, Persian, and Kurdish representatives to determine changes to Ottoman boundaries. However, this promise was never fulfilled. The Allied powers, especially Britain, abandoned Kurdish self-determination after World War I, prioritizing their colonial interests and the strategic value of the region.

When Iraq became an official state in 1932 under British mandate, the Kurds were again used as pawns in regional politics. The British deliberately maintained a complex stance: on one hand, acknowledging Kurdish concerns, but on the other, consistently favoring Iraq’s territorial integrity under British influence. This position continues on. In the 2017 Kurdish independence referendum, Britain refused to support full Kurdish independence, reaffirming its commitment to a federal Iraq.

Historically, the British Royal Air Force (RAF) even bombed Kurdish regions to suppress uprisings on Christmas Day December 25, 1920, when the Kurds were being led by Sheikh Mahmoud who opposed British colonial rule in Kurdistan. The British who divided Kurdistan have a moral obligation to ensure the protection and survival of the Kurdish people whose struggle against oppression and state violence continues at the hands of the states the British annexed their homeland into.

Citations:

• Randal, Jonathan. After Such Knowledge, What Forgiveness? My Encounters with Kurdistan. New York.1989

• Kissinger, Henry. World Order. (“Extraordinary, truly staggering…an unambiguous masterpiece.” — Tom Rogan, Washington Post, p. 326)

• Luqman Radpey. The Sèvres Centennial: Self-Determination and the Kurds, Volume 24, Issue 20, August 10, 2020.

By Arian Mufid: When Allied forces expelled Iraq from Kuwait in January 1991, President George H. W. Bush called for regime change and encouraged the Iraqi people from the North and South of the country to rise up against Saddam Hussein. In response, uprisings erupted in the south and north of Ir

نەمانی سیاسەتی نەختی لە هەرێمى کوردستان و عێراق د. موفید محمد نوورى
12/06/2025

نەمانی سیاسەتی نەختی لە هەرێمى کوردستان و عێراق

د. موفید محمد نوورى

د.موفید محمد نوورى

By Suare B: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s political career is a clear example of this idea—a story of smart partnerships, betra...
02/06/2025

By Suare B:

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s political career is a clear example of this idea—a story of smart partnerships, betrayed partners, and a brilliant for blindsiding opponents with predatory precision.

Like a leopard in the wild, Erdoğan thrives on the element of surprise, turning friends into foes and foes into scapegoats, all while navigating Turkey’s foggy political landscape with ruthless adaptability. Let’s explore his journey, from a street-smart underdog to a prominent leader who reshapes allies and adversaries with equal ease.

The Rise: A Chameleon’s Ascent
Erdoğan’s story begins in 1954, born to a coastguard’s family in Istanbul’s gritty Kasımpaşa district. His rise from these humble roots to Istanbul’s mayor in 1994 under the Welfare Party was fueled by an everyman charm that resonated with conservative Muslims, urban underdogs, and those exhausted of Turkey’s secular elite. He wasn’t just a politician; he was a symbol of defiance against the Kemalist old guard.

By 2001, as co-founder of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Erdoğan reinvented himself. Gone was the fiery Islamist; in his place stood a “conservative democrat” promising EU-friendly reforms and economic prosperity. His coalition was a broad tent: devout Sunnis, Kurds eyeing peace, liberals craving modernization, and even the Gülen movement, a powerful Islamic network that bolstered his fight against the military’s stranglehold on politics. The results were undeniable—poverty plummeted from 42% to 13.8% by 2013, and a flourishing middle class hailed him as their champion. Yet, beneath this success, the seeds of betrayal were already sown.

The Pivot: From Allies to Enemies
Erdoğan’s loyalty to allies is short-lived, like a shadow in an Istanbul storm. By the late 2000s, his democratic mask began to crack. The 2013 Gezi Park protests, sparked by plans to raze a green space for a mall, exposed his intolerance for dissent. The same urban liberals who once backed his reforms were now labeled “thugs” and met with tear gas. The Gülenists, instrumental in curbing the military, faced an even harsher fate. After the 2016 coup attempt—blamed on Fethullah Gülen’s followers—Erdoğan launched a purge of staggering scale. Over 100,000 people, from academics to soldiers, were jailed or sacked, often on evidence as thin as a rumor. The irony? The Gülenists, once his battering ram, became his new “terrorist” obsession.

Even AKP backbones weren’t safe. Figures like former President Abdullah Gül and ex-Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, who helped build the party’s empire, were sidelined as Erdoğan tightened his grip, especially after the 2017 shift to a presidential system. Loyalty, it seems, is a one-way street in Erdoğan’s world.

The Adversaries: A Sledgehammer Approach
Erdoğan’s approach to political rivals combines razor-sharp calculation with raw displays of power. The judiciary became his weapon of choice, orchestrated to crush threats like Ekrem İmamoğlu, the charismatic Istanbul mayor who defeated the AKP in 2019. By 2025, İmamoğlu was jailed on fishy corruption charges, conveniently timed to derail his presidential candidacy. The Kurds, too, tasted betrayal. Early peace talks with the PKK won Erdoğan votes, but when political tides turned, he embraced nationalism, branding Kurds as terrorists and launching military campaigns. His 2023 election leaned heavily on anti-Kurdish rhetoric, torching bridges he’d once built.

The media, once a lively arena, became a graveyard of dissent. Independent outlets were shut down, journalists jailed, and loyalists installed to ensure Erdoğan’s narrative—heroic “reis” versus treacherous enemies—reigned supreme. By 2025, Turkey’s media was a chorus of pro-Erdoğan voices, with nary a whisper of opposition.

The Global Game: Friends, Foes, and Flip-Flops
Erdoğan’s foreign policy is a study in contradictions. His “zero problems with neighbors” slogan gave way to conflicts with Syria, Greece, Israel, and even NATO allies. He’s backed Syrian rebels, clashed with Kurds, and sparred with Greece over Mediterranean resources. Yet, when pragmatism calls, he pivots—brokering grain deals between Russia and Ukraine or warming ties with Saudi Arabia for economic relief. His ability to shift from firebrand to dealmaker keeps adversaries guessing, but it’s less about principle and more about survival.

The Grand Irony
Erdoğan’s career is a paradox wrapped in ambition. He rose as a liberator, vowing to dismantle Turkey’s elitist shackles, yet became the elite enforcer of his own system. His playbook—charm, betrayal, judicial strong-arming, and nationalist pivots—has kept him in power for over two decades. Allies like the Gülenists, liberals, and Kurds, once his stepping stones, now bear the scars of his betrayal, while rivals like İmamoğlu face his unrelenting machine. Loved by loyalists, loathed by critics, Erdoğan remains Turkey’s “reis,” proving that in politics, irony is the only constant.

By Suare B: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's political career is a clear example of this idea—a story of smart partnerships, betrayed partners, and a brilliant for blindsiding opponents with predatory precision. Like a leopard in the wild, Erdoğan thrives on the element of surprise, turning friends int

https://kurdistantribune.com/why-do-kurds-lack-a-free-kurdistan/
12/05/2025

https://kurdistantribune.com/why-do-kurds-lack-a-free-kurdistan/

By Suare B: Internal Fragmentation and KDP’s Complicity with Regional Powers Undermine Kurdish Aspirations The dream of a free and independent Kurdistan remains elusive, despite the Kurds’ enduring struggle across generations and borders. While external forces—particularly the hostility of reg

Kurds Need Filmmakers Like Halime AktürkBy Nick Kossovan:"Despite our suffering, nobody cares about us. We have shared o...
23/04/2025

Kurds Need Filmmakers Like Halime Aktürk

By Nick Kossovan:

"Despite our suffering, nobody cares about us. We have shared our stories, but even then, they have not done anything for us." - Leyla Telo, a survivor of the Yazidi genocide.

Some films make you "realize." Ezda, a short documentary film by emerging Kurdish-Canadian filmmaker Halime Aktürk, in which Ezda, a survivor of the Yazidi genocide carried out by ISIS between 2014 and 2017, opens up about her life while in captivity and her efforts to start a new life for herself and her children in Canada, is such a film.
Through Ezda, Halime does a brilliant job of bringing to life the central defining element of Kurdish cinema—presenting the hardships and traumas experienced by Kurds, being honest about what many Kurds are feeling and thinking without being overly guarded or curated.

Additionally impressive is how Ezda touches on the Kurdish geopolitical dichotomy, a topic hardly discussed in the West. You'd be hard-pressed to find someone outside of the Middle East who knows Kurds are the world's largest ethnic group—thought to number between 36 million and 46 million—without a country. Kurds have no place to call "home." As a result of persecution, they've been forced to settle, such as Ezda did, wherever they could, resulting in Kurds becoming a diasporan international community that stretches across the globe.As a Yazidi, Ezda's story has an additional geopolitical layer. There's a long-running debate about Yazidi identity among Yazidi communities and scholars. Yazidis are generally considered a Kurdish-speaking, endogamous religious group indigenous to Kurdistan. Therefore, Yazidis are regarded as Kurds and, consequently, experience the same geopolitical circumstances as other Kurdish groups in Iraq.

As a result of my upbringing— a father having experienced the post-World War II geopolitical tensions that created the Cold War, which gradually morphed into détente, and the Western media encouraging an "us versus them" divide with the term "Eastern Europe"—I view the world through its many divides, West vs. East, Political Left vs. Political Right, He vs. Her, War Mongering vs. Peace Loving... you get the picture. I look for and, predictably, see the ongoing power struggles over individual and collective (read: governments) self-interests that keep the world in constant disharmony. Therefore, as I watched Ezda, the geopolitical divisiveness that forced Ezda to be part of the Kurdish global diaspora jumped out at me while also triggering a question—again, thanks to my upbringing—I've been thinking about for years...
https://kurdistantribune.com/kurds-need-filmmakers-like-halime-akturk/

By Nick Kossovan: "Despite our suffering, nobody cares about us. We have shared our stories, but even then, they have not done anything for us." - Leyla Telo, a survivor of the Yazidi genocide. Some films make you "realize." Ezda, a short documentary film by emerging Kurdish-Canadian filmmaker

By Dr. Muhamad Sabir Kareem:If we begin with the truth that one of the basic elements in defining the concept of peace i...
03/04/2025

By Dr. Muhamad Sabir Kareem:

If we begin with the truth that one of the basic elements in defining the concept of peace includes the maintenance of justice and the reduction of violence, as well as identifying the factors behind war, violence, and organized oppression, then we can say that the peace process between the PKK and the Turkish state is far from being judged according to these elements of peace. Based on these principles, we must acknowledge that, while resisting military threats is necessary to maintain national security, on the opposing side, ending colonial oppression and supporting the liberation movement is essential to achieving real peace between both sides of the conflict.

In response to what we discussed in Part 1 regarding the shortcomings and inconsistencies related to the main subject of this essay, and in light of the truth mentioned above, we observe the following shortcomings in this peace attempt:

1. First of all, this attempt began with only one side: the Kurdish members of the DEM Party, followed by the imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan. After several trips and communications between them and Öcalan in his place of imprisonment on Imrali Island, as well as their visits to the Kurdistan Region, they announced their declaration in a hotel in Istanbul on February 27, 2025. No members of the Turkish government nor any representatives from the Bahçeli party were present at the announcement.

2. In any peace process between two or more sides, there should be numerous direct or indirect meetings to discuss the main points and conditions of the conflict. It is important to involve a third party, preferably a representative of the UN or the EU, to ensure international oversight. This is especially important for the side that has faced a more tragic historical experience. Incidentally, it is worth mentioning that the history of the Kurds is filled with damage and failure in this regard. However, this peace attempt, to this point, has been marked by significant shortcomings.

3. Although the peace message was intended to be read by Öcalan (the imprisoned leader) at the Turkish Parliament, it was later supposed to be read at his place of imprisonment. However, none of this actually took place. Instead, the message was read by some members of the DEM Party at a hotel in Istanbul.

4. No government media, opposition channels, or press attended the announcement. Furthermore, the declaration was not broadcast by any official government media.

5. The message read at the conference was not the original copy. It appeared to be an altered version. This can be inferred from several pieces of evidence: first, when Ahmet Türk read the Kurdish version, there were problems with some unclear or mistranslated words. Second, at the beginning of the announcement, the person who started the conference claimed the message was about three and a half pages long, yet the version read was only about one and a half pages. Moreover, the content of the text seemed to have been prepared by Turkish intelligence officials.

By Dr. Muhamad Sabir Kareem: If we begin with the truth that one of the basic elements in defining the concept of peace includes the maintenance of justice and the reduction of violence, as well as identifying the factors behind war, violence, and organized oppression, then we can say that the pe

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