https://jewishfirst.substack.com/

Jewish First Blog, 11 SW 12th Avenue #104, Dania Beach, FL (2026)

06/06/2026

Do Not Blame the Child, Blame the Leadership

This week began in a disturbing way in Israel. After the arrest of a Haredi draft dodger, hundreds of ultra-Orthodox protesters gathered outside the Beit Shemesh police station, where some broke into the compound, clashed with police, blocked roads, and set fire to nearby vegetation.

The unrest then spread to Jerusalem, where demonstrators blocked major roads and caused severe traffic disruptions.

Days later, the situation crossed an even more dangerous line when ultra-Orthodox rioters attacked the home of Supreme Court Deputy President Noam Sohlberg, damaging his property and car.

The anger is real. Many Israelis serve, send their children to combat units, and carry the burden of reserve duty while others avoid service. When draft dodging is followed by violent riots, blocked roads, attacks on police, and vandalism against a Supreme Court justice’s home, the public anger explodes. But the problem is not every Haredi Jew. The real problem is the leadership that teaches people that defending the Jewish state is someone else’s burden.

There is a well-known Jewish phrase: “Make for yourself a rabbi.” In the ultra-Orthodox world, this is not just a religious saying. It is a way of life. People ask their rabbis what to study, how to educate their children, who to vote for, and in many cases, how to relate to the state and the army.

That is why the responsibility begins with the rabbis, politicians, and community leaders who shape the culture and set the rules. They tell an entire public that it can live inside the Jewish state, enjoy its rights, budgets, security, and protection, but not carry the basic responsibility of defending it.

If Haredi leaders from Shas and United Torah Judaism, together with the councils of Torah sages, set a clear and honest standard, only those who truly study Torah from morning to night receive an exemption, while everyone else enlists, the reality would look very different. Many Israelis who serve see the current system as lawlessness and abuse: people registering as yeshiva students not because they truly study all day, but because it allows them to avoid service. The blame belongs mainly to the leaders who have the power to change this system but refuse to do so.

This problem did not start yesterday. In 1948, David Ben-Gurion agreed to exempt about 400 yeshiva students from military service. At the time, it was a limited arrangement for a small group, created in the shadow of the Holocaust and the destruction of the Torah world. But what began with 400 students became a national crisis. By 2024, about 63,000 Haredi yeshiva students had become subject to the draft after the previous legal framework expired, and in 2025 the IDF said it would issue roughly 54,000 call-up notices to ultra-Orthodox seminary students. What began as a small exception has become a mass system.

The numbers show the problem clearly. That is why a real draft law must happen.

No more tricks. No more empty promises. No more fake targets. No more laws designed to protect politicians instead of protecting soldiers. The law must be simple: those who truly study Torah full-time, under a real and limited framework, can receive a special status. But those who are not truly learning, those who are working under the table, or those who are simply using the system to avoid service must enlist or perform meaningful national service.

The greatest danger is that Haredi leadership is deepening the conflict inside Israeli society. When Israelis see draft refusal, violent riots, and blocked roads, many begin to blame all Haredim, while serving citizens feel exploited. This is how a small group of leaders tears the Jewish people apart from within.

During the judicial reform crisis, calls for refusal from serving citizens were treated as a national emergency. The same standard must apply here. When rabbis, party leaders, or politicians tell an entire public not to enlist, not to report to draft offices, or to ignore military orders, that is also a call for refusal.

The answer is not hatred of ordinary Haredim. The answer is a clear law against organized calls for refusal. Any leader who encourages people to ignore draft orders should be investigated, brought to court, and punished if convicted.

If Haredi leaders told every young man who is not truly studying Torah all day to enlist, many would. That proves the problem is not the ordinary Haredi boy. The problem is the leadership.

Israelis must stay united. Do not blame the small person who follows the system he was raised in. Blame the leaders who built that system and place their politics above the state.

05/30/2026

The End of the Oslo Accords: A Historic Opportunity for Israel

More than three decades after the signing of the Oslo Accords, it has become increasingly clear to many Israelis that the agreements have failed to deliver the peace, security, and stability they promised. Instead, the Oslo framework created a complex system of divided territories, competing authorities, and ongoing conflict that continues to shape the reality of Israel and the Palestinian territories today.

In May 2026, Member of Knesset Limor Son Har-Melech introduced legislation calling for the formal cancellation of the Oslo Accords. The proposal seeks to end the division of Judea and Samaria into Areas A, B, and C and replace the existing framework with full Israeli sovereignty over the territory.

The proposal has already reached the Ministerial Committee for Legislation. While discussion was postponed at Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's request for further review and diplomatic coordination, the issue remains a priority for many within the governing coalition.

The Oslo Accords, signed in the 1990s, were intended to serve as a pathway toward a negotiated peace between Israel and the Palestinians. The agreements divided Judea and Samaria into three administrative zones. Area A was placed under Palestinian civil and security control, Area B under Palestinian civil control and Israeli security control, and Area C under full Israeli control.

At the time, many believed these arrangements would be temporary steps toward a permanent peace agreement. However, more than thirty years later, no final agreement has been reached. Instead, the region remains divided, and violence, terrorism, political instability, and diplomatic disputes continue to challenge both sides.

Many supporters of canceling Oslo argue that the agreements failed to deliver peace or security and instead created decades of uncertainty, terrorism, and political deadlock.

The debate has intensified with growing calls to dismantle the Palestinian Authority, which critics accuse of supporting terrorists, promoting anti-Israel campaigns abroad, and advancing Palestinian statehood through international institutions rather than direct negotiations.

Supporters also see a rare strategic opportunity under President Donald Trump. They point to the recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights and the relocation of the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem as historic policy shifts, arguing that now is the time to move beyond Areas A, B, and C and establish a unified Israeli approach to Judea and Samaria.

Opponents argue that ending the Oslo framework could leave Israel responsible for millions of Palestinians, creating demographic and political challenges. They also warn that future demands for citizenship and voting rights could alter Israel's Jewish and democratic character.

In response, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has proposed three options: remain under Israeli sovereignty, emigrate with assistance, or face security measures if engaging in violence. He argues that this approach does not require granting automatic citizenship and voting rights to millions of Palestinians.

Nevertheless, the introduction of this legislation marks an important moment in Israel’s political discourse. Whether or not the bill ultimately becomes law, it reflects a broader conversation about the future of the Oslo framework, and the direction Israel should take in the coming decades.

Judea and Samaria are critical to Israel's security. Roughly four times the size of the Tel Aviv metropolitan area, the region overlooks much of Israel's population center and borders Jordan, making it a key strategic buffer protecting central Israel.

As for me, the choice is clear. If the settlers are willing to live in, build, and help secure Judea and Samaria, then let them do so. Many believe that within the coming years the Jewish population in the region will continue to grow significantly, and as a secular Israeli, I would rather see the future of Judea and Samaria shaped by Israeli Jewish communities than by forces that support Hamas or seek Israel's destruction.

The future of Judea and Samaria will not be decided by agreements signed thirty years ago. It will be decided by those willing to build, defend, and secure the land for future generations of Israelis.

05/23/2026

Itamar Ben-Gvir — An Unapologetic Jew

Love him or hate him, Itamar Ben-Gvir has become one of the most controversial and recognizable figures in Israeli politics. At a time when many politicians carefully calculate every statement to avoid international backlash, Ben-Gvir built his image around doing the exact opposite. Loud, confrontational, populist, and unapologetically Jewish, becoming one of the defining figures of Israel’s modern nationalist political movement.

Many Israelis who back Ben-Gvir argue that the “old Israel” no longer works. They believe that for years Israel focused heavily on diplomacy, restraint, and international approval while enemies interpreted hesitation as weakness. Endless explanations to foreign governments, media organizations, and international institutions did not stop terrorism, anti-Israel activism, or growing hostility toward the Jewish state. After October 7, many Israelis began demanding a different kind of leadership, one focused less on global popularity and more on deterrence, sovereignty, and visible strength.

That frustration created political space for Ben-Gvir.

For many on the Israeli right wing, Ben-Gvir represents a “new Israel”, one that refuses to apologize for defending itself and is willing to project power openly, even if it creates controversy abroad. They believe survival in the Middle East depends not only on military capability but also on psychological deterrence and national confidence.

This debate became especially visible during the recent maritime incidents involving foreign activists attempting to challenge Israeli restrictions around Gaza, including a Turkish-led flotilla that the State of Israel viewed not as a humanitarian mission but as a calculated political provocation designed to create media spectacle, viral footage, and international pressure against Israel.

The State of Israel argued the activists knowingly violated Israeli policy and entered a restricted security zone in order to provoke confrontation, while international media often portrayed them as victims instead of political actors attempting to create chaos at Israel’s borders.

Itamar Ben-Gvir’s viral footage showing detainees under heavy security control alongside Israeli flags and the Israeli national anthem became one of the defining moments of the incident, with Israeli officials presenting it as a message of deterrence and Israeli sovereignty. Many aligned with Ben-Gvir’s approach viewed the footage as a warning to future flotillas and activists, showing that illegal attempts to enter Israel would be met with arrest, humiliation, and visible consequences.

Despite the international outrage surrounding the footage, most detainees were processed and deported within days, leading many to argue that the backlash was fueled more by symbolism, viral imagery, and political narratives than by the actual treatment of the activists.

Many ask what would happen if dozens of Israeli boats carrying Israeli flags attempted to approach the shores of Turkey in political protest. The response would likely involve arrests, prolonged detention, and severe legal consequences, highlighting what many see as a global double standard toward Israel.

Israel’s own political and media ecosystem also helped amplify the incident globally. Senior Israeli figures, including Benjamin Netanyahu, Gideon Sa'ar, members of Knesset, journalists, commentators, and international allies, rapidly reacted across television and social media, transforming what may have remained a localized maritime confrontation into an international political controversy. In their view, Israel’s nonstop political discourse and highly reactive media environment often magnify provocations far beyond their actual operational significance.

The flotilla incident also elevated Ben-Gvir internationally. Within hours, one video transformed him from a controversial domestic politician into one of the most recognizable faces of Israel’s nationalist movement worldwide.

Itamar Ben-Gvir understands that modern politics revolves around viral moments, emotional reactions, and media visibility. Instead of avoiding confrontation, he uses it to project strength and shape the narrative himself. Critics and supporters alike have even nicknamed him “The Minister of TikTok” because of his constant use of viral and controversial social media posts to dominate public conversation and political discourse.

Supporters further argue that Itamar Ben-Gvir’s aggressive style as National Security Minister has raised eyebrows internationally but appears effective domestically. They believe harsher prison conditions, stricter enforcement, and a more uncompromising law-enforcement atmosphere increased deterrence among hostile actors, pointing to Israeli reports claiming significant declines in nationalist terror incidents and security-related violence during his tenure, including reports citing decreases of roughly 70% in certain categories of nationalist attacks over the past year.

Critics, however, argue that Ben-Gvir’s methods rely too heavily on provocation, symbolism, and media spectacle. They accuse him of escalating tensions unnecessarily, damaging Israel’s international image, and turning sensitive security incidents into political theater. Critics also viewed the flotilla footage as inflammatory and humiliating, accusing Israeli officials of deliberately intensifying tensions through psychological messaging and public humiliation tactics. Even Mike Huckabee publicly criticized the video shared on social media, adding to the international controversy surrounding the incident.

Itamar Ben-Gvir, in his position as Israel’s National Security Minister, is ultimately carrying out the agenda and governing style he was elected and appointed to implement. He has remained consistent in presenting his ideology openly and actively pursuing the policies and approach he promised to bring into office.

Whether one agrees with Ben-Gvir’s methods or not, his rise reflects something very real inside Israeli society: a growing belief among many citizens that Israel must stop acting like a country seeking permission to exist and start acting like a sovereign regional power fully confident in its identity, strength, and legitimacy.

05/16/2026

Don’t spit from the well you’re drinking from.

05/16/2026

Jerusalem Day Exposed a Growing Political Divide in Israel

This year’s Jerusalem Day celebrations revealed something impossible to ignore about modern Israeli society and politics.

As tens of thousands marched through the streets of Jerusalem during the annual Flag Dance procession toward the Western Wall, the images across Israeli media looked remarkably similar: young Jewish Israelis wrapped in blue and white flags, dancing and singing patriotic songs, many of them religious Zionists wearing knitted kippahs.

The atmosphere was emotional and deeply connected to Jewish history and identity.

But one thing stood out immediately.

Where was everyone else?

Where was Israel’s secular youth?

Where were the young people from Tel Aviv, Herzliya, Haifa, and the secular centers of the country? Jerusalem is their capital too. Soldiers from every background fought and died for the reunification of Jerusalem in 1967. Yet today, Jerusalem Day increasingly feels identified with only one sector of Israeli society.

Over time, Jerusalem Day has evolved from a broad national celebration into something strongly associated with the religious Zionist movement and the nationalist right.

This year, that political divide was especially visible.

Members of the coalition were everywhere.

Politicians from Itamar Ben-Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit marched publicly through the city, gave speeches, and ascended the Temple Mount. Ministers and Knesset members from Religious Zionist Party led by Bezalel Smotrich were highly visible throughout the celebrations. Likud ministers and MKs also filled the events, embracing the symbolism of the day.

The message from the coalition was clear: Jerusalem stands at the center of their political identity.

But much of Israel’s opposition leadership seemed absent.

Naftali Bennett was in Jerusalem a day before the Jerusalem Day events and did not attend the Central Flag March celebration, despite being seen as the main contender against Benjamin Netanyahu.

Where was Avigdor Lieberman? Where was Yair Lapid? Where was Yair Golan?

Even Gadi Eisenkot limited himself to social media post instead of attending physically.

And in politics, physical presence matters.

Strong politicians understand that politics is not only about interviews or social media posts. It is about physically showing up where the nation’s emotions are taking place.
If someone truly wants to become Prime Minister of Israel, how do they not appear in Jerusalem on one of the country’s most symbolic days?

No speeches. No participation. No connection with the crowds.

One of the questions raised by this year’s celebrations is whether parts of Israel’s opposition have become politically uncomfortable even appearing alongside religious Zionist Israelis. Has the divide reached a point where some politicians fear being photographed with young Israelis because of how it may be perceived by their political base?

For a country that once tried to build a shared civic identity between secular and religious Jews, that possibility is deeply troubling.

Increasingly, it feels as though Israel is developing two emotional capitals.

One is Jerusalem, the city of history, nationalism, religion, and Jewish memory.

The other is Tel Aviv, the city of secularism, liberalism, nightlife, and global culture.

Jerusalem is not only Israel’s capital, but its largest city, with more than 1.06 million residents. Yet despite its size and national importance, many secular Israelis increasingly seem emotionally disconnected from one of the city’s most symbolic national celebrations.

I would like to see more opposition politicians, more secular Israelis, and even organized buses from secular cities coming to celebrate Jerusalem Day, walk in the Flag March, and participate proudly in the celebrations. Jerusalem belongs to all Jews and all Israelis, not only to one political camp or one religious sector.

As a secular Jew, I can say that I enjoyed seeing religious Zionists ascending the Temple Mount with Israeli flags and praying openly. In the past, scenes like that often-triggered riots across eastern Jerusalem and international outrage. Today, it happens regularly.

Whether one agrees with it politically or not, it reflects a major shift in reality, a strengthening Jewish presence at the site and a much stronger sense of Israeli governance in Jerusalem.

Jerusalem, I hope to see more unity around you in the years ahead, religious and secular, right and left, all celebrating the capital of the Jewish people together. You belong to all of us.

Happy Jerusalem Day.

05/10/2026

Synagogues Have Become the New Front Line for Jews in New York

In recent years, Jews in New York have grown used to protests, political tension, and demonstrations filling the streets of the city. But what happened this week outside a synagogue in Manhattan felt very different. It no longer felt like political activism alone — it felt like deliberate intimidation directed at Jews in the heart of the world’s greatest city.

Outside the synagogue, chants supporting Hamas — a terrorist organization responsible for massacres, kidnappings, and the murder of civilians — echoed through the streets. According to videos and eyewitness accounts, some demonstrators broke through police barricades, confronted officers, and attempted to project force toward Jews standing across the street. For many in the Jewish community, the scenes did not feel like protest anymore. It felt like a warning before the real thing.

A synagogue is not an embassy, a military base, or a government institution. It is a place of prayer, community, and identity. The moment Jewish houses of worship become targets for political intimidation, the line between activism and harassment disappears.

For generations, many Jews in America slowly drifted away from their Jewish identity. Not out of hatred for Judaism, but because America offered freedom, opportunity, and security. Many saw themselves first and foremost as Americans, while their connection to Israel became distant, symbolic, or political. Assimilation increased, interfaith marriage became common, and younger generations often no longer understood why a Jewish state existed in the first place.

Then came October 7.

For many Jews around the world, especially in the United States, something broke — but something also awakened.

Many Jews who had never openly experienced antisemitism before were shocked by how quickly the atmosphere changed. People who had spent years seeing themselves simply as Americans realized that others still viewed them first as Jews. Social media filled with anti-Jewish rhetoric, conspiracy theories, and hostility directed not only at Israel, but at Jewish people everywhere.

It became a painful realization: no amount of assimilation, political disagreement with Israel, or distance from Jewish identity fully erases being Jewish in the eyes of those driven by hatred.

At the same time, many Jews who had never felt deeply connected to Israel suddenly found themselves emotionally affected by both the massacre and the global reaction that followed.

What emerged was an identity awakening. Young Jews began reconnecting with their roots, attending Jewish events, studying Jewish history, and trying to better understand both Judaism and Israel in ways they had never seriously explored before.

Ironically, the attempt to intimidate Jews after October 7 often produced the opposite effect. Instead of pushing Jews away from their identity, it pushed many closer to it.

One important truth must still be remembered: American Jews are not the Israeli government. They are American citizens who should not be held personally responsible for every decision made in Jerusalem.

Israel is not living under normal conditions. It is a small country surrounded by threats while dealing with enemies that openly call for its destruction. That reality is far more complex than the slogans repeated on social media or college campuses.

When chants supporting Hamas are shouted outside synagogues, nobody asks the Jew entering prayer whether they vote Democrat or Republican, whether they support Israel or criticize it, or whether they have ever visited Israel at all. To those driven by hatred, simply being Jewish is enough.

To all the Jews who supported Mayor Mamdani and are now seeing the reaction to Jewish hatred in New York — this should be a wake-up call.

During the Holocaust, there were Jews who believed cooperation and silence would protect them, including the Judenrat and Kapos who worked alongside the N**i system. And there were also the Jewish partisans and resistance fighters who chose to stand with their people and fight back from the forests and underground networks of Europe.

New York Jews — be the resistance. Stand with your people.

We are only around 15 million Jews in the entire world. Even if you oppose Israeli policy, understand the importance of the State of Israel as the final refuge and escape route for Jews if history ever turns dark again.

05/02/2026

The End of Passive Judaism, The Rise of Jewish Power

After the recent stabbing attack in England, something deeply unsettling emerged, not only the violence itself, but the reaction that followed.

Jewish voices began to say the same thing, they are taking off their kippahs, removing their Star of David necklaces, and hiding the visible signs of who they are.

This is not new. It is a reflex Jews have developed over centuries.

When danger rises, disappear.

But that instinct belongs to a different era.

For most of Jewish history, Jews had no power. No army. No ability to defend themselves beyond hoping that the societies around them would protect them. In that reality, survival often meant lowering your profile.

Today, that reality has changed, but the mindset has not.

In Israel, Jews live differently. There is a state. There is an army. There is a culture that understands that survival requires strength.

In the diaspora, especially in places like England, Jews do not have that same structure.

And that is exactly the problem.

If Jews abroad do not have a state protecting them directly, then communities themselves must become stronger, physically, mentally, and socially.

“Jewish power” is not about violence. It is about readiness. It is about presence. It is about refusing to disappear.

During the events of October 2000 in Israel, I experienced firsthand what it feels like when a Jewish city effectively loses its freedom of movement.

I was a soldier at the time. On my way home from the base, the bus driver stopped in Migdal HaEmek, a city next to Nazareth Illit where I lived, and told me he would not continue any further.

My father had to take alternative routes, including dirt roads, to get me home.

There was no official declaration of a siege, but on the ground, it felt like one.

For several days, movement was restricted. A Jewish city inside Israel felt isolated. All the main roads leading into Nazareth Illit ran through surrounding Arab towns and the city of Nazareth, and during those days those routes were blocked, effectively cutting off access in and out of the city.

And then came Yom Kippur.

In Israel, that is the one day when the streets are completely open. No cars. People walk freely. Families, children, and entire communities fill the roads.

That day, people came out. They walked. They gathered.
From across the city, people began moving toward one place, the mall.

Men, women, young people, older residents. Not organized by any authority, but drawn by something deeper, a shared understanding that we had to act.

Within a short time, thousands had gathered in the mall.

We marched into Nazareth, the largest Arab city, together, showing that we were not afraid, moving through the city with visible confidence and a clear sense of strength.

The entire city of Nazareth saw that we were not afraid, that we were united, no longer isolated. By the next day, the isolation was broken, the roads opened, and it has not been returned since.

That moment carries a lesson, Jews must come together and walk openly, confidently, and proudly, not only in familiar areas, but also in parts of their own cities where they once felt hesitant or unwelcome.

My recommendation to Jews in England is to organize.

Create local groups, even simple WhatsApp groups, that bring people together on a regular basis. Walk together, visibly and confidently, in your own neighborhoods and public spaces. Do not remain isolated individuals.

Wear visible Jewish symbols. Let it be clear, you are not alone, and you are not ashamed of your Judaism.

Coordinate, when necessary, with local authorities. Let it be known that these are lawful, peaceful gatherings of a community that simply refuse to disappear.

Consistency matters. Do it regularly. Build routine. Build familiarity. Build strength through unity.

Because when people see individuals, they see vulnerability.
When they see a community, they see resilience.

That is how you change reality, and how you fight antisemitism.

04/25/2026

The Buffer Zone: The New Israeli Strategy

For years, Israel relied on deterrence, intelligence, and rapid response to defend its borders. But repeated attacks from Gaza and the north have challenged that approach.

Now, a new concept is emerging, the buffer zone.

A Shift from Reaction to Prevention:

The idea behind a buffer zone is simple, push the threat further away from Israeli civilians by creating distance from hostile forces.

In areas like the Gaza border and northern Israel, communities live just meters from danger, where distance can mean the difference between life and death.

After years of daily rocket fire on Sderot by Hamas, the Israel Defense Forces reached a clear conclusion, the only way to stop this reality was to create a buffer zone.

Establishing it required clearing areas and reshaping the terrain to form a new security boundary, often referred to as the “Yellow Line,” where Israeli forces now operate.

In practice, since its implementation, Sderot and the surrounding communities are no longer living under that same immediate, constant threat.

A Symbol of Policy:
This year, at the Memorial Day ceremony, Rabbi Zarbiv lit a torch. He served in a combat engineering unit, operating heavy machinery alongside elite units of the Israel Defense Forces to clear and level terrain in Gaza and Lebanon.

Choosing him reflects a broader policy. Instead of honoring fighter pilots or frontline soldiers, a unit focused on terrain clearing was selected.

The symbolism is clear, this is not just recognition, but a statement about a strategy centered on reshaping the battlefield and creating buffer zones.

The Lebanon Example:

The clearest proof of this approach can already be seen in Lebanon. Shiite villages identified with Hezbollah are being systematically cleared by engineering units as the Israel Defense Forces advances, effectively creating a new “Yellow Line,” where hostile villages along the way are removed from the immediate threat zone.

For years, the city of Kiryat Shmona and the communities along the border faced constant danger from nearby Lebanese villages, where militants would launch shoulder fired missiles from the mountains directly toward civilian homes. It was a reality that proved nearly impossible to fully prevent under the previous approach.

As a result, residents of Kiryat Shmona and the border communities lived under ongoing threat and disruption. But now, observing the speed and method of current operations, it becomes increasingly clear where this strategy is heading, toward the establishment of a new buffer zone designed to provide full protection for Israeli civilians living near the border.

The Reality Behind the Images:

From an outside perspective, the flattening of these areas may appear harsh. But this view ignores a key reality, weapons and missiles from Hezbollah were often stored inside civilian homes, turning houses into weapons depots and entire villages into operational hubs.

Without that context, these actions are easily misunderstood. What may seem unjustified from afar reflects a more complex reality, one that requires decisive action to ensure the threat does not return rather than repeating the same cycle again and again.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, credit should be given to the Israeli government for choosing a clear and consistent path, the buffer zone strategy, to provide real protection for civilians living along Israel’s borders. We have gone through dozens of rounds of conflict in Gaza, each one taking a toll in human lives. We have fought multiple wars in Lebanon, entering, holding ground, withdrawing, and then repeating the same cycle again.

This pattern has proven unsustainable.

While long range missile fire may still pose a challenge, Israel has developed advanced defense systems to counter it, including the Iron Dome and emerging laser-based technologies.

After years of facing constant, close range danger, there is now at least a sense that a more durable solution is being pursued, one that may finally offer residents near the border the security they have long lacked.

In Israel, distance is not geography, it is survival.

Jewish First Blog

06/06/2026

05/30/2026

05/23/2026

05/16/2026

05/16/2026

05/10/2026

05/02/2026

04/25/2026

Address

Website

Alerts

Shortcuts

Share

Category