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06/01/2025

A Call for Justice: Why President Trump Should Pardon James Marcello

(By Joseph Fosco)

Dear Americans, especially those who share President Donald Trump’s commitment to exposing systemic corruption, I urge you to join me in a vital cause. The pardon of James Marcello, unjustly crushed by Chicago’s biased legal system, is a matter of moral urgency. As a Chicagoan who has faced the city’s organized crime underworld, I have seen how traitors dodge accountability while others, like Marcello, become scapegoats. My troubling encounters with the late DiFronzo brothers - and a couple of their associates - in the early 2000s revealed their betrayal, particularly John “No Nose” DiFronzo, who, like former Governor James R. Thompson in the Conrad Black case, appears to have escaped justice through special arrangements with U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald’s office, per court records and news reports. I advocate for Marcello’s pardon, not because I know him, but because his persecution mirrors the relentless attacks President Trump endured through baseless investigations, impeachments, and charges. This is a call to restore justice, and I ask you to act.

For nearly two decades, I have written about Chicago’s organized crime, not to fight crime, but to expose truth, unmasking figures like DiFronzo, whose treachery betrayed his associates. My methodical efforts to confront the DiFronzos’ deceit in the early 2000s clarified their duplicity, yet John DiFronzo, named but uncharged in the “Family Secrets” case, evaded prosecution. Similarly, Thompson avoided charges in Black’s 2007 fraud case, despite approving controversial transactions as audit committee chairman, claiming ignorance, per the Chicago Tribune (July 13, 2007). This leniency, which I believe stems from Fitzgerald’s selective discretion, contrasts sharply with Marcello’s harsh fate. My advocacy for Marcello, a stranger, is rooted in this insight. The forces that spared DiFronzo and Thompson, and later targeted Trump with a weaponized legal system, orchestrated an unfair trial against Marcello and his co-defendants in “Family Secrets”. My work may suggest I am a crime fighter, but my true battle is against betrayal and unfairness, fueling my plea for Marcello’s freedom.

The “Family Secrets” trial of 2007, prosecuted under Fitzgerald’s aggressive leadership, charged Chicago Outfit leaders, including Marcello, with racketeering and 18 murders, including those of Anthony and Michael Spilotro and Nicholas D’Andrea. Judge James B. Zagel, a Reagan-appointed jurist with a prosecutorial past, presided with a prejudice that favored conviction over impartiality. In 2009, Zagel sentenced Marcello to life in prison, finding him responsible for D’Andrea’s 1981 murder despite a jury deadlock, per Northern District of Illinois court records. The jury’s split, driven by doubts about Nicholas Calabrese’s credibility - a confessed murderer who secured a reduced sentence through a plea deal - underscored the case’s weakness, yet Zagel relied solely on this testimony, lacking physical evidence. This ruling, criticized by defense attorneys like Marc Martin, reveals Zagel’s bias, shaped by his Republican roots and Chicago’s cultural prejudice against Italian-Americans.

Zagel’s career was molded in Illinois’ GOP machine, serving as Illinois State Police Director from 1980 to 1987 under Thompson, alongside Republicans like Pate Philip and Henry Hyde, alive during the “Family Secrets” trial (Philip until 2021, Hyde until November 2007). Though Philip, a state senator, and Hyde, a congressman, did not directly influence the trial, their 1980s anti-crime stance, targeting Cook County’s Democratic machine and its Outfit ties, shaped Zagel’s early perspective. As State Police Director, Zagel likely knew of investigations into Brookwood Country Club in DuPage County, where my father, Armando Fosco, Sr., a Teamsters official, held a social membership. Brookwood, a hub for Cook County’s mob and political figures, clashed with DuPage’s Republican values, drawing scrutiny during Reagan’s anti-organized crime push, per Chicago Tribune archives (1980s). This exposure likely fueled Zagel’s prejudice against Italian-American defendants like Marcello, seen as relics of that era’s criminal stigma.

Chicago’s deep-seated anti-Italian-American sentiment, prevalent in the 1980s and amplified by “Family Secrets”, further tainted Zagel’s rulings. The trial reinforced stereotypes linking Italian-Americans to the mob, devastating communities like Little Italy, as I have championed for years. Zagel’s D’Andrea finding, bypassing the jury, reflects this cultural unfairness, punishing Marcello for his heritage as much as his alleged crimes. A striking parallel exists in Conrad Black’s case, where Black, prosecuted by Fitzgerald in 2007 for fraud, was pardoned by Trump in 2019 for prosecutorial overreach, per the White House (May 15, 2019). Thompson, who approved Black’s controversial transactions, escaped charges, a leniency Marcello was denied. Black’s pardon offers a clear precedent for Marcello, whose life sentence rests on a flawed judicial act.

A broader system of selective justice emerges in the “Family Secrets” and Blagojevich cases, driven by Fitzgerald and enabled by FBI Director Robert Mueller (2001 - 2013) and briefly Deputy Attorney General James Comey (2003 - 2005). Mueller’s FBI supplied Calabrese’s testimony and wiretaps for “Family Secrets”, while Comey’s DOJ oversight bolstered Fitzgerald’s early efforts, creating a prosecution-driven culture, per DOJ reports (2008). In Blagojevich’s case, Fitzgerald’s team, possibly bypassing the judge lottery to secure Zagel, targeted a Democratic governor, sentencing him to 14 years in 2011, per the Chicago Sun-Times (December 7, 2011). Both cases echo the unjust probes against Trump, driven by Mueller, Comey, and Fitzgerald, a DOJ elite targeting those outside the establishment.

Now 81, Marcello languishes at ADX Florence, a supermax prison known for its harsh conditions, enduring over a decade of punishment for a case marred by prejudice. Zagel’s D’Andrea finding, like Trump’s Russia probe, is prosecutorial overreach, sparing insiders like DiFronzo and Thompson while crushing others. Some may argue Zagel was a fair jurist, praised by peers like Chief Judge Rebecca Pallmeyer, per Law360 (2023), yet his rulings suggest a bias that demands redress. Trump’s supporters, who reject elite corruption, will see Marcello’s plight as a call to right this wrong. My fight against DiFronzo’s treachery drives my plea for Marcello, a victim of the same system that targeted Trump.

It is disheartening that prominent attorneys, aware of Marcello’s injustice and Trump’s potential to grant this pardon, have remained silent. I am not alone in knowing this story, yet I stand nearly alone in advocating for a man so wronged. Their inaction underscores the urgency for us, the people, to act where the legal community has faltered, pushing for justice with unwavering resolve.

President Trump, whose pardons of Black and others demonstrate bold compassion, can free Marcello. This act would resonate with Americans tired of DOJ overreach, from Chicago’s mob trials to Washington’s political vendettas, while honoring Italian-American communities unfairly stigmatized.

CALL TO ACTION! Americans, demand Marcello’s pardon. Share this article with friends and family. Let us end systemic unfairness, as I fought DiFronzo’s betrayal, and secure justice for James Marcello. President Trump, grant this pardon, and let fairness triumph!

(Joseph Fosco is a Chicago writer advocating for truth, drawing on his experiences with organized crime to expose systemic inequities.)

POSTSCRIPT CLARIFICATION MEMO:

To ensure accuracy, I wish to clarify certain details mentioned in the article. Marc Martin, referenced as a defense attorney for James Marcello in the “Family Secrets” trial, has since been appointed as an associate judge on the Cook County Circuit Court, effective May 10, 2014. He continues to serve in this role, having been reappointed for multiple terms, most recently noted in 2019, per the Illinois State Bar Association and Supreme Court of Illinois records. Additionally, to avoid any misconception that Pate Philip and Henry Hyde held office until their deaths, I note that Pate Philip retired from the Illinois State Senate in 2003, and Henry Hyde retired from the U.S. House of Representatives in 2007, per Chicago Tribune (November 24, 2021) and Associated Press (November 29, 2007). These clarifications affirm the article’s commitment to precision while reinforcing the urgent call for James Marcello’s pardon.
Joseph Fosco
Chicago, Illinois
June 2025

05/28/2025

Justice Overdue: Why Trump Must Pardon the Chicago Defendants and Why Rod Blagojevich Must Lead the Charge

(By Joseph Fosco)

In the annals of American justice, few chapters are as fraught with controversy as the high-profile federal prosecutions led by former U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald in Chicago’s Northern District of Illinois during the early 2000s. The cases ‘USA v. Betty Loren-Maltese’, ‘USA v. Michael Segal’, ‘USA v. George Ryan’, and ‘USA v. James Marcello’ and ‘USA v. Joseph Lombardo’ (Operation Family Secrets) stand as monuments to a prosecutorial era marked by ambition, overreach, and questionable fairness. These defendants, convicted under Fitzgerald’s relentless pursuit, with investigative support from Robert Mueller’s FBI and the enabling influence of James Comey’s Justice Department, have borne sentences that many argue were disproportionate or tainted by prosecutorial zeal. President Donald Trump has already extended clemency to Rod Blagojevich and Conrad Black, recognizing flaws in their prosecutions. The remaining defendants, Betty Loren-Maltese, Michael Segal, George Ryan (posthumously), James Marcello, and Joseph Lombardo (posthumously), deserve the same mercy. I, Joseph Fosco must credit myself for including Lombardo in this call for justice, despite his pointed testimony against me from the witness stand during his defense in the ‘Operation Family Secrets’ trial, a gesture that reflects my commitment to fairness over personal grievance. Rod Blagojevich, a former attorney, though not currently in active standing, which is irrelevant to his advocacy potential, is uniquely positioned to champion their cause before Trump’s pardon attorney. Chicago’s prominent attorneys appear reluctant to petition a polarizing president, even for justice. Blagojevich must act swiftly to deliver these cases to Trump, who, more than any president, is poised to grant these pardons, driven by his distrust of the prosecutorial trio and his commitment to righting perceived wrongs.

The story unfolds in Chicago, a city shadowed by tales of corruption and organized crime. Fitzgerald arrived in 2001 as an outsider with a mandate to clean house. Armed with the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) and bolstered by Mueller’s FBI resources, Fitzgerald pursued cases that reshaped the city’s political and criminal landscape. Beneath the headlines of convictions lies a troubling pattern of prosecutorial tactics that stretched the boundaries of justice. Betty Loren-Maltese, Cicero’s former Town President, was convicted in 2002 of defrauding the town of $12 million through a mob-linked insurance scheme and sentenced to eight years (U.S. v. Loren-Maltese, 2002 WL 31941202). Critics argue the case overstated her ties to the Chicago Outfit, casting routine municipal mismanagement as a grand conspiracy, amplified by Mueller’s FBI wiretaps (Chicago Tribune, Dec. 18, 2002). Michael Segal, a prominent insurance executive, pleaded guilty in 2004 to embezzling $20 million, receiving a 10-year sentence under the threat of heavier RICO charges, a plea many view as coerced by Fitzgerald’s aggressive strategy (U.S. v. Segal, 495 F.3d 826; Chicago Tribune, Jun. 29, 2004). George Ryan, Illinois’ former governor, was convicted in 2006 of racketeering and fraud for a licenses-for-bribes scheme, sentenced to 6.5 years based on circumstantial evidence and testimony from aides like Scott Fawell, who sought leniency (U.S. v. Ryan, 474 F. Supp. 2d 1058; Chicago Tribune, Apr. 18, 2006). Ryan passed away on May 2, 2025, at age 91, and deserves a posthumous pardon to clear his name (Chicago Tribune, May 2, 2025). James Marcello, a reputed Outfit leader, was convicted in 2007 under ‘Operation Family Secrets’ for racketeering and 18 murders, sentenced to life based heavily on the testimony of Nicholas Calabrese, a hitman who secured a reduced sentence of 12 years for cooperating (U.S. v. Marcello, 2007 WL 2323228; Chicago Tribune, Jan. 16, 2009). Marcello, alive and incarcerated at USP Coleman II, Florida, endures a sentence rooted in decades-old evidence and questionable witness motives (BOP inmate locator, Inmate Number 09902-424, accessed May 27, 2025; Chicago Tribune, Nov. 21, 2022). Joseph Lombardo, another Outfit figure, was similarly convicted in 2007 for racketeering and the 1974 murder of Daniel Seifert, sentenced to life in 2009. Lombardo died on October 19, 2019, at age 90, necessitating a posthumous pardon to address the case’s reliance on the same tainted testimony and RICO framework (U.S. v. Marcello; Chicago Tribune, Oct. 20, 2019; Jan. 16, 2009).

These cases are bound by the prosecutorial triumvirate of Fitzgerald, Mueller, and Comey, whose methods have faced scrutiny for their intensity and fairness. Fitzgerald, a former SDNY prosecutor, brought a New York-honed tenacity to Chicago, wielding RICO to secure convictions that bolstered his reputation as a mob buster (Chicago Tribune, Dec. 9, 2012). Mueller, FBI Director from 2001 to 2013, provided the investigative backbone, deploying wiretaps, forensic accounting, and informants that some argue bordered on overreach (FBI press releases, Apr. 25, 2005; Dec. 9, 2008). Comey, though not directly involved in all cases, shaped the prosecutorial culture as Fitzgerald’s SDNY colleague from 1987 to 1993 and as Deputy Attorney General from 2003 to 2005, overseeing the DOJ during the Loren-Maltese, Segal, and Ryan investigations. He appointed Fitzgerald as Special Counsel for the Valerie Plame case, resulting in Scooter Libby’s conviction, a pardon Trump later granted (DOJ press release, Dec. 30, 2003; Chicago Magazine, Jun. 30, 2002). This trio’s synergy, forged in SDNY’s crucible, produced convictions that, while upheld by courts, have been criticized for relying on shaky evidence, incentivized witnesses, and an unrelenting pursuit of high-profile targets.

President Trump’s clemency for Rod Blagojevich and Conrad Black sets a powerful precedent for these defendants. Blagojevich, convicted in 2011 on 17 counts of corruption, including attempting to sell Barack Obama’s Senate seat, saw his 14-year sentence commuted in 2020 and received a full pardon on February 10, 2025 (U.S. v. Blagojevich, 794 F. Supp. 2d 893; ABC7 Chicago, Feb. 10, 2025). Trump decried the prosecution as a terrible injustice orchestrated by bad people, Fitzgerald, Mueller, and Comey, drawing parallels to his own experience with Mueller’s Russia investigation, which he branded a witch hunt (WBEZ, Feb. 10, 2025; New York Times, Feb. 19, 2020). Conrad Black, convicted in 2007 of defrauding Hollinger International, was pardoned in 2019, with Trump citing his contributions and implying prosecutorial overreach, a sentiment echoed by supporters like Alan Dershowitz (U.S. v. Black, 530 F.3d 596; White House, May 15, 2019; Wall Street Journal, May 16, 2019). Trump’s rationale in both cases, distrust of the Fitzgerald-Mueller-Comey axis and a belief in excessive sentences, applies directly to Loren-Maltese, Segal, Ryan, Marcello, and Lombardo.

The taint in these cases is undeniable. In ‘Operation Family Secrets’, the convictions of Marcello and Lombardo rested heavily on the testimony of Nicholas Calabrese, a confessed killer whose deal raises questions of credibility, compounded by 1980s DNA evidence that incriminated Calabrese himself and a sprawling RICO indictment targeting aging defendants (Chicago Tribune, Jun. 21, 2007; Yale Law Journal, “RICO Overreach,” 2008). Lombardo’s inclusion in this pardon call, despite his testimony falsely implicating me, as if I briefly aided and abetted him while he was a fugitive - a claim I vehemently deny, an advanced age related confusion I believe clouded his testimony - underscores my resolve to seek justice for all, a reflection of principle over personal grievance. Loren-Maltese’s case, driven by FBI wiretaps, may have exaggerated her mob connections, punishing her with an 8-year sentence for what some see as political mismanagement (Chicago Tribune, Dec. 18, 2002). These flaws, unreliable witnesses, aggressive RICO applications, and overstated charges, mirror the issues Trump recognized in Blagojevich and Black’s cases, making clemency a logical extension of his justice reform agenda.

As previously indicated, Rod Blagojevich, a former attorney, is the ideal figure to bring these cases to Trump’s pardon attorney. Having endured Fitzgerald’s prosecutorial wrath, Blagojevich understands the sting of what he called a political prosecution (NPR, Feb. 19, 2020). His experience as Illinois governor, his public platform, and his connection to Trump, forged through “Celebrity Apprentice” and his wife Patti’s media advocacy, equip him to make a compelling case (USA Today, Feb. 18, 2020). Blagojevich’s 2025 pardon, celebrated as a rebuke to Fitzgerald’s same group of prosecutors, positions him as a credible voice to argue that Loren-Maltese, Segal, Ryan, Marcello, and Lombardo were similarly victimized (WBEZ, Feb. 10, 2025). His legal background sharpens his ability to articulate the cases’ flaws, from Calabrese’s tainted testimony to the coercive pleas in Segal’s case. Blagojevich’s willingness to challenge the establishment, undeterred by Chicago’s political elite, makes him the right advocate where others hesitate.

Chicago’s prominent attorneys, perhaps wary of Trump’s polarizing persona or reluctant to align with his administration, have shied away from petitioning for these pardons. This reluctance, understandable in a city dominated by Democratic politics, leaves a void that Blagojevich must fill. The defendants, Loren-Maltese, a first-time offender; Segal, a businessman ensnared in a financial dispute; Ryan, a governor whose legacy is marred by a questionable conviction; Marcello, serving life for crimes rooted in aging evidence; and Lombardo, whose posthumous pardon would right a similar wrong, deserve an advocate unafraid to seek justice, even from a president who may see as controversial. Blagojevich, unburdened by such inhibitions, can deliver justice where others have failed. He must act immediately, submitting petitions to the OPA or, given Trump’s preference for bypassing formal processes, where only 25 of 237 first-term clemency grants went through OPA, appealing directly through Trump’s inner circle, figures like Pam Bondi.

Why will Trump grant these pardons? His distrust of Fitzgerald, Mueller, and Comey is profound, rooted in his 2017 firing of Comey and his condemnation of Mueller’s Russia probe, which found no collusion but fueled Trump’s belief in a deep state conspiracy (Mueller Report, Apr. 18, 2019; WBEZ, Feb. 10, 2025). His pardons of Blagojevich, Black, and Libby were explicit rebukes to this trio, with Trump calling Fitzgerald’s prosecutions a set-up (ABC7 Chicago, Feb. 10, 2025). The remaining cases, tied to the same prosecutors, fit seamlessly into this narrative. Marcello’s life sentence, Loren-Maltese’s 8 years, Segal’s 10 years, Ryan’s 6.5 years, and Lombardo’s life sentence echo the ridiculous penalties Trump decried in Blagojevich’s case (New York Times, Feb. 19, 2020). Trump’s sympathy for high-profile figures, from media moguls like Black to politicians like Blagojevich, extends to Loren-Maltese, Segal, and Ryan, all prominent in Chicago’s spheres. Marcello and Lombardo, though reputed mobsters, could appeal to Trump’s sense of fairness, given the case’s reliance on a questionable informant and its targeting of a fading Outfit (Chicago Sun-Times, Apr. 26, 2005).

Trump’s clemency record, 237 grants in his first term, including 1,500 January 6 defendants, shows a willingness to act boldly, often bypassing OPA and responding to media or personal appeals (AP News, Feb. 10, 2025; Harvard Law School, Dec. 2020). His Illinois focus, evident in Blagojevich and Black, suggests receptivity to Chicago cases, especially those tied to Fitzgerald’s office. Posthumous pardons for Ryan and Lombardo, like Trump’s 2018 pardon of boxer Jack Johnson, would carry symbolic weight, clearing their legacies without political risk (White House, May 24, 2018). Pardons for Marcello, Loren-Maltese, and Segal would reinforce Trump’s drain-the-swamp narrative, paradoxically by forgiving those convicted of corruption if he believes they were targeted by his adversaries (PBS News, Feb. 10, 2025). Blagojevich’s advocacy, amplified through conservative media or direct channels, could mirror Patti Blagojevich’s successful Fox News campaign, ensuring Trump’s attention (USA Today, Feb. 18, 2020).

The urgency of this moment is undeniable. With Trump’s presidency offering a rare window for clemency, Blagojevich must seize it, presenting these cases as part of a broader fight against prosecutorial abuse. The evidence of taint, Calabrese’s deal in ‘Operation Family Secrets’, coerced pleas in Segal’s case, overstated charges in Loren-Maltese’s, and questionable testimony in Ryan’s and Lombardo’s cases, resonates with Trump’s own grievances. Chicago’s legal community, constrained by politics or pride, has left these defendants without a champion. Blagojevich, unburdened by such inhibitions, can deliver justice. For Betty Loren-Maltese, Michael Segal, the late George Ryan, James Marcello, and the late Joseph Lombardo, a pardon is not just clemency, it is a restoration of fairness, a rebuke to a prosecutorial era that prized convictions over truth, and a testament to Trump’s resolve to right the wrongs of a system he knows all too well.

Let Blagojevich step forward, petitions in hand, and bring these cases to Trump. The president who pardoned Blagojevich and Black will not hesitate to extend mercy to these defendants, living and departed, ensuring that justice, long overdue, finally prevails.

(Author’s Note. Joseph Fosco is a concerned citizen advocating for justice in Chicago’s legal history.)

Sources. U.S. v. Loren-Maltese, 2002 WL 31941202. U.S. v. Segal, 495 F.3d 826. U.S. v. Ryan, 474 F. Supp. 2d 1058. U.S. v. Black, 530 F.3d 596. U.S. v. Blagojevich, 794 F. Supp. 2d 893. U.S. v. Marcello, 2007 WL 2323228. Chicago Tribune, April 18, 2001; December 18, 2002; May 16, 2002; June 29, 2004; December 18, 2003; April 18, 2006; September 11, 2007; December 10, 2008; January 16, 2009; December 18, 2010; June 29, 2011; December 9, 2012; July 3, 2013; October 20, 2019; May 2, 2025. Chicago Sun-Times, April 26, 2005; May 2, 2025. New York Times, February 19, 2020; May 2, 2025. Wall Street Journal, August 9, 2018; May 16, 2019. ABC7 Chicago, February 10, 2025. WBEZ, February 10, 2025. NPR, February 19, 2020. USA Today, February 18, 2020. AP News, February 10, 2025. PBS News, February 10, 2025. White House, May 24, 2018; May 15, 2019. DOJ press releases, May 24, 2001; January 11, 2002; December 30, 2003. FBI press releases, December 17, 2002; May 15, 2002; April 17, 2006; April 25, 2005; December 9, 2008. BOP inmate locator, accessed May 27, 2025. Harvard Law School, December 2020. Yale Law Journal, “RICO Overreach,” 2008. Chicago Magazine, June 30, 2002. Mueller Report, April 18, 2019.

02/11/2025

In his retirement, Joseph Fosco has turned his focus to being an independent opinion columnist on current world affairs, particularly since the 2024 Presidential election season. He primarily shares his insights on Facebook, with additional presence on other social media platforms.

Facebook:
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For a more detailed description of Joseph’s professional background, visit his LinkedIn profile, Joseph 'Joe' Fosco.

Joseph had a notable career with American News Post (ANP), where he initially joined as an intern in February 2008.

Semi-retired media mogul Conrad Black, also known as Lord Black of Crossharbour, served as a part-time contributing writer for American News Post. Lord Black was instrumental in founding ANP, which was previously known as KTF Media Group. 'KTF' stands for 'Keys to Faith', a name personally chosen by Lord Black.

American News Post broke new ground by being the first online forum dedicated to the detailed study of the Chicago Outfit, setting a standard for in-depth analysis in organized crime. Alongside this niche focus, it also covered current world affairs, earning recognition as the premier source for accurate and reliable information on these subjects. However, in August 2022, American News Post announced an indefinite hiatus from regular publications to reflect and innovate.

Despite this, ANP continues to engage with its audience by maintaining an open line of communication on its page right here.

Additionally, many articles published by ANP over the years can still be found on its website at https://www.americannewspost.com.

The image below, captured in 2024, features ANP's Joseph Fosco on the left alongside Michael Magnafichi, a notable podcast guest and former gaming supervisor for the Chicago Outfit.

02/06/2025

Memories of Armando A. Fosco, Sr.: A Reflection on Legacy and Labor
Authored by Joseph Fosco

February 5th marks the solemn occasion of the 38th year since my father's departure from this world. In reflection of this, I want to share a memory connected to a 1988 Sun-Times article (attached) that detailed the 1986 annual salaries of various Teamsters officials. Every official named in that article, along with several others not mentioned, seemed for unclear reasons to be inclined to accept my father's advice, whether solicited or not, even when his advice was complex or constructive.

I vividly remember overhearing a couple of phone conversations where it seemed like my father was in a position to guide both Dan Ligurotis and Bill Joyce. Jackie Presser, another notable figure, would send my father gifts and frequently complimented him, though my father never seemed particularly flattered by these gestures. One gift, in particular, was quite odd: an autographed oil painting of himself, accompanied by a card suggesting they commission another painting of both of them together to exemplify unity. My father politely declined.

Had my father still been alive when the article was published in 1988, a year after his death, I am confident he would not have appeared in it. My father would have undoubtedly caught wind of the article coming down the pike, which would have enabled him to keep his name omitted through his influence. He would have most likely had the late Teamsters boss, Tony Judge, handle the press. Speaking of Tony, God rest his soul, he put several people to work driving trucks for the Chicago Tribune at my father's behest. My father was quite helpful to many, securing employment for those he saw as underdogs, always offering them support without seeking or expecting anything in return.

Regarding my father's salary, I once asked him about his annual raises out of curiosity. In a light-hearted yet sincere manner, he replied that he annually decides what raise he deserves and then gives himself that increase. We both laughed at this, but knowing he was the chief officer of his local, his jest wasn't far from the truth. However, some of his underlings shared with me after my father's passing that he was extremely careful about spending the union's money, which I attribute to his occasional expressions of concern about federal scrutiny. He admitted that he could have justified a higher salary for himself, but he chose not to because, as he put it, "the government scrutiny he might get wasn't worth the extra money."

Looking back, I would have preferred to hear my father explain that he opted not to increase his salary because the money belonged to the union members. However, frankly, despite his genuine concern for the members, it wasn't his concern for them that drew him into the field of labor representation. In 1974, two years into his early and happy semi-retirement, he was suddenly told by some friends that he was going to be a union man for the Teamsters, despite already living very peacefully in his semi-retirement after a lifetime of being a successful proprietor of several different businesses.

An interesting life, to say the least. RIP AAF, Sr.

12/02/2024

I grew up and entered early adulthood with the belief that the FBI was an unfriendly, untrustworthy adversary. This suspicion led me to refuse communication with them in 2004 and 2005 when they contacted me to warn that my life might be in danger due to a complex personal issue involving some ruthless individuals. I later learned the potential murder plot was more about making a statement to others with whom I was involved at the time. Despite my distrust of the FBI, I've never considered myself the antagonist; rather, I've always seen myself as a good American. My experiences in Chicago, where I've lived my entire life, have given me insight into what I perceive as the FBI's unjust actions.

While I recognize the positive aspects of the FBI's work, I have no personal experience with these. Friends in the legal profession have informed me that the FBI often interprets avoidance as a sign of guilt. This mutual distrust is likely, and frankly, I'm indifferent to their opinion of me, a sentiment that I believe is reciprocated.

Over the last 25 years, I've deepened my understanding of the FBI. Friends of impeccable character have shared stories of personal or observed negative encounters with the FBI, from dishonesty to harassment of major proportions. Recent events, such as James Comey's handling of the Hillary Clinton email investigation and his unconventional public updates before the 2016 election, along with Christopher Wray's seemingly delayed investigation into Hunter Biden's laptop, have only deepened my skepticism. These incidents, among others too numerous to list, highlight what I see as systemic issues within the FBI.

I trust that Donald Trump, with his personal and indirect experiences with the FBI and DOJ, understands these problems deeply. His plans for both agencies promise significant reform. With our mutual allies like Conrad Black and Rob Blagojevich, who have also faced scrutiny from these institutions, I am confident in Trump's approach. The arrival of Inauguration Day cannot come soon enough. May God bless Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Bobby Kennedy, and all who stand with them, and may God bless America.

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