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The Hungry Black Man Media platform dedicated to the national Black culinary ecosystem served with rants and commentary. Starex Smith.

The Hungry Black Man is a Media Company dedicated to navigating and sharing the Black and minority experience through commentary on food, travel, and culture. Content will be both interesting and informational with the occasional ramblings of the blog's creator, Mr.

Today, my nephew Jon turns 26, which seems improbable when you’ve helped raise somebody and some part of you still expec...
10/11/2026

Today, my nephew Jon turns 26, which seems improbable when you’ve helped raise somebody and some part of you still expects to look up and see a child.

If you’ve followed The Hungry Black Man, you’ve seen plenty through Jon’s eyes. He spent years behind the camera, helping capture the food, the people, and the stories that became part of this journey. But some of my favorite memories never required a camera. They happened picking him up from school, listening to him make an exceptionally confident case for a burger I apparently needed to try, and work hearing how we is crushing it with his co workers and quickly approaching a promotion and even his awful recommendations for a food bringer at Skinny Louie’s. Ive come to learn that asking Jon for a restaurant recommendation could result in me surrendering part of my dinner. You’d think he would have a the best options, but alas, he’s still Gen Z no matter what. They don’t know good food.

Raising him has been one of the great experiences of my life. I thought I was there to teach him, and I was, but he has taught me plenty about patience, humility, and how much room the heart can make for another person. There is something extraordinary about knowing someone from childhood and then getting to sit across a table from the adult they’ve become, hearing their opinions, discovering their talents, and realizing they have an entire life ahead of them that you’re grateful to witness.

Jon, keep striving for greatness. I hope this year brings you purpose, peace, opportunities worthy of your creativity, and plenty of reasons to laugh. I’m grateful for the meals we’ve shared, the work we’ve done, and the privilege of helping raise you and having you as the rock do this platform.

Happy 26th birthday nephew.

10/11/2026

Please join me in prayer for those impacted by Hurricane Isaias.

10/09/2026

Mike Tyson, I’m very disappointed. I really thought you had gained wisdom through it all, but alas, we’re back where we started.

WE ARE COOKED! Nothing says the holiday season like family, friends, something on the grill, and Washington pitching a p...
10/09/2026

WE ARE COOKED! Nothing says the holiday season like family, friends, something on the grill, and Washington pitching a public spectacle for December 3 at 2 p.m. Eastern. Perhaps next they’ll announce matching pajamas and a commemorative serving platter. I’m being sarcastic, but the dystopia is doing its own writing. The victims deserve dignity, and the country deserves leaders who understand that justice is a responsibility, not holiday programming.

Guess what, it will be one of the highest watched streams in history. We are sick. Article in comment section.

10/09/2026

😡🔥🤬I am recovering from a pretty nasty cold, and with my appetite finally returning, I decided to grab something quick while running errands. A Winn-Dixie hot bar seemed like a reasonable choice, particularly after a surprisingly pleasant experience a couple of weeks ago at the location at 1515 E. Hallandale Beach Blvd. in Hallandale Beach.

That store had a hot bar that was genuinely impressive. The food was beautifully presented, fresh-looking, colorful, and inviting. Even the cold selections, including the tuna and chicken salads, looked like somebody in that kitchen actually cared about what they were serving. I grabbed lunch and a small container of tuna salad and thoroughly enjoyed both. It was the kind of experience that makes you appreciate a supermarket taking its prepared-food department seriously.

Well, apparently Halloween came early this year, because today I stopped at the Winn-Dixie at 14900 NW 7th Ave. in Miami, and what I encountered looked like the aftermath of a biblical plague.

I am almost certain some of that food had been sitting in those trays since Joshua and his soldiers marched around the walls of Jericho.

The presentation was absolutely dreadful. Food that looked tired, neglected, dried out, and thoroughly defeated. Nothing about that hot bar suggested freshness, pride, or even the slightest concern for the person expected to pay for it. I stood there wondering how anyone could look at that display and consider it acceptable for public consumption.

And then an employee cheerfully greeted me as though I weren't standing in front of what appeared to be an archaeological excavation.

Sir, hello is not enough. Have you seen this food?

But beyond the humor, there is something about this that genuinely angers me.

I am tired of seeing national brands operate at one standard in predominantly white or more affluent neighborhoods and seemingly accept another in working-class Black communities.

I have witnessed this disparity far too often across South Florida. Visit certain suburban locations, and you find attractive displays, well-maintained departments, and employees who appear to take pride in their work. Travel into some of our working-class neighborhoods, and suddenly the expectations seem to disappear.

Why?

The residents of these communities are spending the same American dollars. Winn-Dixie isn't offering some special discount because the food looks like it survived the Old Testament. The prices certainly aren't reflecting the difference in presentation.

I am not suggesting that every employee in a working-class neighborhood lacks pride or that every suburban store is immaculate. I am saying that when a national company puts its name on a building, there should be a consistent standard of quality regardless of the ZIP code.

Corporate leadership has a responsibility to provide proper staffing, training, supervision, and resources. Store management has a responsibility to enforce those standards. And yes, employees have a responsibility to take pride in the spaces where they work and the products they put before customers.

We cannot demand better treatment from these corporations while becoming comfortable with neglect inside our own communities.

I plan to return to this Winn-Dixie tomorrow to speak with the manager because this is unacceptable. I do not expect a supermarket hot bar to resemble a Michelin-starred restaurant, but because basic freshness, cleanliness, and appetizing food should not be considered luxuries reserved for certain neighborhoods.

We deserve the same quality, dignity, and respect that these brands extend to customers everywhere else. Our ZIP codes should never determine the standards we receive.

I am curious whether others have noticed similar differences between locations of the same national brand, particularly supermarkets, pharmacies, fast-food restaurants, and other businesses operating in predominantly Black neighborhoods.

If you have, please share the business, the location, and what you experienced. I would genuinely like to know how widespread this problem is.

10/08/2026

HUD Secretary Scott Turner, Trump’s only Black Cabinet member, is investigating Wells Fargo’s authorizing too many home loans for Black Americans. He’d had a busy week. The latest recruit to the Sambo & Quimbo circuit.

The Abraham D. Juste story has opened up a conversation I did not expect.Juste, better known as Da’Vinchi, made comments...
10/07/2026

The Abraham D. Juste story has opened up a conversation I did not expect.

Juste, better known as Da’Vinchi, made comments about Black Americans that many of us found disparaging. Calling us lazy, incompetent, and less than, was in short, hurtful and disrespectful. When I shared a post on this issue, on my personal page, a number of local Haitian Americans responded with stories about being bullied by Black American children in Miami schools.

I am not interested in taking those experiences away from anybody. If somebody called you names, mocked your accent, made fun of your clothes or made you ashamed of where your family came from, that was wrong. Period.

I grew up here, and I remember some of the ignorance, but thankfully, none of the violence.

I remember kids saying somebody “looked Haitian,” usually because they had stronger African features or dressed differently. Sometimes it was something as ridiculous as church shoes with jeans and no socks, or being ashy. Haitian adults often dressed differently from Black Americans, and in the hyper-materialistic youth culture of the 1980s and ’90s, being different could make you a target.

That does not excuse it. But it does complicate the story. Because Black American children bullied other Black American children for many of the same reasons. You could get roasted for being poor, dark-skinned, African-looking, country, nerdy, overweight, skinny, having the wrong shoes, talking funny or simply failing to keep up with whatever fashion had been declared acceptable that week.

Children can be cruel. And Black children growing up in a society that taught them to associate status with proximity to whiteness, money and material possessions could reproduce some ugly ideas themselves. We had to do a lot of work to free our minds from that and as a people, we have done a great job. We are hyper aware of colorism, sexism, and racism. We are hyper aware of anti-black expression and we check you on spot. We even have slurs for those inside of our people who reject the pan African love that we as a people have demonstrated since Frederick Douglas was one of the first diplomat to the nation of Haiti.

But here is my problem with the story now being told: that cannot be the only history we remember.

If we are going to talk about how some Black American children treated Haitian children, then we also have to talk about what Black American adults were doing while those children were teasing one another in school.

Because that story is remarkable.

When Haitian refugees began arriving in South Florida in significant numbers during the 1970s and 1980s, the United States did not greet them the way it had greeted many Cuban refugees. Haitians were detained, threatened with deportation and routinely denied political asylum. In 1980, a federal court found that immigration authorities had subjected Haitians to a discriminatory program designed to rapidly process and deport them.

And Black America sprang into action.

The Congressional Black Caucus publicly backed refugee status for Haitians. Benjamin Hooks, then executive director of the NAACP, spoke openly about the unequal treatment of Haitian and Cuban refugees. The NAACP adopted a resolution calling on Congress to recognize Haitians as political refugees and urging the president to grant asylum to Haitians already here. Later, the organization mobilized its branches around detention centers and pressed the Reagan administration over what Hooks described as Haitians being singled out for unusually harsh treatment.

In Miami, Black churches did something even more immediate. At Friendship Missionary Baptist Church, the Rev. James E. Jenkins took the plight of Haitian immigrants so seriously that it became part of the church’s historical legacy. Contemporary reporting from 1980 described Jenkins arriving at the church to find dozens of newly arrived Haitians waiting outside for help. He was living at the church so he could keep its doors open around the clock. Hundreds of Haitian refugees slept inside while the church fed and clothed people who had arrived with practically nothing.

Let’s seriously take time and think about this for a second. While Washington was debating whether Haitians deserved to remain in America, a Black Baptist church in Miami was essentially saying: They are already our people. Open the door. And Friendship was not operating in some historical vacuum. Black clergy, civil-rights activists and community leaders were part of a broader coalition demanding that Haitian refugees receive dignity and fair treatment. I remember something even more intimate: Black American families opening their homes. I had friends whose families had Haitian families living with them because those newcomers had nowhere else to go.

Nobody writes enough about that.

Nobody talks enough about the groceries bought, the church clothes donated, the couches turned into beds, the rides given, the children looked after or the Black families who had very little themselves but made room anyway.

Then there was Congresswoman Carrie Meek and Dr. Adora Obi Nweze, state director of the NAACP (when they mattered). These two Queens worked and spent decades fighting for Haitian families, including helping bring Haitian children with relatives in Miami to the United States and later becoming a driving force behind legislation that allowed tens of thousands of Haitian immigrants to obtain permanent residency. Even years later, when Haitian migrants were detained while Cubans benefited from more favorable treatment, Meek was still publicly demanding equal treatment.

And when Haitians were stigmatized during the AIDS crisis, the indignity became even more explicit. Federal blood-donation policies singled out Haitians based on nationality, eventually producing massive protests and forcing the government to abandon nationality-based exclusion in 1990.

So yes, tell me about the Haitian child who was mocked in a Miami school. I will always listen and respect these experiences. Tell me about the accent somebody laughed at. Tell me about the clothes. Tell me about being called names. Tell me about the ignorance you encountered from Black American children.
Those memories deserve respect.

But then tell the rest of the story.

Tell me about the Black American pastors sleeping away from their families for weeks inside their churches because Haitian refugees needed somewhere to sleep. Let’s hear about Black churches feeding people when they arrived with nothing. Or about Black families making room in their homes. Tell me about the Congressional Black Caucus demanding refugee status. Tell me about Benjamin Hooks and the NAACP demanding that America stop treating Haitians as somehow less deserving of refuge than everybody else.

Tell me about how when Haitian refugees began arriving by boat in the 1970s, Black churches and ministers in Miami fed, clothed, sheltered and advocated for them. Black civil-rights leaders fought their detention and deportation. When Haitian refugees were treated differently from Cuban arrivals, members of the Congressional Black Caucus, including Shirley Chisholm (daughter of immigrants) and Walter Fauntroy, pressed Washington for fair treatment.

Let’s remember the Black civil-rights infrastructure that recognized the treatment of Haitians for what it was and fought against it. History becomes dishonest when we remember only the people who hurt us and erase the people who fought for us. Black Americans as a group, loves all people Black and who embrace their blackness. Not your class or ethnicity. We want unity and solidarity. Our neighborhoods have been inviting and open. We are not perfect, but our love is perfect. We truly never want to see the suffering of anyone who looks like us, and I think we need to be able to tell our truth like everyone else.

The bullying was real. So was the solidarity and pro blackness.

And I find it deeply disrespectful to turn the ignorance of some Black children decades ago into an indictment of Black Americans while leaving out the Black American adults, churches, leaders, politicians and civil-rights organizations that were fighting powerful institutions on behalf of Haitian people at the very same time. The Haitian community as we know it today in America exists today because of Black American leadership and activism.

We are grown now. We can hold two truths in our heads. As ignorant children, some Black American bullies in school mistreated Haitians youth. That is a sad fact, but the reality is that Black Americans stood beside Haitians when America itself was mistreating them.

If we are going to have this conversation, have all of it. Tell the entire story. While we are at it, outside of White Americans like the Quakers, who has advocated for Black Americans, when we have done so for everyone else?

🤬🔥😡NOBODY IS TALKING ABOUT THIS!! More adventures of Sambos and Quimbos. I initially wondered whether HUD Secretary Scot...
10/07/2026

🤬🔥😡NOBODY IS TALKING ABOUT THIS!! More adventures of Sambos and Quimbos. I initially wondered whether HUD Secretary Scott Turner, the only Black member of President Trump's Cabinet, could be different, but alas, he isn't. Or I also wonder if he simply not in control of what was happening inside his own department. Then I did some more digging.

Nope.

Turner has publicly embraced the Trump administration's retreat from disparate-impact enforcement. So I'm not going to insult the man by pretending he doesn't understand what's happening. He is the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. This is his department. And if you're going to sit in that chair, particularly as a Black man leading the federal agency responsible for housing, then you should have to answer for the consequences of the policies your department advances.

HUD is now proposing to remove disparate-impact provisions from its regulations implementing Title VI of the Civil Rights Act for programs receiving HUD financial assistance.

That sounds complicated. It isn't.

Imagine a city gets federal money for housing and creates a new rule for deciding who qualifies for a housing program. The rule doesn't mention race. It doesn't say “No Black people.” Everybody supposedly follows exactly the same rule.

Then we look at the results.

Imagine that before the rule, 40 out of every 100 qualified Black families were approved. After the rule, only 12 are. Meanwhile, the approval rate for white families barely changes.

Most reasonable people would ask: Why is this supposedly race-neutral rule hurting Black people so much more?

That is the basic idea behind disparate impact. Sometimes discrimination isn't discovered because somebody gets caught saying, “I don't want Black people here.” Sometimes you find it by looking at what a policy actually does.

And that matters because this isn't 1955. People who discriminate don't necessarily hang a “WHITES ONLY” sign anymore. A discriminatory outcome can emerge from a screening policy, eligibility requirement, waiting-list procedure, development decision or some other rule written in perfectly race-neutral language.

Under disparate-impact principles, the effect of the policy can matter even without a smoking-gun email admitting racial intent.

HUD wants to remove those effects-based provisions from its Title VI regulations and focus them on intentional discrimination.

To be fair, Turner and HUD argue that Title VI itself prohibits intentional discrimination and that regulations imposing liability without discriminatory intent go beyond what the law permits. The administration also argues that eliminating disparate-impact rules will reduce regulatory uncertainty and unnecessary compliance costs.

But here's my problem with Scott Turner.

If the result of a government policy is that one racial group is being disproportionately harmed, why would the Black man running HUD want the federal government to have fewer tools to investigate and address it?

We know enough American history to understand that discrimination evolves. When society makes one form unacceptable, discrimination doesn't necessarily disappear. Sometimes it simply becomes more sophisticated.

That's precisely why looking at outcomes matters.

Now, let's not exaggerate what is happening. Title VI itself isn't being repealed. Intentional racial discrimination remains illegal. The Fair Housing Act and other civil-rights protections also remain, and this proposal does not eliminate every possible disparate-impact housing claim.

But it could remove an important effects-based protection from HUD's Title VI regulations governing recipients of federal housing money.

And the people with the least power are the people I worry about most.

We're talking about low-income families searching for affordable housing; people relying on public housing authorities or federally supported housing programs; Black and Latino families in communities with long histories of housing discrimination; people with limited credit or complicated financial histories; families living paycheck to paycheck; residents of neighborhoods being redeveloped; and people who don't have the money to hire lawyers and spend years trying to prove that somebody secretly intended to discriminate against them.

In other words, financially insecure Americans are likely to have the most at stake when the government makes discrimination harder to challenge.

And yes, that includes a whole lot of Black people.

The proposal is not final yet. The public-comment period closes Friday, October 9, 2026. After that, HUD must review the comments before deciding whether to issue a final rule. If HUD finalizes the proposal, the final rule will establish when the changes take effect.

So what can we actually do right now?

Leave a comment.

Go to Regulations.gov and search for:

“HUD Title VI Disparate Impact”

You can also search using the rule's Federal Register document number: 2026-16228

HUD also accepts written comments by mail at:

Regulations Division
Office of General Counsel
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development
451 7th Street SW, Room 10276
Washington, DC 20410-0500

Tell HUD what you think about eliminating disparate-impact provisions from its Title VI regulations. You don't need to be a lawyer or write all the s**t I usually do.. Put your objection, support or concerns into your own words and make them part of the official record.

Is a public comment guaranteed to change Scott Turner's mind? Of course not. His department proposed the rule.

But right now, this is the process available to us.

So I will be sending my opinion on this.

And yes, I'm already a homeowner. This particular change is unlikely to affect me as directly as it could millions of other Americans, particularly financially insecure Americans, renters, people seeking affordable housing, families relying on federally assisted housing programs and communities that have historically experienced housing discrimination.

But I've never understood the idea that something has to happen to me before I should give a damn about what happens to us.

So I'm leaving my comment.

I hope you leave yours.

Meet Savannah James, wife of LeBron James (right) and her longtime friend April McDaniel (left).And before we go any fur...
10/07/2026

Meet Savannah James, wife of LeBron James (right) and her longtime friend April McDaniel (left).

And before we go any further, April is not Savannah’s broke friend hoping somebody picks up the check. She’s a successful businesswoman, Savannah’s co-host on the Everybody’s Crazy podcast, and her business partner. The two have built businesses together.

Which is what makes this story so interesting.

On September 28, Savannah and April appeared on Boardroom’s Mental Wealth podcast and talked about money, friendship and the rather enormous financial difference between being successful and being married to a billionaire.

April explained that when they travel together, Savannah might fly first class while she flies business because first class simply isn’t in her budget.

Savannah’s way of accommodating that difference? They plan trips far enough in advance for April to save.

Now, hold on.

This apparently became a thing after a trip to Japan. People online couldn't understand why Savannah was stretched out in first class while her longtime friend was sitting elsewhere on the plane.

April thought the criticism was ridiculous. And, to be fair, this woman wasn't folded into seat 47B next to the bathroom. She was in business class.

She even said she walked up to Savannah’s first-class bed and watched a movie with her.

Apparently, even that offended people.

But I have to admit, the whole conversation struck me as strange.

I may think different, because women and men have different dynamics within their friend groups. But if I were extremely wealthy, my close friend's first-class ticket wouldn't even be a discussion. And if I were rich and famous, I'd probably be calling somebody at American Express, Delta, Louis Vuitton or whoever wanted the Instagram exposure and figuring out how both of us could fly for free.

What really made me raise an eyebrow, though, was the idea that Savannah helps April by giving her enough advance notice to save for the trip.

I dont see how that's helpful. That's just called a calendar.

I'm not saying Savannah is a bad friend by any means. We don't know these women or the thousands of private ways their friendship may work. April certainly doesn't appear to believe she's being mistreated.

Still, it made me wonder about something larger.

When your life changes so dramatically that money essentially stops being an obstacle, what happens to the people who knew you before it did?

If you become extremely wealthy, are your closest friends supposed to experience some of that wealth with you?

Because if my best friend has to start a savings plan just to vacation with me, I'm probably buying the damn ticket.

But that's my two cents. What are your thoughts?

🤬😥😩Meet Abraham D. Juste (standing next to 50 cent) You probably know him as Da’Vinchi, the Haitian-American actor from ...
10/06/2026

🤬😥😩Meet Abraham D. Juste (standing next to 50 cent)

You probably know him as Da’Vinchi, the Haitian-American actor from Brooklyn who has built a rather impressive career playing roles rooted heavily in Black American life and culture.

He played Darnell Hayes on All American. Cash Mooney on grown-ish. Terry “Southwest T” Flenory on BMF. He has also appeared in The Boys, Jessica Jones, Lethal Weapon and other productions.

Recently, Da’Vinchi sat down with former NFL MVP Cam Newton on Newton’s podcast, Funky Friday, for an episode titled “Da’Vinchi on Why BMF Ended, Fame, Acting and What Really Happened Behind the Scenes.”

And somewhere along the way, the conversation went someplace it did not need to go.

Newton raised the tension that has existed in some corners of the Black diaspora and asked about the perception that Caribbean, African and British Black people sometimes believe themselves superior to Black Americans.

Da’Vinchi responded:
“I think that’s true.”
To be fair, he also indicated that he did not believe that attitude was right.

But the conversation didn’t stop there.

Discussing American work ethic, Da’Vinchi said, “I do think the work ethic of Americans is one that people in a higher position, it’s hard for them to trust it.”

He talked about being raised in a Haitian household and learning independence early. Then, speaking about American culture, he said:
“You’re just incompetent for a really long time.”

He argued that America does not sufficiently promote critical thinking, thinking outside the box or hard work.
And social media promptly caught fire.

I understand why.

Because I am a generational Black American. My family has been on this soil since the 18th century, when this nation did not yet have half the states it has today. My ancestors worked its fields, traveled its roads, survived its racial caste system and lived through a country that demanded their labor while denying their humanity.

So, yes, I found this conversation offensive.
And people keep responding, “Well, maybe there is some truth in what he said.”

They are missing the point.

This isn't about pretending every Black American is hardworking, brilliant and industrious. No people can make that claim. It is about the exhaustion of hearing variations of this same conversation about Black Americans from some members of the Black immigrant diaspora: Don't become like them. Don't trust them. They don't work hard enough. They complain too much. We immigrants work harder.

Enough Already.

And the irony of saying any of this while sitting across from Cam Newton should have been impossible to miss. This is a Black American man who became the first Black quarterback to win the NFL's Most Valuable Player award outright, built a career at the highest level of professional sports, became a businessman and father, then reinvented himself as a media entrepreneur.

Whatever criticism one wishes to make of America, Cam Newton is a rather inconvenient person to use as the backdrop for a conversation about Black American laziness.

Some of our Black immigrant brothers and sisters need to learn the history of the people they encounter when they arrive here. Because Black Americans were not sitting around waiting for somebody else to save us. We were fighting the geopolitical power whose decisions affected not simply Alabama, Mississippi and Georgia, but Haiti, Africa, the Caribbean and much of the world.

We were physically being fruit on trees.
Bombed. Beaten. Disenfranchised. Driven from and had our land stolen. Locked out of universities, unions, neighborhoods and professions.

And still we organized. Still we built. Still we fought. Still we forced America, kicking and screaming, to begin reconciling the soaring promises written on its parchment with the bloody reality beneath our feet.

Black American blood is literally mixed into the soil of this country. And since we are talking about Haiti, perhaps Da’Vinchi should learn the name Frederick Douglass.

The formerly enslaved Black American who became one of America's greatest abolitionists was appointed United States Minister Resident and Consul General to Haiti in 1889. Douglass developed such respect for Haiti that American critics later accused him of being too sympathetic to Haitian interests. After leaving the diplomatic post, he served as commissioner for Haiti's exhibit at the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition.

Think seriously about that history for a moment.

More than a century before Da’Vinchi sat on a podcast explaining the superior work ethic he associated with his Haitian upbringing, a formerly enslaved Black American was representing the United States in Haiti while defending the dignity and sovereignty of the first Black republic.

And immigration itself deserves some history.

For decades, American immigration law was structured around discriminatory national-origin and racial restrictions. The great Black freedom struggle of the 1950s and 1960s helped transform the moral and political landscape of this country. The Civil Rights Act came in 1964. The Voting Rights Act came in 1965. And that same year, the Immigration and Nationality Act abolished the old national-origins quota system, dramatically changing who could immigrate to America.

That law ultimately opened doors much wider to immigrants from Asia, Africa and the Caribbean. Black Americans accomplish this. You cannot separate the transformation of America's immigration system from the civil-rights revolution that forced this nation to confront racial discrimination.

And Black Americans were at the center of that revolution. Even before then, Congressman Adam Clayton Powell Jr. of Harlem had introduced legislation seeking paths to citizenship for Asian immigrants while simultaneously fighting segregation, lynching and employment discrimination.

There is a lineage and a debt here. Not a debt requiring anybody to bow or a debt requiring immigrants to surrender their cultures. Just a debt requiring something much simpler:
Respect.

The opportunities Da’Vinchi enjoys did not materialize from thin air either.

Before Da’Vinchi could portray Terry Flenory on BMF, generations of Black American actors, writers, producers and activists fought an entertainment industry that barely wanted Black faces on television unless they were carrying trays, shining shoes or making white audiences laugh.

Our people broke those doors down.

That lineage includes people like Tyler Perry. You may love his work or hate it, Lord knows I have my own opinions, but nobody with functioning eyes can accuse that man of being lazy. He built an enormous Black entertainment enterprise and created opportunities for Black actors Hollywood routinely overlooked.

Da’Vinchi himself has spoken about working within Perry's famously demanding production system. So perhaps before diagnosing Black America with a work-ethic problem, one should examine the shoulders upon which one's own career stands.

I want the diaspora that migrates to American tp please stop arriving at Black America's doorstep carrying somebody else's mythology about Black Americans. The very same mythology that was created by those who destroyed your countries. Yes, why would you repeat those talking points? Please stop defining yourself by how unlike us you believe yourself to be. America has a lesson it teaches Black immigrants eventually, whether gently or brutally: The policeman who stops you does not ask whether your grandmother came from Port-au-Prince, Kingston, Lagos or Birmingham, Alabama before deciding what your Blackness means.

You don't escape America's racial history by declaring yourself different from the descendants of the people who survived it. Black Americans, by and large, are not sitting around our dinner tables obsessively discussing Haitians, Nigerians, Jamaicans, Ghanaians or Trinidadians and warning our children not to become like them.

Most of us simply expect you to come here, build your life and become part of the enormous, complicated thing called America. So it is bewildering to repeatedly discover that somewhere in somebody else's house, we have apparently been assigned the role of cautionary tale.

Why?

Why are you talking about us like this? Why must Black American supposed pathology become the measuring stick by which somebody proves his immigrant virtue?

Just stop.

We have enough people in this country invested in telling the world that Black Americans are lazy, deficient, criminal, unintelligent and responsible for every structural injury ever inflicted upon us. We do not need that rhetoric recycled by people whose faces look like ours.

He needs to apologize and learn our history.
Learn Frederick Douglass, Adam Clayton Powell Jr., my frat brother A. Philip Randolph, Bayard Rustin, Queen Fannie Lou Hamer, and Mrs. Ella Baker.

Learn the Black soldiers who came home from wars abroad and demanded democracy at home.

Learn the people who marched until America's immigration laws, voting laws, employment laws and public accommodations began changing.

Learn the people whose work made possible an America where a Haitian-American kid from Brooklyn could grow up, become an actor, portray Black American stories on television and sit across from a Black American NFL MVP on a Black-owned media platform to discuss it all.

Then perhaps we can finally retire this tired competition over which branch of the African diaspora works harder.

We have spent centuries being divided according to somebody else's hierarchy. We should know better than to build one of our own.

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