The Eternal Saints

The Eternal Saints Advancing the cause of Zion by chronicling the Latter Day Saint movement, culture, and history while providing independent citizen reporting on Utah life.

Gang Land Salt Lake City | What We Know About the Rose Park Funeral ShootingTwo people are dead and at least six others ...
01/08/2026

Gang Land Salt Lake City | What We Know About the Rose Park Funeral Shooting

Two people are dead and at least six others injured after a shooting Wednesday night outside a Latter-day Saint meetinghouse in Salt Lake City’s Rose Park neighborhood.

Police were called shortly after 7:30 p.m. to reports of gunfire at 660 North Redwood Road, where a viewing was being held inside the chapel. The shooting occurred in the parking lot during the service.

The victims killed have been identified as 38-year-old Sione Vatuvei and 46-year-old Vaea Tulikihihifo. Of the six injured, three remain in critical condition. Some victims were transported to hospitals by private vehicles before police arrived.

According to investigators, the shooting was targeted and not random. Police have also stated they do not believe it was a religiously motivated attack.

The viewing was being held for Asi Sekona, whose body was removed from the building after the shooting and transported to Los Angeles for funeral services. All known victims are adults.

The meetinghouse serves two Tongan-language wards: Riverside 2nd Ward and Rose Park 5th Ward. Officials have confirmed the service was conducted in the Tongan community.

Federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies (including the Metro Gang Unit and the FBI) are assisting in the investigation. Police have been searching the area between Redwood Road and the Jordan River and are looking for a gray passenger vehicle believed to be involved.

As of Thursday morning, no suspects have been formally arrested. Several individuals have been detained, though police caution that detention does not equal involvement, and the number of shooters remains unknown.

Photos and videos circulating from inside the viewing show numerous attendees wearing blue bandanas, with blue fabric also visible on tables and under floral arrangements. Police have not confirmed gang involvement, but have acknowledged the shooting was targeted.

The color blue is commonly associated with the Tongan Crip Gang, a predominantly Tongan-American gang known to operate in parts of the western United States. Law enforcement has not publicly linked the group to this shooting, and no official confirmation has been made.

Salt Lake City Police Chief Brian Redd said there is no ongoing threat to the public and emphasized that investigators “will not rest” until those responsible are brought to justice.

Mayor Erin Mendenhall called the shooting “especially heartbreaking,” noting it occurred outside a place of worship during a celebration of life.

Sources: Salt Lake City Police Department, KUTV, FOX 13, Church News, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

Utah School Board Member Quits, Warns Parents to Withdraw Children from Public EducationA sitting Utah State Board of Ed...
01/04/2026

Utah School Board Member Quits, Warns Parents to Withdraw Children from Public Education

A sitting Utah State Board of Education member is walking away, and not quietly.

In a blistering farewell statement, she describes a system she believes is irredeemably corrupt and urges parents to remove their children from public schools altogether.

On January 2, Christina Boggess, a member of the Utah State Board of Education representing District 8, publicly announced that she will not seek reelection.

Her statement was not framed as a routine departure or a personal change of plans. It was a resignation in spirit, and a warning.

“I will not seek re-election,” Boggess wrote, “because I am done lending my name, my vote, and my silence to a broken, corrupt, and morally bankrupt system that no longer serves the children or families of this state.”

According to Boggess, corruption within the Utah State Board of Education is not incidental or isolated.

She describes it as “brazen” and “pervasive,” driven by political ambition, financial incentives, and institutional self-preservation rather than student outcomes.

In her telling, governance has become performative. Good ideas are buried. Dissent is punished. The appearance of reform is carefully managed, while the underlying system remains untouched.

She places part of the blame on the Utah Legislature as well, describing a feedback loop of dysfunction in which theatrical outrage substitutes for meaningful action.

Boggess says she ran for office to represent parents and families, but found that even those who campaign as conservatives often abandon their stated principles once inside the system.

“The Republican Party platform means nothing inside those walls,” she wrote. “The Word of the Lord means even less.”

She specifically cites parental concerns that many Utah families will recognize: explicit materials in school libraries, gender ideology in classrooms, declining academic standards, and the steady erosion of parental authority.

Her claim is not merely that these concerns go unaddressed, but that they are actively dismissed, mocked even, by decision-makers insulated from accountability.

At a certain point, she says, participation itself becomes a form of complicity.

“I refuse to be a prop in their theatre of fake reform,” she wrote. “Walking away is not surrender—it is the only honest act left to me.”

That framing is important. Boggess is not presenting her exit as exhaustion or defeat. She is presenting it as testimony.

And that testimony culminates in a stark recommendation.

“My final message to every parent in Utah is blunt and urgent,” she wrote. “Get your children out of Utah’s government schools as quickly as possible. Real change is not coming.”

As Boggess is exiting the system, many Utah parents already have.

Utah has seen a steady rise in homeschooling, private schooling, and alternative education models over the past several years.

Whatever one thinks of those trends, they are not happening in a vacuum.

My Mission in 2026This week’s bombshell revelations about mass fraud happening in Minnesota underscores the need for ind...
01/01/2026

My Mission in 2026

This week’s bombshell revelations about mass fraud happening in Minnesota underscores the need for independent journalism to do the job that the corporate media has abdicated in favor of complicity to a corrupt system that’s destroying America’s prosperity.

My name is Danny Chadwick. I’m a journalist, a filmmaker, and a lifelong Utahn. Over the course of the 2020s, the quality of life for heritage Utahns has changed dramatically.

The fabric of our communities, our economy, and our culture has shifted in ways that leave many of us wondering what happened, and how we can reclaim the Utah we knew even just a few years ago.

My mission in 2026 is straightforward: to help Utahns understand what has taken place, who is responsible, what is happening now, and what we can do moving forward.

That includes covering news stories that matter, investigating corruption, clarifying lies told by corporate media, and reporting on events that most other outlets won’t touch.

But that is only one part of the work.

Equally important is my mission to remind Latter-day Saints in the Intermountain West of their heritage, their history, and their place in a story far bigger than any single generation.

To be blunt: the Saints have amnesia. We have forgotten who we are, why we came here, and what role we were meant to play in the “great and marvelous work” begun by Joseph Smith and carried into these mountains by Brigham Young.

We’ve allowed Zion to become a memory, a phrase, or a slogan, rather than a responsibility, a way of life, or a calling.

In 2026, this account will continue on two parallel tracks:

First, reporting. You can expect coverage of important news stories affecting Utahns, original reporting, analysis, and on-the-ground investigation. Stories that corporate media ignores or distorts will be brought to light.

Lies will be called out, bad actors exposed, and the public given the clarity they need to understand what is happening in their state.

Second, history and heritage. I will continue exploring Utah and Latter-day Saint history, theology, and culture. Not as nostalgia, and not as theory, but as living memory.

You’ll see On This Day in Mormon History posts, passages from forgotten works that still illuminate the mind and the spirit, and my Forgotten Zion series highlighting places, people, and teachings lost to time but essential to understanding ourselves.

This work is for heritage Utahns of all beliefs, for Latter-day Saints who sense something sacred slipping away, Pioneer descendants who no longer affiliate with the faith, and for our gentile-American neighbors who want the Utah we grew up with; not the one quietly being reshaped in the shadowy halls of high power and influence.

For those interested in professional credentials, I’ve spent more than fifteen years in journalism. I worked at Top Ten Reviews from 2008 to 2019 as a senior writer and editor. I freelanced for outlets like Lifewire, Fit Small Business, and Review Geek, eventually becoming associate editor there, covering tech news, product reviews, and tech history.

After parting with Review Geek, I stepped away from journalism to pursue a profound spiritual awakening and to return seriously to faith.

That period of reflection and reorientation eventually drew me into Utah politics for the first time, and I advocated heavily for Phil Lyman during the 2024 gubernatorial cycle.

That experience, like the spiritual awakening before it, changed me profoundly.

And then Charlie Kirk was murdered in Orem.

That was the moment I realized I had been hiding my skills for too long. That the tools I had honed in technology journalism (research, verification, narrative clarity) needed to be applied here, in service of Utah, the Latter-day Saints, and Zion itself.

This is my mission in 2026: to bring truth to the Saints in Zion, and all Utahns, regardless of faith or institutional affiliation.

My work is supported by readers who find value in it. Donations via PayPal or Venmo ("DannyChadwick" is my username for both) or through Ko-Fi help keep it viable and independent.

I’m here. I’m paying attention. I intend to tell the truth as clearly as I can, for as long as I am able.

That is my mission.

Envision Utah vs. The Plat of Zion | Building Babylon on Deseret’s BonesLast night, KUTV’s Brian Mullahy posted this:“Ut...
11/06/2025

Envision Utah vs. The Plat of Zion | Building Babylon on Deseret’s Bones

Last night, KUTV’s Brian Mullahy posted this:

“Utah faces of 235,000 homes over 30 years, unless changes made on infrastructure, water, city redevelopment. Report from ⁦

⁩”

That line: "unless changes are made" struck a nerve with me. Because we already had a change-proof plan. A tested, prophetic template for sustainable cities. It was called the Plat of Zion, and it built this state.

Drawn by Joseph Smith in 1833, the Plat wasn’t just a spiritual metaphor. It was an actual urban design: a grid of 10-acre blocks, 132-foot-wide streets, uniform lot sizes, public squares at the center, and sacred space anchoring every settlement.

“When this square is thus laid off and supplied, lay off another in the same way," the Prophet said, "and so fill up the world in these last days; and let every man live in the city, for this is the city of Zion.”

Brigham Young took that command literally. When the Saints reached the Salt Lake Valley in 1847, the very first thing they did; before irrigation, before agriculture, was mark out a square block in the shape of Zion. From there, they laid out Salt Lake City and more than 500 other settlements, all variations of the Plat. Logan, Manti, Lehi, Nephi, Cedar City, Bountiful, and many more; all born on that same grid.

Every family got a lot. Every city had a temple block. Streets were wide enough to turn a wagon team. Homes were walkable to school, church, and square. This wasn’t suburban sprawl. It was compact, communal, resilient. A design meant to bind people to place, and place to God.

So what happened?

Envision Utah, founded in 1997 as a public-private planning initiative, was supposed to inherit that legacy. But instead of preserving it, they rewrote it. Their “Wasatch Choice 2050” plan replaces sacred geometry with “regional nodes,” transit corridors, and sprawling patchwork development. It’s a growth model dictated by real estate capital and zoning overlays, not revelation or principle.

Take Salt Lake County. Once platted in 10-acre blocks, it’s now a mess of cul-de-sacs, arterials, and gated pods. Lot sizes in Utah have shrunk 27% since 2000. Walkability has plummeted. The average commute is now 24.9 minutes; up 20% in a decade. Public squares have become parking lots. The city that began as Zion is now indistinguishable from Phoenix or Denver.

And yet Envision Utah tells us we need more of this. Their reports call for “redevelopment corridors,” “high-density nodes,” and “mixed-use infill” to meet the projected shortage of 235,000 homes. But they never ask why we got short in the first place.

Utah’s housing crisis isn’t a supply problem. It’s a memory problem. We stopped building the kind of cities that made us strong.

The Plat of Zion was scalable. You don’t fix the housing shortage by scattering towers along I-15. You fix it by restoring form and discipline to growth; block by block, community by community. Zion was designed to expand, not metastasize.

Contrast that with Envision Utah’s partner strategies. SB34 was supposed to streamline housing access, but tied municipalities to compliance checklists and opaque benchmarks. The “centers-based” approach has left cities like American Fork and Ogden patchworked with unaffordable luxury units and disconnected developments, while locals commute longer and pay more for less space.

Meanwhile, water and infrastructure systems groan. Utah County’s sewer capacity is already behind its permitting pace. UDOT now spends over $600 million a year chasing growth it helped spread. And the people who built this state, the multigenerational families, the working poor, the actual stewards of Zion, are being priced out by a system that’s forgotten them.

This isn’t just about design. It’s about covenant. The Plat of Zion wasn’t meant to be efficient, it was meant to be just. Every family in reach of the temple. Every street aligned to compass and creation. Every city built for worship, labor, and rest.

Envision Utah says it values principles. But look at the results: over 20 cities along the Wasatch Front have declared “moderate income housing plans,” yet affordability keeps slipping. Density without order. Growth without grace. Zion abandoned for spreadsheets and soft-power sprawl.

We don’t need another consultant report. We need repentance. Civic repentance. A return to revealed patterns. A revival of the urban gospel that made Utah not just livable, but luminous.

The bones of Zion are still here. In the old grids. The pioneer lots. The towns with chapels at the heart and mountains at the edge. We don’t need to invent new models; we need to remember the one we were given.

Because the shortage isn’t just housing. It’s vision. And if Envision Utah can’t see that, it might be time for someone else to do the seeing.

Where Has All the Farmland Gone | A Look at the Decline of Agriculture Along the Wasatch Front“This was nothing but farm...
11/05/2025

Where Has All the Farmland Gone | A Look at the Decline of Agriculture Along the Wasatch Front

“This was nothing but farmland as far as the eye could see! Old Man Peabody owned all of this.”

That line from Back to the Future comes to mind every time I drive the Wasatch Front. From Ogden to Provo, what used to be green fields and irrigation ditches has turned into a corridor of warehouses, apartment blocks, and cul-de-sacs named after the things they replaced.

The Wasatch Front was built by farmers. Pioneers carved canals from the mountains and made the desert bloom. By the middle of the 20th century, this strip of valley was growing nearly all of Utah’s fruits and vegetables.

Agriculture wasn’t just work, it was the culture itself. Even in Salt Lake City, you could walk to a hay market. But since 2000, the state has lost millions of acres of farmland, and nowhere faster than along the Front.

The region’s six major counties have seen developed land expand by nearly 100,000 acres while farmland shrank by almost half that amount. Utah County alone lost more than 47,000 acres in two decades.

What was once orchard and pasture now sells for hundreds of thousands of dollars per acre, and with the average Utah farmer pushing seventy, the temptation to cash out is overwhelming.

The organization Envision Utah, founded in the late 1990s to manage growth, is often praised for its consensus-building. But its “visioning” process has effectively legitimized steady suburban expansion into the state’s most fertile valleys.

Under the banner of “smart growth,” local governments have rezoned farms, paved over prime soil, and rebranded it as sustainable development.

Utahns overwhelmingly value agriculture: 98 percent in surveys say they want to protect farmland and increase local food production.

However, Utah now produces only a sliver of its own food: about three percent of fruits, two percent of vegetables, and a quarter of its dairy.

Everything else rolls in on trucks from California, Mexico, or wherever the global supply chain still holds. When the COVID-19 pandemic snarled distribution, those trucks stopped coming as reliably, and the illusion of plenty cracked.

“If the supply chain is jeopardized, we need something in the state of Utah to help sustain us,” warned Jim Hoken of the state agriculture department. That warning went largely unheeded as the bulldozers kept moving south.

Every rezoning meeting along the Front now feels like a ritual: a handful of old-timers standing up for open land while planners and developers nod about “balanced growth.”

In Orem, the last organic farm on State Street barely survived a development push. In West Weber, 26 acres of cropland just became another subdivision.

Salt Lake City annexed Northpoint, home to the last few working acres in the valley, in hopes of “managing” industrial growth; a euphemism that usually means replacing barns with warehouses.

Even the county council that voted to protect a 48-acre farm near the Great Salt Lake did so as a gesture, not a policy.

The long-term cost of all this is staggering. Utah’s food independence, the pioneer dream of self-reliance, is slipping away acre by acre.

Once a state that could feed itself, Utah now relies on a global system it cannot control. If drought, disaster, or politics ever disrupt that system, there is no local fallback. The land that could have fed the next generation will already be under concrete.

And something else is being lost too. Utah’s character, its rhythms of work, its sense of stewardship, its connection to the land, is eroding alongside the farms.

The farmstead, the canal, the peach stand on the corner; these weren’t just remnants of the past, they were the scaffolding of a culture that believed the desert could bloom and the people could live off its promise.

That vision is fading fast. What we’re paving over isn’t just soil. It’s who we are.

If You Could Hie From Kolob | Everything You Need to Know About Comet 3I/ATLASIf you could hie to Kolob in the twinkling...
11/03/2025

If You Could Hie From Kolob | Everything You Need to Know About Comet 3I/ATLAS

If you could hie to Kolob in the twinkling of an eye, you might pass Comet 3I/ATLAS going the other way. Astronomers first spotted it July 1, 2025, with the ATLAS telescope in Chile.

It came sailing in from the direction of Serpens, near the galactic center: the same general region some old-school Saints might picture when they sing about Kolob.

Only the third interstellar visitor we’ve ever seen, after ‘Oumuamua and Borisov, this one’s been the show-stopper: fast, blue, and carrying dust older than our Sun.

3I/ATLAS is no homebody. It’s not bound to the Sun, not part of any orbit that will bring it back. It came screaming through the system at about 210,000 kilometers an hour, looped inside Mars’s path on October 30, and is already on its way out again.

You could say it swung by to shake hands with Sol and head home. When it passed Mars in early October, spacecraft snapped its portrait: a bright, fuzzy traveler trailing a thin tail like a bridal veil.

The comet’s makeup is classic but with a few odd twists. Hubble and Webb saw water v***r, carbon dioxide, and traces of cyanogen and nickel v***r. Its color changed from rusty red to electric blue as it warmed, the sign of gases bursting free from old ice.

The mix suggests it formed far from its original star in some frozen outer realm, then spent enough time circling close in to cook off its most fragile ices before being flung into the void.

It’s been through the refiner’s fire, then drifted for eons through interstellar dark before washing up in our corner of creation.

Some researchers think 3I/ATLAS may have come from the Milky Way’s thick disk; the old part of the galaxy, full of ancient stars. That could make it seven billion years old, which would mean it was already wandering when our Sun was still just cosmic dust.

For Latter-day Saint ears, that gives the thing a bit of sacred poetry. It’s not proof of Kolob by any stretch, but you can’t help smiling at the thought of a comet literally arriving from the direction of “the governing star.”

Scientists love it because it behaves so much like the comets we know. That hints that the same cosmic recipe; water, dust, carbon, and metals gets baked into worlds across the galaxy. Creation, it seems, plays the same tune in different keys.

And that’s the part that sticks with me: this isn’t some alien spacecraft or mystical sign, just a chunk of frozen time from another sun’s backyard, flying through our sky for a brief hello.

So if you’re up before dawn this month, look east toward Leo and imagine an ancient wanderer passing overhead, older than the Earth, moving faster than any prophet ever dreamed of traveling.

It’s not a sermon, not a warning, just a reminder that the heavens are wide, the family of worlds is vast, and sometimes, Kolob sends a postcard.

Are Lawmakers Financially Benefiting From Utah’s Construction Boom? Utah’s in the middle of one of the biggest building ...
10/27/2025

Are Lawmakers Financially Benefiting From Utah’s Construction Boom?

Utah’s in the middle of one of the biggest building booms in its history and a surprising number of the people writing the laws are also cashing the checks.

More than a third of Utah’s 104 lawmakers make at least part of their income from real estate, construction, or development. They’re builders, landlords, contractors, and investors.

That overlap might sound like a recipe for insight: lawmakers who actually know what it takes to get a house off the ground. But it’s also a recipe for conflict when those same lawmakers are shaping the rules, funding the roads, and approving the incentives that can make their own land more valuable.

House Speaker Mike Schultz, for example, built his fortune through Castle Creek Homes and still lists more than a dozen real-estate and development companies on his disclosures, according to public filings and Salt Lake Tribune reporting.

His projects have thrived as Utah’s population, and housing prices, exploded. It’s not illegal, but it raises eyebrows when the most powerful man in the House is also one of the state’s most successful developers.

He’s not alone. Rep. Bridger Bolinder runs his family’s construction company. Rep. Walt Brooks owns a property-management firm buoyed by rising rents in southern Utah. And that’s before you get to the doctors, lawyers, and engineers who moonlight as landlords or small-scale developers.

The Senate is even more deeply tied to the boom. Senate President Stuart Adams, a Davis County developer, owns about 70 acres near the $600 million West Davis Corridor highway, a project he helped shepherd through the Legislature. That new road just happens to make his land more valuable.

Adams denies any conflict, saying he’s “investing in his community.” Critics might call it investing in the right zip code.

Senator David Buxton owns a development or contracting firms. Sen. Kirk Cullimore’s family law practice represents landlords across Utah, a business that grows as more apartment complexes open. Senator Calvin Musselman is a general contractor.

And Senate leaders Adams and Jerry Stevenson sit on the board of Utah’s powerful Military Installation Development Authority (MIDA), which approves massive public-private projects like the Mayflower ski resort.

Developers tied to that project donated more than $100,000 to Senate leadership PACs in one reported case.

Again, none of this breaks Utah law. Legislators can’t run bills that directly benefit their own companies, but they aren’t required to recuse themselves from shaping broader policy that may boost their industry. In a part-time “citizen legislature,” the gray area is wide and lucrative.

Defenders may say experience in building and development helps lawmakers craft better growth policy. Maybe so. But when the people writing the rules are also signing the construction contracts, the public has a right to ask who really benefits.

Even former leaders have kept a hand in the game. Brad Wilson, who left the House in 2023, launched a 2024 U.S. Senate campaign to succeed Mitt Romney (now succeeded by John Curtis) and his financial disclosures revealed millions in income from his homebuilding firm and apartment ventures.

Greg Hughes and Wayne Niederhauser, both former legislative chiefs, also came straight from development. The revolving door between policy and profit never really closes.

You can check your own representative’s financial disclosures through the Salt Lake Tribune’s searchable database. It’s worth a look because as long as the cranes keep swinging and the freeways keep expanding, Utah’s “citizen legislature” will keep walking a fine line between serving the public and serving their portfolios.

Utah’s Not Just Praying for Snow | What You Need to Know About the Beehive State’s Cloud Seeding ProgramEvery Utahn has ...
10/26/2025

Utah’s Not Just Praying for Snow | What You Need to Know About the Beehive State’s Cloud Seeding Program

Every Utahn has heard a line in a prayer to “bless us with the moisture we need.” Turns out, the state’s been taking that into its own hands for decades; burning silver iodide into storm clouds to squeeze out a little more snow.

Utah’s cloud seeding program started in the 1950s and took off after the 1970s drought. Today, roughly 200 generators dot the mountains that feed the Great Salt Lake and our reservoirs. When a cold front rolls in, operators (or increasingly, a remote control system in Sandy) flip a switch and send plumes of silver-gray v***r into the clouds.

Officials say it works. Seeding bumps snowfall 5–15%, adding tens of thousands of acre-feet of runoff a year. At a few dollars per acre-foot, they call it the cheapest drought tool in the book. The math is appealing: a few thousand bucks in propane and chemicals, and you “make” enough water to fill a small reservoir.

But even the people running the program admit it’s not easy to prove. You can’t replay a storm unseeded for comparison, and those percentages are more estimates than guarantees. Independent field work (like Idaho’s SNOWIE experiment) shows seeding can create snow. How much, and how often, remains fuzzy.

That hasn’t stopped Utah from betting big. In 2023, lawmakers boosted funding more than tenfold: $12 million up front and $5 million a year ongoing to expand the program, add aircraft seeding, and test drones. State leaders pitch it as a model for the West. Skeptics call it a convenient talking point while deeper water reforms stall.

Most of the work is done by North American Weather Consultants, a Sandy-based firm now owned by California startup Rainmaker. They handle the burners, the pilots, and the tech; the state signs the checks and takes the credit. Arizona, Nevada, and California even chip in. More Utah snow means more Colorado River water downstream.

Utah’s Division of Water Resources insists it’s safe. The silver iodide used is chemically stable and shows up in snow at less than one microgram per liter; well below environmental thresholds. They’ve had to repeat that line often, thanks to the internet’s favorite weather conspiracy. The state cloud-seeding coordinator has even faced threats from “chemtrail” believers. “If we were doing something nefarious,” he said, “I’d be the first to stop it. My family lives here too.”

Still, there’s a broader question science can’t quite settle: are we tinkering responsibly, or just buying time? Cloud seeding only works when temperature and moisture line up, and warmer winters could shrink that window. You can’t seed your way out of a drying climate, and you can’t fix decades of overuse by sprinkling silver into the sky.

Utah’s leaders say anything that adds a drop helps. Maybe so. But as the state spends millions to make it snow, it’s worth asking: are we solving the problem or just hoping the clouds cooperate?

Utah Says Its New Digital ID Protects Privacy | Should You Believe It?Utah’s been quietly building one of the most ambit...
10/25/2025

Utah Says Its New Digital ID Protects Privacy | Should You Believe It?

Utah’s been quietly building one of the most ambitious digital ID systems in the country. What started as a pilot for mobile driver’s licenses in 2021 has evolved into something much bigger: a full-fledged State-Endorsed Digital Identity, or SEDI.

The mobile license was the test case. It let Utahns prove they were over 21 without revealing their full birthdate or address; just a quick scan on your phone. By mid-2025, more than 100,000 people had signed up.

Then came Senate Bill 260, sponsored by Sen. Kirk Cullimore and signed by Gov. Spencer Cox in March. The law created a new framework for a digital ID that’s supposed to be voluntary, privacy-centric, and decentralized. Meaning your personal data lives on your phone, not in a government database.

As Utah’s Chief Privacy Officer Christopher Bramwell put it: “You control your identity. You should control your digital identity.”

It’s a strong promise. But it’s also one that depends entirely on whether the technology, and the bureaucracy behind it, actually lives up to that idea.

The SEDI system builds on the mobile driver license but goes further, expanding to online services, banking, and beyond. The law explicitly bans tracking, requires “offline-first” functionality, and says no one can be penalized for sticking with a physical ID. On paper, it’s one of the strongest privacy laws tied to digital identity anywhere in the U.S.

The state’s still building the infrastructure. The Department of Government Operations is expected to deliver a full roadmap to lawmakers ahead of the 2026 session. Officials even hosted a SEDI Summit this month at Utah Valley University to hash out the details with privacy advocates and tech vendors.

Groups like the ACLU of Utah have praised the law as a model for “getting digital ID right.” Still, some Utahns aren’t buying it; worried that once a government system like this exists, the temptation to expand or track will follow. The U.K.’s failed digital ID rollout has already shown how fast trust can collapse when people start to suspect surveillance.

Utah’s leaders insist this isn’t that. They say it’s about giving people more control, not more oversight. But in the end, it all comes down to whether Utah can make that promise real and keep it that way.

If they pull it off, the state could set the national standard for privacy-respecting digital identity. If they don’t, this will go down as another cautionary tale about government tech that sounded too good to be true.

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