Free Venice Beachhead

Free Venice Beachhead Published by Venice peace activists since 1968, 481 issues, over 2000 authors. On the first edition front page, this poem. This paper is a poem.

Published by a Collective of volunteers since 1968, the Free Venice Beachhead is not only the oldest free publication in the country, but also one of the last underground papers still in existence. It is the first of a series. Your participation will decide how often we appear. This paper is a poem for the people. We decided not to sell it to you, but to give it to all of you. It is a poem for all the people. It is also a paper made by people who love to make poems and dig doing a newspaper which is also a poem. Our subject this issue is Venice. Our purpose is to create a community. We would like to give you a new poem every day. We hope to do it, for now, every two weeks. We are writers and artists of Venice community who make this paper. Submit your local stories, articles, poems, cartoons, letters, advertisements, drawings, photographs and thoughts to be considered for publication. Contact Us – Participate, write, photograph, create! Email: [email protected]

Phone: 424-645-7358

Snail mail: PO Box 2, Venice, CA 90291

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Here is a summary of the article regarding Councilmember Traci Park and the 41.18 anti-camping zones:**Overview**The art...
08/22/2026

Here is a summary of the article regarding Councilmember Traci Park and the 41.18 anti-camping zones:

**Overview**
The article heavily criticizes Los Angeles Councilmember Traci Park for her recent vote against the repeal of 12 anti-camping zones (under municipal code 41.18). The author argues that Park uses her political platform to advocate for the criminalization of homelessness rather than seeking genuine, long-term housing solutions.

**Key Criticisms of Traci Park**

* **Redefining "Success":** The author argues Park defines success as "territorial exclusion"—simply clearing unhoused people from specific blocks to make them disappear—rather than successfully transitioning individuals into permanent housing.
* **Misrepresenting Facts and Data:** Park is accused of stripping context from the crisis and using questionable sources to justify her actions. For example, she cites Venice Beach as the "most dangerous beach in America" based on a commercial website's ranking that factored in shark attacks and lightning. Furthermore, city data contradicts her claims of housing success, showing a high rate of people returning to homelessness under her initiatives.
* **Prioritizing Sweeps Over Housing:** The article highlights that Park intervened to stop a fully funded $2.3 million plan to house RV residents near the Ballona Wetlands. Instead, she opted for a police-backed sweep that scattered residents into surrounding areas, which the author argues is a costly rejection of a housing-based alternative.
* **Expanding Criminalization:** Park is actively seeking to expand enforcement citywide. She is leveraging the Supreme Court’s recent *Grants Pass* decision—which allows cities to punish people for sleeping outside even when no shelter is available—to push for wider camping bans.
* **Excluding Unhoused Constituents:** The article notes that she frames public spaces as a service purchased by housed taxpayers, ignoring the fact that unhoused Angelenos are also constituents and taxpayers who are offered no real protection under 41.18.

**Broader Impact**
Despite opposition from Park and two other councilmembers, organizers successfully forced the city to give back twelve pieces of public space. The article concludes that this victory proves the criminalization of homelessness is a "political choice, not an inevitability." Activists are now using this momentum to pressure other councilmembers to repeal similar zones in heavily policed districts like CD1 and CD14.

More from The Mar Vista Voice worth repeating in The Beachhead.

just the end of an article focusing on Tracie Park

https://marvistavoice.org/after-16-months-of-pressure-organizers-force-repeal-of-12-anti-camping-zones/?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_term=2026-08-21&utm_campaign=The+Dispatch+from+Mar+Vista+Voice+

The Council vote also exposed the competing definition of success that has sustained 41.18 despite that record. Councilmembers Traci Park, Monica Rodriguez and Imelda Padilla cast the three votes against the repeal. Park used the vote as an opportunity to pander directly to her political base and repeat the set of talking points that has made her the Council’s most aggressive advocate for criminalizing homelessness.

Park described inheriting the worst homelessness crisis outside Skid Row, invoked Venice’s designation as the “most dangerous beach in America,” recounted damage to the Ballona Wetlands and framed herself as the official willing to restore order when others said nothing could be done. The conditions for unhoused people were indeed horrific, but Park converts their suffering into an argument for removing them. Her speech never asks whether the people subjected to enforcement became safer.

Her account also strips the conditions she inherited of their context. Park campaigned during the COVID-19 pandemic on visible homelessness that had grown during an emergency when federal health guidance advised cities not to clear encampments unless individual housing was available. The beach ranking she repeatedly cites came from the commercial adventure website Outforia, which combined crime with shark attacks, surf deaths, lightning, pollution and temperature. Venice edged Daytona Beach by one-hundredth of a point.

Ed Ferrer
Park claimed that Inside Safe “housed more than 150 people” around the Venice Bridge Home and that a subsequent 41.18 zone “worked.” The latest published city cohort data combine three CD11 operations with 162 initial placements. Only 69 people were recorded in permanent housing, while 77 returned to homelessness, including people still working with service providers.

Park also collapses two different enforcement regimes into one success story. While the Bridge Home was open, the surrounding area was already covered by a Special Enforcement and Cleaning Zone. When the shelter closed on Park’s watch, the beds and the SECZ disappeared, and people returned to the corridor. Only then did Park establish a new 41.18 zone around Rose Avenue and Hampton Drive. The new zone did not house anyone or prevent the original encampment from returning. It replaced the shelter’s enforcement perimeter without replacing the shelter beds.

In her account of the Ballona Wetlands, Park leaves out the fact that she intervened to stop a funded $2.3 million plan to house and assist people living in RVs along Jefferson Boulevard. She then led a police-backed sweep that scattered most residents into surrounding areas and now cites the damage and cleanup costs as proof that enforcement was necessary. Making her constituents pay police and sanitation crews to threaten people and destroy their belongings does not vindicate the sweep. It shows the financial and human cost of rejecting a housing-based alternative.

22-1326 (CFMS)

Park said that after the city spends time and money on an operation, residents should expect an area to remain “safe, clean and accessible.” Here, Park finally defines success. It is not permanent housing, but territorial exclusion. Once the block is clear, the people removed disappear from the equation.

She also argued that taxpayers have spent billions and “have every right to expect something in return.” But unhoused Angelenos are constituents and taxpayers too. Her framing treats public space as something purchased by housed residents and casts the presence of poor people as a failure to deliver value to the paying customer.

Park called 41.18 zones “protections” against neighborhoods falling back into chaos. Calling 41.18 a protection assumes the conclusion. The law offers no protection to the people ticketed, arrested, displaced, separated from outreach workers or deprived of their property. It protects locations from people, not people from homelessness.

Park also used this debate about removing twelve zones as an opportunity to demand that LA criminalize people in even more places. The conservative Supreme Court’s 2024 Grants Pass decision permits cities to punish people for sleeping outside even when no shelter is available, and Councilmember Park wants LA to adopt “a citywide policy that aligns with what we’re allowed to do under Grants Pass.” She complained that her motions to extend enforcement around critical infrastructure, environmentally sensitive areas and high-fire-severity zones had languished in committee “even after the Grants Pass ruling.”

The repeal leaves hundreds of 41.18 zones in place, including zones inherited by councilmembers who have publicly criticized the criminalization of homelessness. Organizers are now calling on Eunisses Hernandez in Council District 1 and Ysabel Jurado in Council District 14 to remove zones created by their predecessors, Gil Cedillo and Kevin de León. The stakes are particularly high in their districts. CD1 includes MacArthur Park, where many unhoused people live and enforcement is intensifying, while CD14 includes Skid Row, the center of the city’s unhoused community and one of its most heavily policed neighborhoods.

“There’s still a lot more of this law that we need to repeal,” Rehl said. “But we have to start somewhere.” The CD13 vote demonstrated that councilmembers can remove 41.18 zones when organizers force them to confront the gap between what they say and what they actually do in office.

The August 18 vote leaves the machinery of 41.18 largely intact. But organizers forced the city to give back twelve pieces of public space and proved that the criminalization of every remaining zone is a political choice, not an inevitability.

On August 18, the Los Angeles City Council voted 10-3 to repeal twelve enforcement zones established under LA Municipal Code 41.18 in Council District 13. This marks the first time the Council has removed locations from the city’s ever-expanding map of places where Angelenos can be cited or arrest...

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