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NEC declares 102 constituencies for 2026 electionsSouth Sudan’s National Elections Commission has declared 102 geographi...
23/06/2026

NEC declares 102 constituencies for 2026 elections

South Sudan’s National Elections Commission has declared 102 geographical constituencies for the December 2026 general elections.

In a statement signed by NEC Chairperson Prof. Abednego Akok Kacuol, the commission said it will use the 2010 general election constituencies after parties to the peace agreement agreed to delink the elections from a new population census and constitution-making process.

According to the NEC, Central Equatoria will have 14 constituencies, Eastern Equatoria 11, Western Equatoria 8, Jonglei 17 including Greater Pibor, Unity 7 including Ruweng, Upper Nile 12, Lakes 8, Northern Bahr el Ghazal 9, Western Bahr el Ghazal 4, and Warrap 12 including Abyei.

The commission said the decision is in line with the National Elections Act 2012, as amended in 2023.

South Sudan’s general elections are scheduled for December 22, 2026, the country’s first since independence.

Here is the list of 102 geographical constituencies arranged by state and administrative area:

Central Equatoria State — 14

Juba North Constituency No. 1

Juba South Constituency No. 2

Munuki Constituency No. 3

Juba West Constituency No. 4

Juba East Constituency No. 5

Yei Town Constituency No. 6

Yei West Constituency No. 7

Yei South Constituency No. 8

Kajo-Keji West Constituency No. 9

Kajo-Keji Town Constituency No. 10

Terekeka East Constituency No. 11

Terekeka West Constituency No. 12

Morobo Constituency No. 13

Lainya Constituency No. 14

Eastern Equatoria State — 11

Torit Constituency No. 1

Lafon Constituency No. 2

Lopa Constituency No. 3

Kapoeta North Constituency No. 4

Kapoeta East 1 Constituency No. 5

Kapoeta East 2 Constituency No. 6

Kapoeta South Constituency No. 7

Budi Constituency No. 8

Ikotos Constituency No. 9

Magwi Constituency No. 10

Pageri Constituency No. 11

Western Equatoria State — 8

Mundri Town Constituency No. 1

Mvolo Town Constituency No. 2

Maridi Town Constituency No. 3

Ibba Town Constituency No. 4

Yambio Town Constituency No. 5

Nzara Town Constituency No. 6

Ezo Town Constituency No. 7

Tambura Town Constituency No. 8

Jonglei State and Greater Pibor Administrative Area — 17

Jonglei State

Old Fangak Constituency No. 1

Pigi/Khorflus Constituency No. 2

Ayod North Constituency No. 3

Ayod South Constituency No. 4

Akobo North Constituency No. 5

Akobo South Constituency No. 6

Nyirol Constituency No. 7

Uror North Constituency No. 8

Uror South Constituency No. 9

Twic East Constituency No. 10

Duk Constituency No. 11

Bor Athoc Constituency No. 12

Bor South Centre Constituency No. 13

Bor Gok Constituency No. 14

Greater Pibor Administrative Area

Pochalla Constituency No. 15

Pibor West Constituency No. 16

Pibor East Constituency No. 17

Unity State and Ruweng Administrative Area — 7

Unity State

Rubkona Constituency No. 1

Guit Constituency No. 2

Mayendit Constituency No. 3

Mayom Constituency No. 4

Leer Constituency No. 5

Ruweng Administrative Area

Pariang Constituency No. 6

Abiemnom Constituency No. 7

Upper Nile State — 12

Malakal Ogot Constituency No. 1

South Malakal Panyikang Constituency No. 2

Renk Geiger Constituency No. 3

Maban Constituency No. 4

Nasir-Dingkar Constituency No. 5

Kiechkuon-Mading Constituency No. 6

Kuereng-Ke Constituency No. 7

Malut and Baliet Constituency No. 8

Fashoda and Manyo Constituency No. 9

Maiwut Constituency No. 10

Ulang Constituency No. 11

Longuchuk Constituency No. 12

Lakes State — 8

Cueibet Constituency No. 1

Rumbek North Constituency No. 2

Rumbek Centre Constituency No. 3

Wulu Constituency No. 4

Rumbek East Constituency No. 5

Yirol West Constituency No. 6

Yirol East Constituency No. 7

Awerial Constituency No. 8

Northern Bahr el Ghazal State — 9

Gokmachar Constituency No. 1

Korok Constituency No. 2

Abiem East Constituency No. 3

Abiem Centre Constituency No. 4

Abiem West Constituency No. 5

Aweil South Constituency No. 6

Aweil Town Constituency No. 7

Cimel and Gomjuer Constituency No. 8

Ayat and Majak Constituency No. 9

Western Bahr el Ghazal State — 4

Raga Centre Constituency No. 1

Wau South Payam Constituency No. 2

Marial Bai Payam Constituency No. 3

Wau North Payam Constituency No. 4

Warrap State and Abyei Administrative Area — 12

Abyei and Twic Constituency No. 1

Twic Constituency No. 2

Twic Constituency No. 3

Twic Constituency No. 4

Gogrial West Constituency No. 5

Gogrial West Constituency No. 6

Gogrial West and Gogrial East Constituency No. 7

Gogrial East Constituency No. 8

Tonj North Constituency No. 9

Tonj North Constituency No. 10

Tonj East Constituency No. 11

Tonj South Constituency No. 12

 !!!!!Yesterday 13-June-2026, Luac Akok De Yieu Youth Association under the leadership of Eng: Wai Michael Kat paid a co...
14/06/2026

!!!!!

Yesterday 13-June-2026, Luac Akok De Yieu Youth Association under the leadership of Eng: Wai Michael Kat paid a courtesy visit to great leader and elder Hon. Joshua Dau Diu member of council of state.

The Delegates was led by

1: Eng; Wai Michael Kat

2: Mr. Awuol Deng Makuac, the D. Chairman.

3: Mr. Jock Wuor Miyen, The Secretary General.

4: Mr. Chieny Garjang Reng, The Finance Secretary.

5: Mr. Machol Thon Doup, The Secretary for Information.

6: Molana, Guet Hakim Poch, The Secretary for Legal Affairs.

7: Diplomat. Deng Kuol Ajak, Secretary for Extanal Relationship.

8: Mr. Kuany Thon Monywut, The Secretary for Culture Youth and Sports.

9: Ms. Adhieu Atem, The Secretary Gander child and social welfare.

We held an in-depth and productive discussion on youth empowerment and the overall community of affairs. The Honorable reaffirmed his commitment to supporting young people through job creation initiatives and capacity-building programs. Hon, Joshua remains a key pillar and elder in Luac Akok De Yieu community.

"Together, Through Dialogue, Cooperation, and Unity, We Build a Stronger Future For Our Community Luac Akook De Yieu."

OFFICE OF INFORMATION LAYYA-JUBA
Machol Thon Doup.

☝️☝️
✊✊

Source: Luac Akook Yieu Youth

ANNOUNCEMENT: URGENT & IMPORTANT MEETINGTo: All First-Year Students of Luac Akook Yieu Youth Association (Juba)Subject: ...
12/06/2026

ANNOUNCEMENT: URGENT & IMPORTANT MEETING

To: All First-Year Students of Luac Akook Yieu Youth Association (Juba)

Subject: Mandatory and Urgent Meeting for All First Year students

This is an official and urgent notice to all first-year students of Luac Akook Yieu Youth Association currently residing in Juba.

This notice specifically applies to all first years enrolled at:
• University of Juba
• Upper Nile University

We have crucial matters to discuss regarding your academic journey, student welfare, and upcoming association initiatives. Your presence is not just requested; it is required.

Meeting Details
Date: This coming Sunday 14/06/2026
Time: 2:00 p.m. strictly
Venue: Presbyterian Church of South Sudan, Hai Referendum, Juba

Office of Information Secretary
Machol Thon Duop

 !!!!   !!!!THE ALIER GENG COMMUNITY OF MARENG PAYAM  TO CELEBRATE LUAC AKOOK DE YIEU INTER-CLANS PEACE TOURNAMENT CHAMP...
09/06/2026

!!!! !!!!

THE ALIER GENG COMMUNITY OF MARENG PAYAM TO CELEBRATE LUAC AKOOK DE YIEU INTER-CLANS PEACE TOURNAMENT CHAMPIONSHIP ON DATE 13-JUNE-2026:

The Alier Geng organizing committee is happy to announce to the general public that, it will hold the first ever celebration (ceremony) Luac Akook De YIEU inter-clans Peace Tournament. The celebration will be on Saturday 13/06/2026 and it will make several activities Speeches, entertainment and many More.

Come Once Come All!!!!!!

Congratulations to ALIER GENG COMMUNITY 👏👏👏

In 2002, a 19-Yrs-old British garbage Young Man Michael Carrol won £10-million in the lottery and today he's br0ke and w...
09/06/2026

In 2002, a 19-Yrs-old British garbage Young Man Michael Carrol won £10-million in the lottery and today he's br0ke and working as a garbage man again 🥲

After Michael Carroll cashed out the £10-million, he immediately started feeling like Rick Ross and changed his name to The Boss Mickey.

Then he spent all the money on Fast cars, parties, women, friends, and wild spending on anything he felt like doing.

By 2010, he was back working as a garbage man again and has never been rich again till date.

When Michael was recently asked if he regrets going broke after getting rich, he said;
🗣 ”I'll do it all over again. Even if I am given £1-billion today, I'll still blow it all. To me, it's not about money but about having fun and living the dream.”

Money Miss Road... 😄😄😆😆

Meet Ustaz. Monyluak De Thon Lal 🤌John Monyluak is estimated born on 1/1/1986 in Duk Padiet, as a result of migration by...
09/06/2026

Meet Ustaz. Monyluak De Thon Lal 🤌

John Monyluak is estimated born on 1/1/1986 in Duk Padiet, as a result of migration by his father who decided to change the location of staying for time being, but initially he is from Luac of Khorfulus.

Monyluak Thon joined elementary🏫 School in the year 1995 in Canal Jonglei Area located to South of Malakal along Sobat River, Monyluak continues schooling in Arabic language up to class two, but in the year 1996 he was expelled from schooling due to lack of school fee, and was taken to the Village in 1996 the same year by his father, where he went and continue in English language in the year 1996,1997 and 1998 under the guidance of his maternal Uncle Ngor Anyoup Tingpiny and his sister Nyanayul Mirial Lal , from there he managed to transform himself from Arabic pupil into English.

In 1998 he was taken to Khorfulus where he continues class two and scores number two. Later on they went back to Village where he completed class three and was trained as a community health worker in 2001 by late Monyluk Chol and medair organization, he was assigned by Monyluk as general Secretary that used to distribute medicines to payai, Thordiak and Malualajak, and continued treating wounded and all patients.

2001 he also joined Bible School where he graduated in 2004 with a diploma for three years in theology. In 2004 the same year he made his way to malakal where he decided to join his academic journey again in primary school in class 7, later on he was immediately promoted to class eight in 2005 where he passed an average of 166 out of 230 by then and later on promoted to Ayod secondary school from 2006_2008 he passed senior three and got admitted at Upper Nile University in the faculty of Education in the department of Geography and History from 2009_2014.

After bachelor Degree he was admitted by the Chinese scholarship council to study comparative education program at Zhejiang Normal University in China, at Jinhua city located to South east China in 2017 and obtained master Degree in 2019 two years program.

WORK EXPERIENCE:

John Monyluak served in various governmental institutions starting from 2008 to 2009 as a primary school teacher in Khorfulus and a head teacher for wunlem Payam. He also served as a court clerk in Malakal court of Appeal from 2010 to 2016. John served as Assistant Director for policy Research and Parliamentary studies 2022 at Center for democratic governance.

The President of the Republic of South Sudan 🇸🇸H.E. Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit is expected to visit Awiel Town anytime fro...
09/06/2026

The President of the Republic of South Sudan 🇸🇸H.E. Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit is expected to visit Awiel Town anytime from now... 🤌🤌🤌🤌

FIGHTING OVER HISTORY: THE CASE OF BATUKE IMENDA AND KELVIN NDILA Hey folks, In the last few days, I shared with you som...
08/06/2026

FIGHTING OVER HISTORY: THE CASE OF BATUKE IMENDA AND KELVIN NDILA

Hey folks,

In the last few days, I shared with you some footage from my first book launch graced by Zambia’s first president, the late Dr Kenneth Kaunda on September 3, 2009. The book is about the life story of Zambia’s third president, Levy Patrick Mwanawasa, SC.

This book was edited by a renowned academic, Professor Fackson Banda, who moved a vote of thanks to Dr Kaunda’s launch speech. In moving his vote of thanks, Professor Banda challenged or called upon all those with “the gift and skill to capture stories” to emulate my example by writing books or stories. He further challenged all those who had served the nation in various positions to avail themselves to such gifted and skilled authors in order for their stories to be recorded regardless of how such “stories implicated others” because what mattered most was the regeneration of history.

“Many countries fight over history and it’s high time we began to historicize our own history, to construct our own history for in the end, history is of our own making,” Professor Banda said. “And that is how the future battles will be fought; on the frontier of history.”

It is with this background in mind that I wish to buttress Professor Banda’s counsel and agree that indeed, countries, and individuals alike, do fight over history hence the need for the generators of such history to document and preserve their accurate accounts. If they don’t, chancers will tell their own history to suit their narratives.

Here is a practical example. It is said that success has many parents while failure is an orphan. Now that the United Party for National Development (UPND) is the ruling party, naturally a number of people may wish to be identified for the various roles they may have played from the formation of the party to the various struggles until the party formed government in 2021.

Recently, there has been an argument, in public domain, between the party secretary general, Hon. Batuke Imenda, and a UPND founding member Mr Kelvin Ndila. The argument appears to be about who the “real” founder member of the UPND is.

The purpose of my writing, however, is not to correctly answer this question. It is to advance Professor Banda’s assertion that we should, as a people, endeavor to write our own history; to construct our own history, to historicise our own history and thereby forestall any future fights about it.

Here below, I will present various versions on how UPND was born. My own version was extracted from the UPND founding president, Anderson Mazoka, when I interviewed him in April 2004.
*****

FIRST: Hon. Batuke Imenda’s Version:

“That question has been coming: who is Batuke Imenda? Who is Batuke Imenda? Like Mr Moono was giving you a hint, Batuke Imenda joined UPND before it was called UPND. That’s when Batuke Imenda joined UPND.

One day in 1998, I was walking in [Lusaka’s] Cairo Road. At a place called Woodgate Motors, I met a friend of mine called Charles Moono Munansangu. We were about the four of us. Munsangu said to me: ‘Imenda, we have seen what MMD is able to do. We are not happy. The best way to serve this country is by forming a new party.’

When Moono Munansangu said those words, it was at a time when MMD was controlling almost 99 percent of this country. I thought he was doing chimbuya (traditional cousinship). [He said] if you look at the ideals of the MMD and what is going on now, we are going in two separate directions. So before everything go bad, let us do something.

I thought he was joking and we said bye to each other. And then one week later, he invites me at Villa Elizabetha (in Lusaka) and said, ‘the meeting is on this evening at my house.’ We went there. Among the people that are still alive today is that lady, mum, that you see there, Loveness, that ka small Tonga boy … Maambo, the late Chilomo and many more others that you may not know. That’s how we started it in Villa.

It is a long story. But to cut the long story short, we invited a lot of people including [Ng’andu] Magande, ba Nabulyato, ba Inonge Wina, ba Gwendoline Konie; they all refused.

We finally said, ‘these people are refusing.’ A gentleman called Aluya had a friend who was the Chief Executive Officer for Anglo America. He said, ‘can you go and see that man. He is a friend of mine, brilliant! He is going to do something.’

So we went to Anglo American Building there, 7th floor. We found a secretary called Mundia and asked her if she could allow us to see the boss. She was kind enough to usher us in. As soon as we told [Anderson] Mazoka that we need to see him and that we want him to head our party, Mazoka stood from his seat. He hugged all of us immediately. Then he said: “Yes I am ready. For Zambia I am ready to do anything.”

Look at his office! So nice! Expensive office! Chief Executive Officer for a private company agreeing to head us. Mazoka did not look back. I was doing some business … not business but work in the UK. And when I went to say bye to Honourable Mazoka, he told me: ‘Go and form a branch in Europe.’

I went back to UK and formed a branch. After forming a branch in UK, our first chairman in UK, including Europe; the entire Europe, was Musonda Kandeta, the owner of this Cavendesh University. When you see that man, those are the founder members of the UPND. He really worked very hard. He got shares in Cavendesh University London through his good relationship with Mazoka. So today you are seeing Cavendesh University here; those are Mazoka’s ideas.

So, when finally we participated in elections I was one of the first members of parliament in 2001 together with people like Jack Mwiimbu. We started on the same day with Jack Mwiimbu in Parliament in 2001. My first position in UPND was chairman, transport and works. So, to cut the long story short, when people say ‘who is Imenda I am sure you can fill the answers yourselves.’ When people sit out there and talk, ‘no, these have just come to join us,’ my nature is not to argue with people. I keep quiet because at the correct time, the answers will come.”

****

SECOND: Mr Kelvin Ndila’s rebutal

Excuse me, UPND members, followers etc,
What Batuke Imenda is saying is not true at all. The truth is that in 1997, Casiano Nzala and myself lost our jobs from the Special Division (OP [Office of the President] ) due to political interference from a gentleman called Evaristo Mutale (Private Secretary to President Frederick Chiluba) who accused us of being UNIP sympathizers. Mutale was at the time a powerful Private Secretary to the late FTJ. Chiluba. He therefore influenced the Service [OP] to have us dismissed.

In the meantime, I used to reside in Madras Kamwala, and my third door neighbour was Mr. Hamududu who at the time was working for the Judiciary at the High Court of Zambia.
Mr Hamududu's wife , a cousin to an elder sister who lived in Luanshya who was a close friend to Mrs Mazoka.

Coincidentally, Mr Mazoka used to visit Mr.Hamududu’s house in particular to seek advice from Hamududu on how he could retrieve his motor vehicle which was at the time confiscated by officials from State House and also how Mazoka could deal with the position of his BAULENI WARD TREASURER he had won but was nullified by the MMD's National Secretary who happened to be Michael Sata at the time.

Hamududu who had known our fate at OP referred Mr. MAZOKA to meet with us for ADVICE.
Hamududu gave Mr. MAZOKA my contact number and he called me to find out when we could meet with him and I suggested to meet him the following day which he agreed and he picked myself and Casiano Nzala from Longacres around 17.00 hrs in his RED SENTRA CAR.
When we arrived at MALENDE, his residence, Mazoka briefed us what had transpired during the Bauleni Ward election, nullification of the election which he had won and the CONFISCATION OF HIS SUZUKI CAR BY STATE HOUSE.

I want to say here that my immediate reaction to Mazoka that evening was from GOD. He spoke to Mazoka using me. I SAID TO MAZOKA (SIR WHY DO YOU WANT TO WASTE YOUR TIME FIGHTING MMD TO BE A TRESURER AT A WARD LEVEL WHEN YOU CAN BE A PRESIDENT OF THIS COUNTRY? AS A CEO OF EASTERN, CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AFRICA ANGLO AMERICAN, WHY NOT FORM YOUR OWN PARTY ? I ASKED HIM).

Mazoka, responded by asking us how we can MAKE HIM ONE. We told him we could do it with our experience in the SERVICE and promised to write a DOCUMENT TO GUIDE HIM ON WHAT STEPS HE MUST TAKE, HOW HE MUST CONDUCT HIMSELF WITH THE PUBLIC, HIS TEAM. IN OTHER WORDS BUILD HIS IMAGE. WE PRE PREPARED THE DOCUMENT WITH Casiano Nzala and Delivered to him at ANGLO AMERICAN office.

A few days later, he called me and said he appreciated the DOCUMENT and gave me a GREEN LIGHT TO BEGIN THE PROCESS.

I shared this news with Casiano, the first person I called was my cousin Themba Muleya who was manager at ZSIC (Zambia State Insurance Corporation) as we wanted to keep the PROJECT WITHIN THE FAMILY FIRST.

I then called Olivetti Malungisa who was a man[ager] at Investrust Bank, then Moono Munansangu a former accountant at UNIP OFFICE. These had been known to me personally for some time. By the way, Mazoka gave me Express ACCESS TO CONTACT AND SEE HIM ANY TIME. So Casiano and myself took Themba Muleya now late, Munansangu late, Olivetti Malungisa TO MEET AND INTRODUCE THEM TO MAZOKA AS PERSONS WE ARE GOING TO EXCUTE THE TASK WITH.

At ANGLO, Mr. Mazoka received us after passing through his secretary and were introduced to Muna Hantuba as his assistant but did not stay in the meeting. After introductions Mazoka proposed that Moono Munansangu who was the oldest in the group leads as chairman of this small group and we must commence our program by bringing in people of substance in our meetings with caution, as premature disclosure might jeopardise our operations.

Later on Themba Muleya brought in Loveness Malambo his aunt. Olivetti brought in Baxton Maambo and Munansangu brought in [Amos] Nakalonga and more people joined in until we felt strong enough to Register the Party.

Several names were suggested in our meetings for the Party to be, like universal and national party etc. Previously, I had read one African magazine which talked about political parties in WEST AFRICA and One Name STUCK WITH ME FOR A LONG TIME.

As several possible names were being floated around my mind was racing, AGAIN GOD USED ME.
In my mind I was saying, UNIP USHERED IN INDEPENDENCE, MMD MULTIPARTISM. The party we are proposing MUST OFFER ZAMBIANS WITH ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT. Then I remembered this political party in West Africa. It was called, (P.N.D.) Party For National DEVELOPMENT. When I suggested this name to my fellow Committee Members, they all ACCEPTED IT. But MUNANSANGU, a former UNIP MEMBER AND ACCOUNTANT SUGGESTED THAT WE ADD (UNITED) so it can be named UPND.

Comrades and friends, this is MY STORY FOR NOW. but I'll react sharply when attemps are made to distort facts and MARGINALISE ME. WAIT FOR MY MY BOOK?



****
THIRD: FROM THE HORSE’S MOUTH, An excerpt from Conversations with Memorable Personalities (Pages 244 – 245): A conversation with Anderson Mazoka in April 2004.


“… I came to Lusaka as managing director and after serving Anglo for all these years, I went
to my boss in 1998 and I said, ‘I want to work for my people.’

Anglo said, ‘No, why do you want to leave? Are you under pressure from your contemporaries?’ I said it was my own choice. They said, ‘If you are under pressure, we are
going to transfer you to another country.’ I said there will be a conflict because I can’t work
for Anglo and at the same time be in politics.

We agreed with my boss and they gave me my terminal benefits. And you know the
formation of UPND. We started meeting here [at his residence in Lusaka East] with some
people. I had spent a lot of time advising MMD. I said, ‘This is not what we fought for to get
rid of Kaunda.’ I said, ‘We need to look after our country.’

I came to a point where MMD was developing thick skin, they didn’t want to listen
to people. So, I said the only way is for me to join in their ranks. I wanted to join MMD
as a party official. But they blocked me when I attempted to stand as treasurer in Bauleni
compound at a ward level. I appealed to them to re-run the election but they refused.

Finally, I sent them a letter that I am resigning from the party and [Michael] Sata was
the first one to take the letter to the newspapers that he had accepted my resignation. In
fact, they would have cornered me if at that point they had reinstated the election and I was elected at the branch level. They would have closed me there and used party rules to control me. But when they decided to accept my resignation, I said hallelujah! Then I met some of my colleagues – John Mulwila, David Matongo, the late Munansangu and Kelvin Ndila was there.

I said, ‘We have to form a party’, so we formed a committee and that committee was to
look for the name of the party and the symbol. They also looked for the slogan and we kept
consulting.

Then rumours started moving so we had to give a dummy name which you guys [The Post]
picked and said, ‘We were going to register such and such a party.’
In the meantime, we got ordinary people like Justin Mweene to register UPND. They
agreed that after 14 days, they would hand over the party to me, which they did. We then
launched the party at Mulungushi Conference Centre and we announced the names of
people in the management committee.

***

From the above, different readers may create their own realities. And there are so many versions out there yet to be documented or discussed. The point to emphasize, nonetheless, is let us learn to document our own history and contribute to the body of knowledge for the benefit of posterity and those who love to research.

Cheers!

Amos Malupenga
Author

Pictures’ captions: Anderson Kambela Mazoka, Mr Kelvin Ndila and Hon. Batuke Imenda

SOUTH SUDANESE STUDENTS’ PROTEST IN OCTOBER, 1974 AGAINST JONLEI CANAL PROJECT IN THEN SOUTHERN SUDAN: In November 1959,...
08/06/2026

SOUTH SUDANESE STUDENTS’ PROTEST IN OCTOBER, 1974 AGAINST JONLEI CANAL PROJECT IN THEN SOUTHERN SUDAN:

In November 1959, Egypt and Sudan signed an agreement for the full utilization of the waters of
the Nile. In 1960, a Permanent Joint Technical Committee was formed with four members from
each country. Sudan’s members were from the Ministry of Irrigation and there was no representative from Southern Sudan. The Technical Committee had several projects on its
drawing board – draining the Machar marshes, a bypass scheme for draining the tributaries west
of the Nile, and the Jonglei Canal. Its other activities included taking the river’s readings,
regulating each dam against actual withdrawal and evaporation.

In February 1974 the Permanent Joint Technical Committee agreed on the project of circumventing the sudd area by digging the Jonglei Canal. There was no one to reassure the South Sudanese that the projects would not negatively affect their water resources. Water from its many rivers and streams is a vital resource in South Sudan beyond the sudd.
The toich (swamp) is the critical component of the grazing cycle for cattle and wildlife in dry season. Through the River Nile, the Dinka and Nuer are able
to combat famines through dependence on milk, grain and fish. The social bias of the people in
favour of cattle is partly a result of these environmental conditions.

In February 1974, Sudan Government Ministers of Irrigation and Agriculture, Yahya Abdel Magid
and Wadie Habashie respectively, came to Juba and met Abel Alier, President of the High Executive Council (Regional Government of Southern Sudan) and a special meeting of the High Executive Council was arranged during which the ministers explained the Jonglei Canal Project Besides Egypt and Sudan’s needs for water, they talked of the socio-economic development of the canal area, diversion of only one-fifth of the sudd water, and generous compensation to citizens whose farms and homes would be affected by the canal totaling 18,000,000 Sudanese pounds.

The cabinet of the Southern Sudan Regional Government led by Abel Alier was informed that
appropriate socio-economic development strategies would be implemented in the Jonglei Canal
area. These included the construction of all-weather roads, navigable canals, cash crop schemes,
clean drinking water and drainage to stop seasonal floods. Besides supporting Egypt and Sudan
with water, the canal was partly intended to support large scale sugarcane growing and processing
in Mongalla, Melut, and Galhak (Jalak) in South Sudan.

When the Jonglei Canal Project was made public in a press release, rumours started circulating in
South Sudan that two million Egyptians were going to settle in the canal area. It was rumoured
that a total of 132,000 Egyptian soldiers, 6000 for each district, would be moved to South Sudan
to guide the canal. This rumour had its base partly in similar military support for canal schemes
by the British and French governments for the Suez Canal and the Americans for the Panama
Canal. It also reflected local understandings of Rai el Misri, the Egyptian camp in Malakal, which
was highly segregated from the local community.

The rumours of a transfer of about 2.5 million
Egyptians to South Sudan to settle were understood as the creation of a state within a state. Egyptian teachers and eleven British engineers who were in South Sudan at that time were mistaken for the Egyptian officers’ corps. Also, the canal was rumoured to drain all of the water, fish and other aquatic life for the benefit of Egypt.

A paper by an anonymous author referring to himself or herself as a “Stout Nationalist” alleged that there should be two canals running parallel as a single canal will increase the speed of the flow of water and drive all the fish to Lake Nasir in Egypt. The intended plan of the canal was also rumoured to make wildlife in South Sudan immigrate to neighboring countries or become extinct due to lack of water.

The tribes along the canal feared being poorly resettled like the people of Wadi Halfa during the construction of the Aswan Dam in 1960. Other allegations include the turning of South Sudan into a desert because evaporation in the sudd region is what brings rain to the area.

There were rumours that Paul Howell, the Chair of the 1952 Jonglei Canal Team had said that the current money earmarked for compensating the Dinka and Nuer for alternative livelihoods was practically nothing. In response to these rumours, school children exploded into massive demonstrations in Juba, Malakal, Bor, Torit, Yambio, Yei and Wau.

On 13th October, five Juba Commercial Students’ representatives – Stephen Gwang, John Juliano Luak, Aluk Akok, Kawach Anei, and Isaac Baby – took a letter to the Minister of Education Philip Obang and to the Deputy Commander of the Sudan Armed Forces Southern Division Andrew Makur Thou, requesting permission to demonstrate against the Jonglei Canal Project.

Andrew Makur asked whether it was going to be a peaceful demonstration and the students’ representatives replied in the affirmative. Andrew Makur Thou then asked Major Kamilo Adong to see to it that the demonstration was peaceful.

On 14th October 1974, students from Buluk Junior Secondary School, Juba Commercial ,Senior Secondary School, Juba Girls Intermediate Secondary School, Addis Ababa Girls
Intermediate School, Juba One Intermediate, and all primary schools in Juba assembled at Juba Commercial Secondary School.

Tartisio Philip Lado was between nine and eleven years old and in primary four at Kator Primary School. He recalled how he actively participated in mobilizing Kator Girls and Boys primary schools for the strike. As they left their schools at 6.30am they
shouted ‘Down, down Jonglei canal, away with Egyptians’; at Buluk slogans such as ‘Down, down
with Jonglei canal, down, down with Egyptian policy’ were written on the walls of school
buildings in both Arabic and English.

From Juba Commercial Senior Secondary School, students walked to Mobil petrol station and then to the High Executive Council. A total of 22 representatives including junior and primary school children were chosen to present the petition to the Council of Ministers. The Minister of Information informed the students’ representatives that the Sudan Socialist Union (SSU), the ruling political party during the reign of President Nimeiri, will brief the students the following day.

According to Stephen Gwang, Secretary General (SG) of Juba Commercial Senior Secondary Students’ Union, students dispersed peacefully in anticipation of the SSU briefing the following day.
The next day, 15th of October 1974, students refused to go to class, saying they were preparing for the meeting at the SSU centre, opposite the present Central Bank of South Sudan, at 5pm. but at 3.30pm the Acting President of the High Executive Council sent a message that the 5pm meeting was cancelled. All the same, by 4.00pm students were on their way to the SSU centre.

When neither Abel Alier nor Hilary Paul Logali came to address them, the students made their own speeches. Nyiker Okoth Awin, then Secretary General of Rumbek Senior Secondary School
Students’ Union, talked against the digging of the Jonglei Canal. He argued that Egypt and Sudan
did not care about the people of South Sudan, only its water, and by allowing the construction of
the canal, the people in the canal area in South Sudan were bound to suffer. All the speeches at the
SSU centre repeated the rumours about the canal; other speakers linked the Nasir area in Upper
Nile with Egypt’s Gamal el Nasser and claimed that Egypt had long plans to take over part of
South Sudan’s soil.

After many speeches, students dispersed in a disorderly manner and vented their anger on vehicles and buildings. Buluk Junior Secondary School students returned towards Buluk shouting loudly, throwing stones at houses, and beat up a teacher called George from Juba One Intermediate
School. Some of the students went into the streets of Juba and caused more destruction of
property and assaulted the police.

Pasquale Teiberius Moilinga was in primary two at Juba One Primary School when the students’ strike took place. He (Pasquale) recalled how he was carried on the shoulders of bigger boys to the
demonstration ground and placed in front to carry placards denouncing the Jonglei Canal. He
recalled how students were warned that an Egyptian could eat up to 20 loaves of bread a day.

In the absence of enough food, they would turn into cannibals. That was the first time the heart that the word kulabantu (Luganda word in Uganda for cannibals). After five years, they were also told, the two million Egyptians settled in the canal area would outnumber the South Sudanese. They were
also reminded of the Egyptian enslavement of South Sudan during the reign of Muhammad Ali
Pasha in the nineteenth century. So, it was resolved that the Jonglei Canal Project be rejected by
the people of South Sudan.

The next day on 16th October 1974 at about 5.30am, the rioting schools were surrounded by police and prison warders. Students were stopped from leaving and nobody was allowed to enter. As
Buluk Junior Secondary school was not fenced, students were able to break through the police and
prison warders’ lines, and they ran towards Juba Commercial Secondary School. When they
reached the Juba Secondary Senior School playground, they were met by many more police and
prison warders. As the students were accompanied by many other civilians, the security forces
were outnumbered.

In the process a fracas broke out and police First Lieutenant shot William Pancol, a second year student of Buluk Intermediate Junior Secondary School. 60 Students took Pancol’s body and marched shouting to Juba Teaching Hospital, then on to Malakia, Atlabara, Yei Park, and the Check Point. The aim was to go with Pancol’s body to the High Executive Council but when they reached the west of University of Juba, the armed forces had hidden in the grass and started shooting in the air. Students and civilians ran in different directions, abandoning the body of Pancol. Another boy was shot by a stray bullet and became the second fatality.

At 12 noon that same day, all the schools were closed indefinitely. The captain and commander of the operation declared a state of emergency and a curfew from 6.00pm to 6.00am. Albino Mungu, a
contractor of the Ministry of Education, was asked by the Minister of Communication Ezboni
Mundiri to transport all students back to their homes. By 19th October 1974, all students had left their schools except those who were under police custody.

In Juba, 22 students were detained at Buluk Police station for seven days, and then were released but made to report to Buluk police station once a week for one month. Two days later, on 18th October, there were demonstrations in Torit, Yei, Bor, Malakal and other towns in South Sudan. In Malakal the Regional Government was accused by demonstrators of being an Egyptian stooge, and a Regional Minister sent to calm the situation was booed and taunted.

Martin Marial Takpiny, Vice Principal of Malakal Institute of Education, reported that on 19th October 1975, students of Malakal Senior Secondary School demonstrated and were joined by students of Malakal Institute of Education. They moved towards Dangar Shuffu village, probably to collect students of Jonglei Intermediate Secondary School, where they were dispersed.

Authorities then arrested 41 students, eight of them girls. All schools were closed and a state of emergency and curfew were and state of emergency and curfew was declared.

When Juba students from Yambio returned home, Yambio Junior Secondary School students learned about the Juba strike. They immediately called for a strike. Led by Arabic-language pattern students, they refused to go to class. On 23rd October 1974, at 6.30 am, students marched to town shouting slogans. They broke into the school canteen and took away food. They called on Yambio Girls Primary School and two other primary schools to join them in the demonstrations and classes were interrupted in all schools. The children walked to the Local Government office and made general demonstrations. This prompted the Inspector of Local Government to close all schools in Yambio and Nzara and declare a state of emergency.

The Regional Government of Abel Alier took the students’ demonstrations seriously. According to Stephen Gwang, who was the Secretary General of Juba Commercial Secondary School Students’ Union, students knew the Jonglei Canal’s advantages and disadvantages through their geography teachers.

They knew that the canal was going to benefit Egypt and Sudan as they drove to expand their agricultural sectors. Many South Sudanese politicians took the Regional Government’s silence seriously, knowing that the history of canals had already caused many issues in the contemporary world.

A little known political organization called The African Revolutionary Movement in Sudan wrote a letter to Abel Alier condemning the killing of the two students in Juba and threatened to kill some South Sudanese politicians.

Besides the closure of schools and declaration of states of emergencies, arrests were made in Juba and Malakal: some Members of the Regional Assembly such as Stephen Ciec and Simon Mori were detained until 6th December 1974 when Abel Alier asked Natale Olwak, the Minister of Regional Administration, Police, Prisons and Legal Affairs, to release them. Other detainees were Tarcisio Ahmed and Gabriel Awoth.

According to Tartisio Philip Lado, Clement Mboro, a veteran South Sudanese politician and former Sudan Minister of Interior who served under Sir Khartim Khalifa's unity government, was behind the students’ strike but escaped arrest. Some Members of Parliament went into exile.

Hon.Abel Alier, the President of High Executive Council (HEC) then sent some members of his cabinet to the provinces to explain the history and benefits of the canal. On 19th October 1974, Abel Alier held meetings with religious leaders and a delegate of Women, Youth and Workers groups to explain the genesis of the students’ strikes. He instituted a commission of inquiry led by Sabino Saverio which found the police innocent given that they had no crowd controlling machines – tear gas, water hoses, and so on – but were shooting in the air.

When President Jafaar Nimeri realized that, something was misunderstanding about Jonglei canal national project, he abruptly appointed the National Council for the Development of the Jonglei Canal Area (NCDJCA) charged with “formulating socio-economic development plans for the Jonglei area” a Jonglei Executive organ (JEO) responsible for conducting studies of the effect of the canal, and development projects for the people of the canal zone. No sooner had the JEO begun its task in 1976, the Jonglei canal came under a withering assault from impassioned environmentalists.
...................................End........................................

If we compared the political leadership from 1972 to 2011, what have you learned about Democratic ideals in building social contract with citizens of the country?

In September 2023, I attended training at Or-Tambo Political School of Leadership with some of my comrades in the SPLM where we attained so many lectures about political, economic and social aspects of the country.

Interestingly, Montlante, the former Vice President and later Acting President of South Africa had lectured us about "Challenges of Incumbent Government", in other word, Authority in Power or Ruling.

The former President mentioned some few important things to us including Maladministration, Corruption, Tribalism, Nepotism and Statecapture e.t.c that all led to dysfunctional system of government.

All in all, Democratic Guarantee of Rights of Citizens to question the state of Affairs would help Authority in Power to correct incumbent Challenges.

Gen. Nemieri and Molana Abiel Alier had corrected what was questioned by citizens and in particular students of then SOUTHERN SUDAN where Jonglei Canal Project was stopped and future of today South Sudan was then protected and secured.

Long Live South Sudan

CREDIT:: Mading Chol Chayor

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